Ethnic Identity Politics Research Articles

The Arab Ethnic Identity Politics in Indonesia: A Female Representation in Fatat Qarut and Fatimah

The Arab Ethnic Identity Politics in Indonesia: A Female Representation in Fatat Qarut and Fatimah

The Impact of Transactional Politics on Papuan Ethnic Identity Politics in the Dynamics of the 2024 General Election in Manokwari Regency

The objective of this study is to investigate the perspectives of the Papuan ethnic group regarding the dynamics of identity politics in general elections, which frequently encompass aspirations related to identity politics. The term "Papuan ethnicity" refers to an identity within Papuan nationalism, symbolizing the mobilization and unification of Papuans. In the context of elections, the notion of Papuan ethnicity becomes a significant issue for electoral candidates, particularly for those who lack support from their fellow Papuans. Utilizing qualitative research methods and ethnographic approaches, this study explores the impact of transactional politics on the ethnic perspectives and political participation of Papuans during elections. It examines various factors, including the influence of political funding on voter preferences, the mobilization of ethnic groups for political backing, and the dynamics of inter-ethnic interactions within political disputes. The findings of this research aim to provide an in-depth understanding of the patterns of political aspirations in Papua and their implications for the consolidation of democracy in Indonesia.Keywords: identity politics, political aspirations, Papuan ethnicity, general elections

Ethnic diversity and electoral democracy in Sudan before and after the Arab spring

ABSTRACT This study investigates the impact of ethnic diversity on electoral democracy in Sudan, a nation grappling with ethnic, sectarian, and regional identity politics. Using a mixed-method approach, the study employs Time Series analysis from 1990 to 2019, followed by theoretical analysis to explore the relationship between ethnic diversity and electoral democracy. The framework of this study draws from relevant studies on this nexus, incorporating factors such as racial/ethnic voting motivations, corruption, institutional dynamics, conflict, and individual income. The study bridges a gap in the existing literature by providing insights into the mechanisms through which ethnic identities shape democratisation processes in the African region. The findings reveal an influence of ethnic diversity on electoral democracy, as evidenced by factors such as violent conflicts, political institutions, and economic inequality. Additionally, the study delves into contemporary implications of ethnic dynamics on democratic processes, particularly examining the military confrontations between the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) and the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) since April 2023. The practical implications of this study lie in developing effective strategies to mitigate the political repercussions of ethnicity, thereby fostering a peaceful democratic transition. Therefore, the findings may not be readily applicable to other regions or nations with distinct historical, cultural, or geopolitical contexts that might influence the interplay between ethnic diversity and electoral democracy differently.

Linguistic landscape as a tool of identity negotiation: The case of the Nepali ethnic communities in West Bengal

Ethnic identity is dynamic and hence mutable concerning time and place. It is a social construction that involves society and its actors. Ethnic identity as a social construction is not free from the negotiation process. Such negotiations occur through various tools, the linguistic landscape being one of them. Despite the plethora of literature on identity negotiation in a multicultural and multilingual context, the linguistic landscape has not been sufficiently explored, especially considering it a tool in the ethnic identity negotiation process. Thus, how an ethnic community negotiates identity through linguistic landscape has been the major quest of the research. Therefore, the research tries to empirically examine the process of identity negotiation among the Nepali ethnic communities of Siliguri in the Darjeeling district of the state of West Bengal, India. 60 shop signs of the Nepali ethnic communities were photographed, applying the photographic data collection method. Unstructured interviews with each Nepali shop owner (ethnic sign producer) were also conducted. Photographic data were analyzed semiotically, and thematic and narrative analysis methods were adopted to interpret the interview data. In general, a mixed-method approach was used to analyze the data. The findings suggest that ethnic members symbolically ethnicize their shop signs to negotiate identity. The study shows how LL can be a tool of ethnic identity politics in India. The study signifies how ethnic communities assert identity through LL signage and how LL acts as an effective tool for identity negotiation in contemporary multicultural and multilingual Indian society. Also, this study contends that ethnicity is a relevant aspect of contemporary society and a political resource to ethnic communities.

Syncretic Narratives: Ethnic Diversity and Identity Politics in Post-Colonial Malaysia

The account of post-colonial Malaysia is indeed an intricate one, the relationship between the ethnic bunch and identity politics is both dynamic and complicated, creating a syncretic narrative with nuanced understanding of human culture. Delving into the many layers of Malaysia's socio-political landscape to examine the subtle linkages between ethnicity, culture, and power relations. A mosaic of nationalities, each adding to the rich fabric of the country's cultural past. Malaysia is an amalgamation of many customs, dialects, and beliefs, ranging from the Indigenous Orang Asli to the Malay majority, as well as the Chinese diaspora and India. However, underneath the facade of diversity is a crucible of identity politics, where historical grudges and power imbalances collide with current socio-economic realities. The legacy of British Colonialism with its divide and rule strategy, may still be felt in Malaysia's socio-political environment, impacting notions of race and identity today. While attempts to construct a national identity have been made, they frequently collide with notions of ethnic dominance and marginalization, exacerbating tensions and divides within Malaysian society. The quest for a unified national identity is loaded with difficulties, as Malaysia grapples with the complexity of its heterogeneous background while under the constraints of globalization and modernity. Despite the obstructions, there are moments of optimism and resilience as Malaysians traverse the contours of their hybrid identity, gaining strength from the variety that distinguishes their country. Through debate, openness, and a commitment to social justice, Malaysia has the opportunity to break free from identity politics and embrace a more inclusive and equitable future.

Pengaruh Identitas Etnis Politik Terhadap Perilaku Pemilih

This research is entitled The influence of ethnic identity politics in the election of Mayor and Deputy Mayor of Medan 2020. What will be studied in this research is to see the involvement of ethnic identity politics in the election of Mayor and Deputy Mayor of Medan 2020. This research uses political anthropology methods with a functionalist approach where the approach This is built on ethnic lineages which allow for political relations with ethnic groups and organizations. Data collection techniques were carried out using in-depth interview techniques, observation and documentation. Meanwhile, the data analysis technique in this research uses qualitative descriptive data analysis. The technique for determining informants in this research is Purposive Sampling, where the selection of informants is chosen deliberately based on predetermined criteria, namely people who experience and feel directly the influence exerted by candidate pairs using ethnic identity. So the informants in this research were people living in Medan Perjuangan, namely 10 informants, namely 2 people each from the Malay, Javanese, Batak, Acehnese ethnicities, and 2 people from the Chinese ethnicity. The research results show that political ethnic identity does have an influence, but the people of Medan also consider other factors in determining their choices. Full community participation in elections is related to awareness of the importance of community contributions, while the assessment of candidates is not only focused on ethnic identity, but involves performance, vision and mission and leadership behavior. Overall, the results of this study indicate that while political ethnic identity is not an important factor, the people of Medan prefer to understand and evaluate candidates based on performance and leadership criteria.

The shifting identity of the Dayak in Indonesia

This study discusses the shift in ethnic identity politics during local elections in Indonesia, considering the prevalence of ethnicity and its several variants in the local political experience. The findings show that the changing power dynamics in Indonesia prompted the Dayak ethnic group to change their identity-based political features from sporadic, without a sovereign (primordialism) to structurally organized. The reason was to ensure its ethnic power (based on its values, existing ethnic polarization, and the predominance of Islam) is observed by other ethnic groups when making political decisions. Moreover, the development of Dayak customs to solve problems and fight for their interests has led to the survival of the Dayak identity and influenced Indonesian power dynamics. These are contrary to the opinions of several scholars and their supporters that Indonesia has a weak ethnic ideology.

Minangkabau Language and Change in People’s Political Orientation

This article discusses the change in the Minangkabau political orientation from the Dutch colonial era to the present. They pose the Minangkabau language as a political issue in the national interaction. This paper is on how Minangkabau people view their mother tongue as a part of national identity, how they make it as the ammunition for the movement of resentencing to fight against the central government, how Minangkabau people make their mother tongue a part of ethnic identity politics; and how language policy of the Dutch colonial and Republic of Indonesia government influenced the change in Minangkabau political orientation. The analysis proves that language has become inseparable from regional history dynamism and Minangkabau regional-political life. The language attitude of the Minangkabau people in the colonial era showed a high national spirit.

The configuration of ethnic and religious relations towards the 2024 general election: A case study in Medan, Indonesia

After the 2014 presidential election, which Jokowi-Jusuf Kalla won, sentiments based on religion and ethnicity towards Jokowi persisted. The discourse regarding the strengthening of ethnicity and religious politics continues not only at the national level but also at the municipal level during the political transition period. Almost identical to the elections for the Governor held in 2008, 2013, and 2018, the issues that continue to develop in the election for the Governor of North Sumatra cover the same three aspects: religious issues, ethnic identity politics, and local son issues. This study aims to discover ethnic and religious relations in Medan following the 2019 general elections and the configuration of ethnic and religious connections in Medan towards the 2024 general elections. The research method used was quantitative research. The sample of this study was 100 responders chosen randomly by using simple random sampling technique. The data were collected through a close-ended questionnaire distributed offline to responders. It was found that the polarization of inter-ethnic and inter-religious relations in Medan following the 2019 elections and the 2020 Medan mayoral race altered the societal patterns of interaction. Several factors contribute to this, including ending amicable contacts, viewing other races or religions as provocateurs, and establishing political preferences based on ethnic and religious concerns.

Democracy and Devolution as a Strategy for Conflict Resolution, the Political Will as a Determinant: The Case of Sri Lanka

The state is faced with several challenges in recent times. One of the greatest challenges to the state is the growing ethnic competition and conflict between groups. Ethnic consciousness is developed among communities by the elite. This leads to a rise in the demands made to the state. Tackling the varied conflicting interest is a cumbersome task. Ethnic identity politics is a result of elite competition and conflict. The only solution to lasting peace is democracy and devolution. However, democratic techniques to resolve conflicts also require a strong political will that is sincere towards the effort of conflict resolution. Assimilation and integration along with decentralization can give the peace process a fair chance to succeed. This article studies the process of conflict resolution in Sri Lanka since efforts towards devolution of power were made to accommodate demands of the Tamils and establish peace. Democracy and devolution were given a chance in Sri Lanka; however, the lack of a will among the elites on both the sides to garner a solution to the conflict led to its failure. Despite the devolution packages being offered right since the 1950s, the ethnic conflict culminated into military action on the part of the state.

Politik Identitas Etnis Kedang Pada Pemilihan Kepala Daerah Kabupaten Lembata 2017

Abstract: This article examines how political decentralization in the 2017 regional elections has shaped the phenomenon of the use of identity politics that successfully won the SUNDAY pair (Eliaser Yentji Sunur and Thomas Ola Langoday) in the implementation of the 2017 regional elections in Lembata Regency. Local political dynamics that are still influenced by primodial sentiments have become a factor that fertilizes the use of identity politics in local politics. The 2017 elections in Lembata Regency were followed by five pairs of candidates with the victory of the SUNDAY pair in two sub-districts with a total vote of 70%, showing how the issue of identity politics played can increase the votes of candidates for Regent and Vice Regent in the implementation of the elections.
 Purpose: The purpose of this article is to see how the issue of identity politics was formed by SUNDAY pair in gaining support from ethnic kedang in the 2017 regional election.
 Design/Methodology/Approach: This research uses a descriptive qualitative approach by attempting to explain how identity issues were formed and raised as an effort to win the SUNDAY pair. Determination of Informants using snowball technique starting from key informants, Various information that will be obtained from key informants will be used as reference material in determining other informants..
 Findings: The results showed that the victory of the SUNDAY pair was inseparable from its ability to determine the segmentation of voters who were more dominantly interested in various issues of identity politics. Identity issues were used to gain support from the Kedang community located in two sub-districts, namely Omesuri and Buyasuri, displayed in the form of using local languages in various campaign activities and raising the social conditions of the Kedang community through folklore that has grown in the community, thus succeeding in creating a voting power group between the Lamaholot and Kedang ethnicities.
 Originality/Value: This research is more focused on the use of Kedang ethnic identity politics in winning Sunday pairs in the 2017 regional elections
 Keywords: Identity Politics, Kedang, Lembata, Pilkada

The language factor in the politics of ethnic identity among the West Niger Igbo of Nigeria

The West Niger Igbo forms one of the six sub-cultural groups of Igboland. The other five sub-groups include: Northern, Southern, Northeastern, or what Afigbo called Ogu-Ukwu, Southeastern or Cross River, and Riverain. In fact substantial parts of West Niger, Northern, and Southern sub-groups constitute the Riverain sub-group. Although all the six sub-groups have cultural interfaces at their borderlands with neighbouring ethnic groups which often generate multi-cultural identity characteristics, yet in most cases Igbo remains the major spoken language. Under such circumstances there has always been the question of identity definition founded on the three ethno-historical variables of origin, culture, and language. And among the six sub-groups there is nowhere this question of identity definition runs higher than among the West Niger Igbo. This question has often been centred on which among the three variables forms the fundamental basis of identity definition. In other words, what defines a man as an Igbo by ethnic classification? In this paper, we have decided to look into this fundamental question of identity definition among the West Niger Igbo in the midst of denials and counter-denials of Igbo identity by some members of the sub-group. It is expected that the work will go a long way in resolving some fundamental aspects of this intractable controversy. In pursuing this objective, the work adopts historical methodology constructed on diachronic approach within the circles of linguistic and ethnographical sources.

The Limits of Cultural-Economic Explanations of Ethnic Phenomenon: The Case of West Bengal

At the crossroad of seventy-five years of India’s experiment with Democracy, several expressions of ethnic identity politics have bloomed in various parts of the nation. The discontent around the notion of Development being ‘unequal’ and ‘unfair’ to some, demands of separate statehood remain visible with varied strength of organisation. West Bengal was no far from the currents of such demands of smaller states based on the rationale of deprivation on cultural and economic grounds. However, the history of West Bengal depicts that the cosmopolitan development of cultural milieu since 19th Century Bengal Renaissance has been much accommodative and on the contrary on political frontiers Bengal has always unique to stand aside the mainstream politics of nationalism in pre-independence period and in conceiving a provincial government not in political alignment to the political party in the power of the Central Government, that caused major deprivations on economic allocations between the Centre and the State. Therefore, any demand of separate state from West Bengal can be refuted on the essential rationale of cultural cosmopolitanism and economic deprivation of West Bengal by the Central Government. The present paper analyses both these rationale with elaborate reference to scholastic explanations already approached.

Dinamika Politik Identitas Etnis di Aceh (Studi Kasus Terhadap Kemenangan Irwandi-Nova Pada Pilkada 2017)

Political dynamics often occur when the democratic system is in a development that is happening at the present time. The emergence of political dynamics is also quite related to the emergence of identity politics. Where identity politics is the existence of individual awareness to describe a particular identity, based on the form of relations in ethnic and religious identities. In essence, identity politics in Indonesia has a fairly complex characteristic in which there is a culture in the development of democracy. The purpose of this study was to obtain a clear picture of the dynamics of ethnic identity politics in the 2017 Pilkada in Aceh. The theory that is used is the theory of Identity Politics, which means a person's tendency towards certain racial, religious, ethnic, social or cultural identities to form exclusive political alliances. The method used is a purposive descriptive method, this is done by obtaining qualitative data in a simple way so that it seeks to get data from libraries (library research), various sources of writing and academic information, data from reading sources about various rules, politics of various forms. related scientific works. The results obtained are that ethnic identity politics in the 2017 regional head elections in Aceh is still a very crucial issue. In practical politics and used as a strategy that is strong enough in the victory of candidates in order to gain support from the community. By bringing up a fairly thick ethnic identity, the Irawandi-Nova pair succeeded in obtaining victory in the 2017 Pilkada in Aceh province. However, this does not merely forget that the programs presented by the couple are also considered pro to the community so that this is also one of the factors for Irwandi-Nova's victory. So it is not surprising that the number of votes obtained is quite high in that area, namely at 53.5% (56,900 votes) in Aceh Tengah district, 53.2% (41,836 votes) in Bener Meriah district 40.6% (21,675 votes) ) in the district of Gayo Lues. It is hoped that in the future this identity politics issue can be minimized even though the results obtained from the existence of this identity politics issue run as expected, but still it can lead to intolerant conflicts in the community. Keywords: Identity Politics, District Heads Election , Aceh

Towards ethno-political advocacy: Ethiopian journalists’ professional role perceptions in post-EPRDF interregnum

The study aims at investigating the interplay between the ethnic identity politics and journalists’ role perceptions in contemporary Ethiopian media landscape. Professional roles are a key topic in journalism research along with the fundamental elements in defining journalism as a profession because they suggest and provide insights about the environment surrounding the journalists. Based on the analytical model of journalism culture and social identity theory (SIT), the article draws on qualitative interviews of journalists from the perspective of six media channels along with media and communication scholars to argue that the country’s ethno-political context shapes the media environment, which in turn influences how journalists perceive their roles. Accordingly, promoting ethno-centric identity and culture, becoming guardians and advocates for ethnic communities, mainstreaming the regional politics and hegemony, and considering themselves as struggle activators and change agents were found to be the most remarkable institutional role perceptions of journalism in the current Ethiopian media system.

The “Ethnic” Restaurant:Migration, Ethnicity, and Food Authenticity in Shanghai

Based on fieldwork at Xinjiang restaurants in Shanghai, this paper focuses on the social mechanism of the negotiation of food authenticity. Centring on how factors such as capital, ethnicity, and locality play out in defining and contesting the authenticity of “ethnic cuisine,” this research locates the rising Xinjiang food market in a broader context of migration, globalisation, and consumerism, and analyses an array of competing definitions about authenticity among the restaurant management, employees, and customers at the sites of production, presentation, and consumption. The trajectory of Xinjiang restaurants manifests the reproduction and transformation of cultural representations into potential economic value and unveils how conceptualisations of locality and ethnicity take on particular market‐driven forms. The contested claims over authentic Xinjiang food and the creation of authenticity in restaurants echo local people’s imagination about Xinjiang, ethnic identity politics in China and the development of the market economy in relation to migration.

Revisiting Manhattan Music in the Time of COVID-19: Body Politics, Anti-Asian Racism and Negotiation of Ethnic Identity

ABSTRACT The rise in COVID-19 cases has not only generated anxiety and uncertainty but has also caused an upsurge in anti-Asian racism all over the world. The racially motivated attacks have forced us to rethink the concept of migration, integration, and racism in a global context. In this paper, I look back at Meena Alexander’s Manhattan Music and relying on Arjun Appadurai’s critical theory in Fear of Small Numbers: An Essay on the Geography of Anger I investigate the dynamics that go into making the dominant culture hostile towards immigrants and ethnic populations. Drawing a connection between my reading of the novel and the COVID-fueled racism, I debunk the myth of assimilation as a means of integration and attest that race and ethnicity still play crucial role in the politics of power. That is, despite the ethnic protagonists’ negotiation of their subjectivity, their ethnic body will continue to be victims of racial politics and used as scapegoats as long as white supremacy prevails and is considered normative. Revisiting Manhattan Music and rendering the connection between race, ethnicity and racism opens up avenues for critical rethinking and compels us to ever more consider the intersection of ethnic identity and race today in an era of global pandemic that has targeted Asian migrants in and beyond America.

Political stability and its effect on economy: some lessons from Sikkim Himalaya.

The Himalayan state of Sikkim has a unique political culture and social environment that could be replicated. Unlike other north-eastern states of India where ethnic identities have been intensely used for electoral politics and state developmentalism, the collective Sikkimese identity has taken precedence over narrow ethnic identity politics in Sikkim. As a result, the state has evolved as one of the most politically stable and better-governed states in India, resulting in rapid economic growth. This has been made possible by the charismatic quality of its political leadership, and the peoples' collective vision of an inclusive Sikkimese identity.

Budaya Kekerasan dan Konflik Etnisitas di Kalimantan Barat Periode 1966-2000

The background of this research is the high phenomenon of cultural violence in West Kalimantan in the period 1966-2000. The author wants to study the relationship between these phenomena and political events that occurred both at the Indonesian National level and at the regional level in West Kalimantan. The author uses the library method in collecting the necessary data, the data is then processed with the theory of culture and conflict. After conducting research for three months, the author finally concludes that the phenomenon of culture of violence in West Kalimantan stems from practical political interests carried out by ethnic elites to gain power. This phenomenon is also influenced by political events that occur at the national level. On the other hand, the strengthening of identity politics cannot be separated from the role of ethnic institutions. Institutions such as MAD (Majelis Adat Dayak) and MABM (Majelis Adat Budaya Melayu) have created a sense of ethnic pride. Sometimes the pride is excessive and even leads to ethnic militancy (ethnocentrism). Incidentally, these institutions were established before the occurrence of large-scale and massive ethnic riots. Therefore, do not be surprised if it is later associated with ethnic consolidation. Various parties then saw that ethnicity institutions greatly strengthened ethnic identity politics in West Kalimantan

Reckoning Mande: The Politics of Ethnic and Academic Identity in West Africa and Beyond

Reckoning Mande: The Politics of Ethnic and Academic Identity in West Africa and Beyond Joseph Hellweg (bio) Ethnicity: Homogeneity or Multiplicity? The notion of ethnicity has the potential to divide a scholarly community such as ours as much as it has splintered West Africa nation-states. I therefore suggest here that the Mande Studies Association (MANSA), and our journal, Mande Studies, reorient ourselves away from our long-standing, tacit, linguistico-cultural focus to a more geographical one. I do so from my perspective as a researcher who has worked with Manding- and Senufo-speaking dozo hunters in Côte d’Ivoire. I also do so to heed scholarly critiques of the notion of ethnicity in Africa and because I have witnessed the destruction wreaked on Côte d’Ivoire in the name of ethnicity. Considering my colleagues’—and my own— misgivings about the integrity of the concept of “Mande” in Mande Studies, I suggest that changing the names of both MANSA and its journal could reorient our association in productive ways. I propose that we can, as a result, embrace more explicitly the multiple identities that have informed the lives of the people with whom we work. Mande Down in Côte d’Ivoire: The Fall and Rise of Alassane Ouattara Critiques of the notion of ethnicity have featured prominently in African Studies for nearly a century, beginning with Audrey Richard’s (1941) review of [End Page 205] E. E. Evans-Pritchard’s The Nuer and, notably, since Crawford Young’s Politics in Congo (1965), continuing with Johannes Fabian’s Time and the Other (1983), Jean-Loup Amselle and Elikia M’Bokolo’s Au cœur de l’ethnie (1985), Adam Kuper’s Invention of Primitive Society (1988), and Leroy Vail›s (ed.) Creation of Tribalism in Southern Africa (1989). Nonetheless, Akan-speaking, Christian politicians provoked ethnic antagonisms in Côte d’Ivoire in the run-up to the country’s 1995 presidential elections in order to prevent Jula and Muslim candidate Alassane Ouattara from running (Hellweg 2011, 39–45). Ouattara’s opponents portrayed his Mande ethnicity as less than “Ivorian” because of his family’s alleged ties to Jula-speaking populations in Burkina Faso (Cissé 2007, 57–64). This maneuver reflected the emerging ideology of ivoirité or ‘Ivorianess’, a form of nativist nationalism, described below by a biographer of Alassance Ouattara, writing at the time of ivoirité’s heyday in the early 2000s: “Ivorianess” is basically an attempt at fascist ideological conceptualization . . . which leads to separating and stratifying Ivorians into at least two categories: “native or blood Ivorians,” who have all the rights without necessarily the duties that go with them; “circumstantial or impure Ivorians,” having practically no rights, although they bear all the duties linked to their status … [T]his distribution corresponds to no verifiable criteri[a], particularly legal … other than “the long boubou, prayer beads, big beards, peanut sauce, kabatô, etc.,” that characterize northern Ivorians and Muslims. Therefore, origin and religion are the criteria used. (Cissé 2007, 63, my translation)1 This selective marginalization of Muslim, northern-descended populations most benefited the fledgling president, Henri Konan Bédié, who had succeeded Côte d’Ivoire’s founding president and political giant, Félix Houphouët-Boigny, after the latter’s death in 1993. Ivoirité gave Bédié a ready-made political constituency: Ivorian citizens who resented the sizable number of non-Ivorians living in the country—26% of Côte d’Ivoire’s population at the time, most of whom had come from Burkina Faso and Mali to earn a better living on Côte d’Ivoire’s cocoa and coffee plantations and in its cities, ports, and towns. Their presence, in an era of economic downturn for Ivorians, made them easy scapegoats for nationalist resentment (see Dembélé 2002, 126–127, 159–161). In addition to politicians, scholars also championed ivoirité. Two symposia, organized by two different academic associations, even attracted significant media attention: (1) “Ivorianness, or the Spirit of President Henry Konan Bédié’s New Social Contract,” on March 20–23, 1996, organized by the University Research Group for the Propagation of President Henri Konan Bédié’s Political Ideas and Endeavors (CURDIPHE...