Political Movements Research Articles

Rosa Rayside and Domestic Workers in the Fight against War and Fascism

This article explores connections between domestic worker activism and anti-fascism in the United States—two topics that historians have usually considered separately. Through the lens of Black domestic worker and organizer Rosa Rayside, we see the strong links between the two political movements. In 1934, after co-founding the New York Domestic Workers Union (DWU), Rayside attended the World Congress of Women against War and Fascism in Paris. That congress defined fascism broadly, around nationalism, racism, repression of radicals, denial of civil liberties, capitalist and imperialist greed and warmongering, and threats to women. Notably, the congress specifically identified challenging U.S. racism and defending labor rights for domestic workers as part of a global anti-fascist fight. Influenced by this congress, and by communist organizing in Harlem during the Great Depression, Rayside and the DWU drew on anti-fascism ideologically and organizationally in the years that followed. Rayside worked to include domestic workers in labor and social security legislation, testifying before U.S. Congress in 1935 and helping to form the anti-fascist National Negro Congress (NNC) in 1936. Although their immediate legislative achievements were limited, the strategies that Rayside and the DWU pioneered—collaborating with community and political organizations, spearheading legislation, and shaping understandings of Black women’s “triple oppression” based on race, class, and gender—were vital to the Black anti-fascist movement in the United States and shaped gains by domestic workers in later decades.

Türkiye in the Kazakh socio-political thought of the early twentieth century

ABSTRACT The purpose of this study is to investigate Turkish issues in the Kazakh socio-political thought of the early twentieth century. To conduct this study, a set of scientific methods was used, such as general scientific methods of information analysis and synthesis, methods of system analysis and content analysis; specialised methods of historical science – source methods (classification of sources, analysis and comparison, synthesis of information received), historical-system method, comparative-historical method, problematic-chronological method. The main method of the study is the historical-system method, using which a structural and functional analysis of the problem was carried out. The results of this study disclose the specific features of the socio-political life of Kazakhs at the beginning of the twentieth century, provides data on their party movements and the publishing house of national mass media, substantiates the role of Türkiye in the context of Pan-Turkism aspirations of individual political movements and personalities. The materials of this study are of practical value for an in-depth study of the history of Kazakhstan in the twentieth century, history of Pan-Turkism movements, and further research of such scientific issues as the role of intellectuals, public associations, and national Kazakh printed publications in the acquisition of statehood of Kazakhstan.

Hey! Say Ishin: Ōmae Ken’ichi’s and Hashimoto Tōru’s policy entrepreneurship and the neoliberal reorientation of contemporary Ishin politics

This article reevaluates contemporary Ishin by comparing two policy entrepreneurs – managerialist guru Ōmae Ken’Ichi, and former Osaka governor Hashimoto Tōru. It argues that Ōmae’s and Hashimoto’s policy entrepreneurship put contemporary Ishin on a managerialist and neoliberal trajectory and fashioned it into a policymaking template for anti-establishment political reformers (kaikakuha). Despite using nationalist and anachronistic ’Ishin’ terminology with his Heisei Ishin no Kai (Heisei Restoration) political movement of the early 1990s, Ōmae adapted ideational innovation and coalition building strategies from his experience in McKinsey & Company to diffuse managerialist and neoliberal policy ideas through the broader political system. Some two decades later, Hashimoto’s Ōsaka Ishin (Osaka Restoration) politics reified many of Ōmae’s ideas and practices through a form of ‘technocratic populism’, in which a seemingly incompatible pairing of anti-establishment populism and the reliance on technical ‘experts’ underpins the governing process. Using the ‘policy entrepreneur’ analytical framework’, the first two sections of this article pinpoint the critical juncture where Ōmae inverted Ishin’s state-building logic into an anti-establishment, neoliberal platform. The final section outlines Hashimoto’s personalisation of the executive offices of local government and offers a novel look at populist governance in Japan.

Preparation and implementation of the “Greater Albania” project: historical and geopolitical aspects (1944-1980s)

The Kosovo issue is currently “settled” by the actual functioning of the Republic of Kosovo and by providing it with all the attributes of statehood during the Belgrade-Pristina negotiations (completeness of territory, border, customs, army, independent telecommunications and electricity system, international telephone number, etc.). When studying the Kosovo problem, it is logical to raise the question: why and how it was resolved in this particular way, what were the internal and external factors that ensured the stunning success of the separatist Pristina, which achieved an unprecedented permission for the Albanians, bypassing international and domestic law, for another national self-determination in the form creation of a second state? Often, when talking about the Kosovo confl ict, the hot phase of which occurred in 1998–1999, the main focus is on the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA) and their Western and non-Western patrons. However, no paramilitary unit that is relatively small in number, extremely weak in military training, and has a sabotage and punitive nature, even with external support, is capable of achieving a goal of this level in such a short period of time. It would take decades to prepare for its implementation — and they were at the disposal of Albanian tribal leaders and socially signifi cant fi gures who managed to ensure their interests in this way (the issue was not caring for the Albanian people, only gaining infl uence and extracting specifi c material benefi ts). Albanian organizations of the interwar period (Kosovo Committee, 1918–1925) and the leaders of the bandits, who psychologically and emotionally consolidated the practice of terror against the Serbs of Kosmet, laid a “strong foundation”. However, post-war Albanian emigration played a key role in the Kosovo confl ict of the 1990s. Moreover, Albanian emigration is also not a random phenomenon; it has a consistent development and direct historical continuity from Albanian organizations since the end of the 19th century. The article analyzes the Albanian nationalist organizations created in Kosovo and Metohija at the fi nal stage of the Second World War, as well as the political organizations of the Albanian emigration of the post-war period, identifying the continuity of ideology and practice that laid a solid foundation and created the conditions for the emergence of the Kosovo Liberation Army and political movements that ensured the creation of the Republic of Kosovo.

Islamophobia in Europe and its Global Impact

Europe is the region with the highest incidence of anti-Muslim discrimination worldwide, primarily driven by policy issues, according to the 14th report on Islamophobia by the OIC, which documents Islamophobic attacks and anti-Muslim hatred between December 2020 and January 2022. The influence of European Islamophobia extends globally, contributing to what is known as the globalization of Islamophobia. This trend is significant as it illustrates the spread of anti-Muslim sentiment across the political spectrum on a global scale. This study aims to explore the development and manifestation of Islamophobia in Europe and analyze its impact on the rise of global Islamophobia. Utilizing a qualitative approach, the research was conducted from August 2023 to August 2024, with data gathered through a literature review. The paper argues that Islamophobia in Europe is expanding and manifests through six key indicators: discrimination, hate speech and online hatred, Islamophobic policies, right-wing political movements, verbal and physical attacks, and insults directed at the niqab, hijab, and burqa. Key factors influencing the global spread of Islamophobia include the Great Replacement conspiracy theory, white supremacist manifestos, right-wing parties promoting Islamophobic discourse, and the adoption of Islamophobic policies by other countries.

THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN TAX REVENUES AND DEMOCRACY: AN APPLICATION ON EMERGING AND DEVELOPING COUNTRIES

States collect taxes as one-way revenues based on their sovereign power to provide public goods and services. However, over time, taxes have evolved from being based solely on the pure sovereign power of the states to an authority arising from the power of representation. In this context, the connection between taxation and democracy has become one of the critical discussion topics in the fiscal sociology literature. Since the 13th century, the expeditions guiding economic and political reform movements, coupled with rebellions against non-representative taxation, have played a fundamental role in shaping concepts such as representation and taxation in the evolution of the modern public financial structures. In parallel with the theoretical discussions, a broad empirical literature examining the connection between democracy and taxation has emerged due to attempts to measure the typology of political regimes in a country. Empirical findings indicate a positive relationship between democratization and taxation in advanced economies; however, this connection is ambiguous for emerging and developing countries. This study takes this gap in the literature into account and examines the effects of democratization, urbanization, and institutional quality indicators on tax revenues for 41 emerging and developing countries in the 2000-2018 period with dynamic panel data analysis techniques. Our findings indicate that democratization and the increasing share of urban population in total population have a positive impact on tax revenues in the context of emerging and developing countries.

At War with the Machine: Canadian Workers' Resistance to Taylorism in the Early 20th Century

This essay looks at the ways Frederick Winslow Taylor’s modern theories of scientific management (Taylorism) transformed Canadian workplaces in the early 20th century. In particular, it shows how Taylorism negatively impacted Canadian workers’ lives,and examines the various ways that workers consequently resisted Taylorist methods. The essay argues that although workers were unable to stop the widespread implementation of Taylorism in Canadian workplaces, their resistance to Taylorism still played an important role in unionist and radical political movements that gradually gained important concessions for Canadian workers during the first half of the 20th century. Additionally, the essay argues that resistance was significant as an outlet for workers to retain bodily autonomy in work environments that increasingly aimed to make workers more automated. Ultimately, the essay highlights important ways that the Canadian working classes have exercised agency via solidarity and perseverance.

An apology for utopia: on the return of utopian constructions to the mainstream sociological theorizing

Utopian thought, the aspiration toward idealized conditions, and the progression toward advancement have historically constituted a cornerstone of the modernist ethos. Sociology, as an intellectual offspring of the modern epoch, has inherently engaged with utopian constructs – directing its gaze towards conceivable societal futures. In the current era where global challenges – such as climate change, social inequality, and populist political movements – present complex social problems, the relevance of utopian thinking in sociology is underscored as a tool for envisioning transformative solutions. Nonetheless, contemporary developments within the discipline signal a marked attenuation of utopian fervor. This paper scrutinizes the factors contributing to the diminished enthusiasm for utopian speculations within sociological theory. The decline is largely attributed to a shift towards postmodern paradigms, characterized by skepticism towards grand narratives and a pervasive mid-20th-century critique of utopianism. Despite this, the heuristic value of utopian thinking as a methodological instrument for social analysis remains substantial. The central thesis advocates for a resurgence of utopian thought within sociological inquiry, proposing that its restoration functions as a potent critical apparatus. Amid pressing societal crises, sociological engagement with utopian ideals is not merely an academic exercise but a practical imperative. It empowers the discipline to envision alternative social configurations, articulate social aspirations, and pragmatically approach their realization. Utopian thought can stimulate innovative policy-making, encourage societal engagement, and help construct resilient social systems in the face of adversity. Presently, Russian sociology, reflective of broader global sociological trends, does not proffer a societal ideal, hence it navigates without direction, merely mapping and interpreting the existing social landscape. This trajectory has practical implications, potentially limiting the discipline’s ability to be prescriptive and proactive. Confronted with this reality, Russian sociologists – and the discipline more broadly – are urged to rekindle the utopian imagination as a pivotal component of their intellectual endeavor. In doing so, they may foster a renewed sense of direction and purpose in the discipline of sociology, making it all the more pertinent in addressing the multifaceted complexities of today’s world.

The Evolution of Tariqah in Sufism

In the modern world, tariqah is something that is very much needed by Muslims. Because with tarekat, humans have means and ways to return and recognize the nature of God in depth. In the history of its development, Tarekat not only focuses on Sufism or the teachings of its teachers (Mursyid), but also follows political activities. For example, the Tijaniyah Order is known as a political movement that opposed French colonization in North Africa. This research uses a qualitative method with a historical approach that refers to books, journals, with the concept of library research. The purpose of this tarekat in general is to strengthen the faith of a servant to his Lord. The results show that a tariqah can expand in various parts of Islam in large numbers. Tariqah in Sufism have developed widely. Some of which are such as Qadiriyah, Naqsyabandiyah, and Shadziliyah and others.

Beyond the Shadows: Unveiling the Socio-Political Contribution of Women in Colonial Rajasthan in India

The paper deals in Socio-Political aspects of women in Rajputana region during the freedom struggle especially during the 20th century. The authors have read literature of the period and later one to know about the women of the period. Most literature focused upon the Elite women like the Royal Rajput ladies. So, this paper tries to fill in the gap by shedding light on non-elite women including the tribal women. Firstly, they talk about social conditions in which women had to live like Purdah, Sati, Witchcraft or Dakan etc. Women could go to fairs but their outer mobility was limited. After taking a brief view about social conditions, authors try to understand their role in political movements like in Non-Cooperation and Civil Disobedience Movements, Peasants’ Movements, Social Reform Movements and Prajamandal movements which gives many names like Janaki Devi Bajaj, Ratan Shastri, Anjana Devi Chaudhary etc. Then the paper moves towards Tribal women by briefly discussing their altered social structure which brought them at par with their caste counterparts by diluting their customs and traditions which gave women an upper hand at some places. Their Political participation in Bhil movements and valor of young girls like Kaalibai is also discussed.

The rise of Mali's ‘videomen’ as cybercombatants in global crisis ecologies

Abstract This article examines the geopolitical shifts in Mali following its rejection of western intervention and subsequent partnerships with Russia. Mali is used as a case-study to explore the role of digital connectivity within global crisis ecologies. It challenges the narrative attributing Mali's coup solely to external influences, emphasizing the agency of local actors and new digital practices. Focusing on the role of ‘videomen’ in disseminating the narratives of Yèrèwolo, Mali's foremost anti-French and pro-Russian political movement, it examines how these actors shape public perceptions of Mali's new military leaders and their international partners. Using an assemblage framework to analyse smartphones' affordances, the nuanced dynamics shaping political legitimacy are elucidated, emphasizing the performative nature of authority in the digital age. Drawing on ethnographic fieldwork and quantitative analysis of online content, the article highlights how smartphones empower users like videomen to influence political dynamics amid crisis and geopolitical tensions. By reconstructing past events and reclaiming patriotism, videomen strategically use the political transition to outcompete traditional media professionals. The study underscores the need for understanding how localized dynamics shape broader political developments and international relations, offering insights into similar trends in other west African nations facing military coups and increased Russian involvement.

“Power, control, strain”: Lay perceptions of health inequalities across England's ‘North South divide’

People in the North of England live shorter, less healthy lives than those in the South. Despite the significance of this ‘North South health divide’, regional health inequalities in England are under-researched qualitatively. Existing literature on geographical inequalities in health is largely confined to the neighbourhood level, is quantitative, and consists of very little lay knowledge. The current study is the first to examine lay perspectives of health inequalities on a regional level: exploring how people living in two urban areas of the North and South of England experience and perceive the North South health divide – including its causes and solutions. Using three focus group discussions with a total of 34 participants, and conducting participatory analysis, we identified three key themes: ‘inequalities of power’, ‘lack of control over lived environment’ and ‘communities under strain’. Findings align with existing research on lay perspectives of health inequalities at the neighbourhood level – identifying a network of material-structural and psychosocial factors. Participants across both regions discussed political and economic structures as central to understanding regional health inequalities, supporting calls to adopt a political economy approach in understanding health and place. Deindustrialisation, unemployment, loss of community facilities, and disengagement from politics were more present in Northern narratives than Southern. Findings add important ‘social meaning’ to emerging research on the North South health divide, reinforcing the urgency of public health professionals' recommendations for fair redistribution of power, wealth and resources to reduce regional health inequalities. In the context of government policy which diverges from public health evidence, this study sparks questions of how health inequalities research can intersect with wider social and political movements organising for systemic change.

Compliance and the Second Sex

As women’s participation becomes increasingly visible within far-right movements, the question of agency is often brought up; are women in the far-right agents? Although this question has been explored before, only a limited sect of this literature has analyzed this phenomenon through a feminist theoretical lens. This is notable considering much of women’s participation stems from an initial rejection of feminist values, often citing feminism as being the root cause of their lack of quality of life. Throughout this paper, I will argue that women’s agency in far-right movements can be better explained through the application of Simone de Beauvoir’s theoretical framework. I will situate this argument within a literature review that analyzes the previous understandings of women’s agency within the far-right. Following this, I will additionally present literature on hegemonic masculinity and its relationship to far-right women’s complicity. Furthermore, the strength of using de Beauvoir’s theoretical framework to analyze women of the far right will be asserted through an analysis of the case study of Ayla Stewart, an infamous far-right online influence. This paper ultimately aims to answer the following: How can de Beauvoir’s theoretical framework help better understand the agency of women within far-right political and social movements?

Peran Adam Malik dalam Perkembangan Politik Indonesia pada Awal Kemerdekaan

Adam Malik was a pivotal figure in Indonesia's political history at the dawn of independence. As a journalist, diplomat, and politician, Malik played a key role in significant events that shaped the modern Indonesian state. This article explores Adam Malik's contributions to Indonesia's political development during the early independence period, highlighting his role in international diplomacy, national political movements, and efforts to defend Indonesia's independence from internal and external threats. This research employs a historical approach, examining various primary and secondary sources to provide a comprehensive picture of Adam Malik's influence on Indonesian politics.

Protest and Legislative Behavior in Perilous Times

Abstract A long-standing tradition in the study of social movements documents the multitude of ways protest “matters” for policy and politics. LaGina Gause's book, The Advantage of Disadvantage makes a contribution to this literature. Gause develops a formal theory of the influence of protest on legislative behavior and representation and tests it with data from a range of empirical sources. She finds that protest is most effective for disadvantaged groups. What is admirable here is the attempt to integrate the study of social movements with the study of legislative behavior. But limitations that result from an exclusive reliance on quantitative analysis ultimately weaken the strength of her claims. That said, given the proliferation of protest movements around the world, we need to better understand how movement politics influence legislative politics. This is especially true for the mature democracies of the West where Far Right, nationalist, racist, and fascist movements seek to move from fringe to center by manipulating the institutions of electoral politics to undermine democracy itself. The review article concludes with thoughts on an expanded inquiry into the dynamics of contention of today's rightwing political movements.

Networking ATTAC: the local branch of ATTAC in Argentina

ABSTRACT ATTAC is a network of international twin organizations that opposes the neo-liberal globalization aiming at pledging essential rights for everybody. On this basis, the local branch of ATTAC in Argentina was investigated in order to understand “if” and “how” its interconnections with other political and social movement organizations are helpful in building an effective national political strategy and which could contribute to the pan-American one. The local branch of ATTAC-Quebec was also previously investigated and a South-to-North continuity-line might be traced that connects the two organizations. Participant observation and qualitative network interviews were employed in Argentina. The multiple political membership approach inspired the research while the social network analysis was developed through eight interviews with ATTAC militants. Among others, the militants were asked which other groups and organizations they were simultaneously associated with, and the network available was also qualitatively discussed further. In the fieldwork it was noticed that ATTAC-Argentina does not count so many activists. However, the Argentinean and Canadian militants also suggest that “number doesn’t matter”. In fact, someone noticed that the strength and the political effectiveness of the two organizations is represented by the network available to them. In other words, the data describe ATTAC-Argentina as a group that can count on a solid network of left-wing organizations through the militants’ political grid. This grid combined with the solid network of organizations on the pan-American scale represents an effective political option for the Latin-American branch of ATTAC for the present and the time to come.

Transnational language teaching activism for intercultural/bilingual education in elementary school settings

Language teaching activism is a political movement for educational transformation where the role of teachers and languages, as a medium of instruction and literacy, are fundamental for equity and social justice. This paper analyzes the reflections from elementary school teachers from Austin (Texas, U.S.) and Oaxaca (Mexico) during a collaborative symposium to exchange transnational classroom pedagogies from February to December 2022. Specifically, it analyzes three topics: (a) curriculum critique, (b) instructional strategies, and (c) the impact of standardized high-stakes assessment. Collaboration between educators in this transnational and multiethnic context fostered critical perspectives toward the curriculum, instructional strategies, status of languages, and the assessment processes. Despite bilingual teachers being in different linguistic, educational, and political contexts, there is a common thread evident in this transnational collaboration where educator strengths inform purpose of a social justice curriculum.

‘I can’t believe you said that!’: Social media, democracy and the public good

ABSTRACT Following Elon Musk's acquisition of the Twitter in 2022, the platform has been characterized by an uptick in the trolling and disinformation that are critical tools for illiberal and undemocratic political movements. In The Politics of Small Things, Jeffrey Goldfarb emphasises the importance, not simply of the public sphere, but of the potential and transformative power of the conversations that occur there. Clearly, free speech, as it occurs on social media, may or may not promote democracy. This leads us to what Goldfarb did not predict: that the same technology that helped grassroots movements overthrow authoritarianism would put the politics of small things to the purpose of undemocratic politics. Goldfarb was correct that public conversation leads to action and power. What we all missed, however, was that social media could turn a central tool of democracy, free and fair elections, to bringing about an undemocratic world.

Even More Loyalist than Most: The Round Table Movement in New Zealand, 1910–1923

This article illustrates the extent of the Round Table movement’s influence in New Zealand from 1910 until its decline in the early 1920s. There have been several in-depth analyses of this political movement in Australia, Britain, Canada, and South Africa. In contrast, the Round Table movement in New Zealand has received startlingly little attention. The article highlights that the New Zealand movement became a noteworthy lobby group and recruited some prominent members. However, it also highlights that the movement’s social elitism and internal tensions marred the effectiveness of its outreach.

The Contemporary Epoch of Struggle: Contextualizing Hong Kong’s Umbrella Movement

This article contextualizes Hong Kong’s Umbrella Movement that emerged in the fall of 2014. We argue that first, the Umbrella Movement was not merely about democracy but must be understood in the context of widening inequality and an ongoing housing and wage crisis; second, that it is part of a broader epoch of contention informed by, third, a distinct “rhizomatic movement logic” that is defined by a diversity of actors and struggles, use of social media, leaderless and grassroots mobilizing, distrust of institutional actors. Fueled by shifts in capital accumulation and changes in communication technologies, the currently dominant movement logic is distinct from previous movement politics. Since the Zapatista uprising in Chiapas, Mexico, in 1994, it has informed movements such as Occupy, the Arab Spring, and more recently the Gilets Jaunes as well as the Umbrella Movement. To be sure, we are not claiming that all these struggles are the same. We stress the similarities exhibited by these movements’ “deep grammar,” so to speak, while recognizing that each must be understood in its particularities. We thus specify the context of Hong Kong and provide illustrations of how this logic has impacted the Umbrella Movement’s actors, organizing, and movement-building dynamics.