Russian Politics Research Articles

End of the Quest: Rising “Russian Civilisation” Concept In Russian Politics

End of the Quest: Rising “Russian Civilisation” Concept In Russian Politics

Value model of political communications of the Russian elite in conflictual and deviant polysubject environment

The article, based on the results of a comprehensive political analysis, substantiates that in the modern socio-political reality, the formation of a multipolar world, the problem of the effectiveness of political communications are closely related to the potential of political and administrative power elites. The communicative qualities of a modern politician are enhanced by value-civilizational and moral parameters, the ability of strategic vision and the ability to maintain civilizational and value discourse in the political and economic system and direct it towards sustainable advanced development of society. This, in turn, involves the analysis and development of parameters for diagnosing the quality of modern Russian political and administrative elites, their moral and professional adequacy and aptitude; so is the actualization and solution of the problem of deviations at the elite level of political power. In order to form a value model of political communications of the Russian elite, it is necessary to comprehensively consider management systems based on specific values (including management of public values), identify and position public values as determinants of socio-political development, develop mechanisms to counteract the value degradation and marginalization of national elites, take into account the propensity of the Russian government to identify internal and external enemies in the previous stages of development, and also to the uncritical borrowing of the models of democracy alien to the Russian cultural and civilizational code, and the image imitation of elite qualities.

Red Army operations 1944: are they appreciated in the historical memory of Russia?

Ten strategic offensives of the Workers’ and Peasants’ Red Army in 1944 (“Stalin’s ten offensives”) led to the liberation of vast territories in the western part of the USSR, the beginning of the cleansing of the “brown plague” of the countries of Eastern, Southeastern and Northern Europe, and the critical weakening of the Wehrmacht itself. Nevertheless, these events have not yet received sufficient attention in the politics of Russia`s historical memory. When referring to the lists of days of military glory, hero cities, cities of military glory, as well as art cinema, it turned out that no more than half of the 10 key operations of 1944 were noted. The focus is on the campaigns of 1943, when the mass liberation of the territories of the USSR began, and 1945 when there was the final surrender of the Third Reich. Russian society perceived 1944 only as an intermediate stage, although eventful, but not so bright. It is also important that in 1944, not only the territories of the RSFSR were already liberated, but the Union`s republics located to the west, which became independent states after the collapse of the USSR. Currently, Western policy, together with the policy of the Kiev regime, is trying to turn the coverage of the Red Army’s liberation role into a purely national agenda of Russia. The article suggests possible solutions to this problem which are the expanding the list of days of military glory due to the landmark dates of 1944 and the establishment of a day of complete liberation from Nazi occupation of each subject of the Russian Federation, as well as close coordination in this area with Belarus and Serbia.

Fantasies of cultural sovereignty and national unity: Russia?s ontological (in)security and its assertion of ?spiritual-moral values??

AbstractDrawing on ontological security studies and Lacanian theory, the article examines the role of ?spiritual-moral values? (SMV) in Russian politics. It argues that SMV have been employed by the Russian political elite to construct an (illusory) sense of ontological security, presented as attainable via the promotion of sovereignty and national unity. Through the analysis of policy documents and Vladimir Putin?s speeches for the period 2012?2023, the article outlines three interlocking narratives: (a) Russian cultural norms are under attack; (b) attacks can be resisted through cultural sovereignty, with SMV playing a crucial role; and (c) the Russian population is united through the same SMV. These narratives (?fantasies? in the Lacanian sense) create promises destined to remain unfulfilled: cultural sovereignty is based on the unrealistic belief that culture can remain unaltered, while existing policies fragment society, causing the ontological insecurity of ethnic and sexual minorities, but also the Russian population more widely.

Поиск российской национальной идеи как фактор современной государственной молодёжной политики

This article is devoted to the analysis of one of the key problems of the strategy of modern Russian state youth policy. This is the problem of sustainable dominance in youth policy of the motives of state charity (systematic investments of budget funds in solving current problems of youth, in general, or of individual groups) over the motives of national-state interest (ensuring the sovereignty and security of the country, solving the problems of its economic development) throughout the post-Soviet era and up to the present day. The long and intensive search for the Russian national idea during this period did not significantly affect the structure of motives for cooperation between the state and its young citizens in issues of upbringing, education, professional guidance and value choice. The author sees the reason that youth policy ideologically developed on its own and the search for a national idea did not fill it with any fundamentally new meanings in specific technology of such searches as political technology. The specificity reveals itself in the fact that the search was aimed at maximizing the improvement of the theoretical doctrine, designed to become a new Russian national idea, at giving it original form and content. At the same time, issues of applying such a theoretical doctrine to solve practical problems of internal Russian social policy and, in particular, state youth policy were excluded from the discussion. Today there is a turn in Russian politics: institutions and practices common to liberal democracies are increasingly filled with a conservative-patriotic meaning. The resumption, in this regard, of the search for the Russian national idea may repeat the fate of previous experiments in this direction. In this case, the motives of youth policy do not form a significant connection with national-state interests and the prospect of bringing it through the efforts of its subjects to some qualitatively new level will once again be postponed indefinitely.

Russian pseudo-conservatism in an international context

AbstractThis paper presents a short analysis of the so-called ‘conservative turn’ in contemporary Russia. This ‘turn’ is examined in the context of the previous development of Russian conservatism, particularly its degradation into imitational bureaucratic conservatism in the second half of the nineteenth century. I argue that this ‘new conservatism’ in contemporary Russian politics reflects this degradation and is, in fact, a pseudo-conservatism which has no conservative core but rather an ad hoc (tactical, pseudo-historical, anti-intellectual) character. I also argue that we need to revise our understanding of contemporary autocracies in light of this phenomenon, which is deeply connected to the worldwide crisis of conservatism.

Images of Russian Pan-Slavists in German Empire of 1880s

The analysis of Russia’s image in Germany at the end of the 19th century is crucial for understanding the dynamics of the relationship between the two countries. This article aims to reconstruct the image of Russian Pan-Slavism in Germany in the 1880s through the examination of four key figures (I. S. Aksakov, M. N. Katkov, N. P. Ignatyev, and M. D. Skobelev) and compare it with reality. The study draws upon a wide range of German and Russian sources, employing qualitative content analysis as the primary method. The findings indicate that German observers — state officials, party politicians, and publicists — generally accurately assessed the views of those Russian actors labeled as “leaders of PanSlavism.” However, they significantly exaggerated the anti-German orientation of these views and the influence of the “Pan-Slavists” on Russian internal and, primarily, external policy. The “leaders of Pan-Slavism” were attributed much greater influence on Russian politics and society than they actually possessed. Additionally, their thoughts and activities were portrayed as predominantly antiGerman. This situation can be attributed to a lack of information about political decisionmaking in Russia and a preconceived perception of Pan-Slavism primarily as a threat to Germany. Such perceptions contributed to the deterioration of Russian-German relations during the period under consideration.

Об эволюции концептуальных основ этно-национальной политики России

On the eve of the update in 2025 of the “Strategy of State National Policy”, a discussion is unfolding in Russia about the existing and future conceptual foundations of such a policy. This discussion largely determines this article. In it, the author critically analyzes the stereotypical ideas about the national politics of Soviet and post-Soviet times that emerged in the process of this discussion. For example, about stability in the era of L. Brezhnev, a stereotype that does not take into account the rise of two varieties of nationalism in the 1960–1980s; about the “parade of sovereignties in the era of Soviet Perestroika: about multiculturalism as the supposedly official doctrine of Russian politics in the 1990s. The article analyzes the prospects for establishing a new concept of interculturalism in Russia. In this regard, the materials of a sociological study conducted by scientific teams led by the author of this article in 2018 in Rostov-on-Don are presented.

Shifting Narratives of the Alternative for Germany.

This article examines the evolving narratives of the German political party Alternative for Germany (AfD) and its potential as a hybrid threat. Through narrative manipulation, the AfD has demonstrated its ability to influence public discourse and distort reality via disinformation dissemination. The AfD established in 2013 in response to the financial crisis and dissatisfaction with the European Union, has transitioned into a populist party, and along with this change, it has also changed its narrative. This shift was notably evident during the migrant crisis in 2015, showcasing the party's adeptness at evoking fear and animosity among German voters. The AfD's narratives have been for years similar to those of the Russian Federation, which has used almost identical narratives on some topics. The German party is consequently working with Russian politicians to reshape democratic politics within Europe, and the AfD is accordingly acting as a hybrid threat to the entire European Union. The study is based on a discourse analysis of interviews conducted with German experts on the topic as well as a content analysis of selected German media to explore these narrative dynamics and their broader implications.

The essence of conservatism in modern Russian political and journalistic discourse

The article is a study of the nature of conservatism in modern political rhetoric. The author analyzes the key concepts of conservatism, its inherent features, approaches, and the main provisions defining the content of its ideology, as set out in the works of Russian scientists.

Russian Prime Minister Mikhail Mishustin: A Study of a Rank-and-File Actor in an Authoritarian Regime

The article analyses the thinking of the Russian prime minister, Mikhail Mishustin, about the current political regime. The analysis considers his personal policy agenda, which is informed by serving in technocratic positions and his ideological positioning within the Russian political elite, as well as the role of the prime minister in Russian politics. Special attention is dedicated to Mishustin’s perception of the invasion of Ukraine and its impact on Russian politics. Our findings illuminate the role of rank-and-file political actors not only in the context of the Russian non-democratic regime but in personalised autocracies in general.

Shaping Digital Sovereignty in Russia: Actors and Debates

ABSTRACT The paper examines the construction of digital sovereignty ideas in authoritarian regimes, with a focus on Russia. Text mining and content analysis reveal that authoritarian regimes, in the face of new technologies, cannot simply impose a concept in a top-down manner. Instead, a diverse range of actors, including non-state entities, contribute to its formation, with their significance and participation fluctuating over time. In the context of Russia, digital sovereignty is not just a concept, but a tool used in international politics, economic development, and more, often sidelining the actual issues of technology development and their role in Russian politics.

Russian Politics and Response to Globalization

Russian Politics and Response to Globalization

«Ремесло» историка и современная историческая политика

This study aims to construct a comprehensive understanding of the interplay between the social sciences and history, particularly with the prevailing power-state system, ideology, dominant traditions, and societal values. Through an interdisciplinary approach, the research seeks to elucidate the intricate relationship between history and the societal milieu. The dialectical-materialist method serves as the methodological basis of the article. Drawing on numerous examples, the study demonstrates that history, as a science, is largely derived from society, culture, and systems of power. Furthermore, any interpretation of socio-historical processes invariably reflects the multifaceted worldview of the scientist within the socio-economic and politico-cultural context in which they are educated and indoctrinated. Historians constantly navigate between objectivity and bias due to their national-civic, class-ideological, and ethical positions. According to the author, in the context of global conflict with the West and the conduct of special military operations in Ukraine, historical politics in Russia evidently prevails over scientific history. In conclusion, this study serves as a call to critically examine the intersection of history, power, and ideology in shaping collective memory and narratives of the past.

The 19th Century Origins of Russia’s Fixation on Ukraine: Strengthening Global Influence and Securing Domestic Stability

Abstract The present article aims to propose a theoretical framework capable of elucidating the intriguing resilience of the ideas shaping the attitudes of Russian ruling circles and intellectuals toward Ukraine. Offering a perspective that incorporates the latest findings on Russia’s “empire-nation dilemma” into the explanatory model, it delves into the historical context in which the Russian political and intellectual elite’s worldview and self-narratives were shaped – the period spanning from the 1830s to 1917. It reveals the intricate link between their sense of ontological (in-)security in relation to the West and the belief that assimilating Ukraine was pivotal for bolstering external power and ensuring internal stability within the Russian state.

Sergius (Stragorodsky), Archbishop of Finland and Vyborg — features of pastoral service in political and sociocultural contexts

The article is devoted to the analysis of the “Finnish period” of the pastoral service of Sergius (Stragorodsky), future Patriarch of Moscow and All Russia. The period covers the years 1905–1917, during which there was an exacerbation of Russian-Finnish relations. In Finnish historiography, these years are referred to as another period of russification (1908–1917), while in Russian historiography, they are marked by attempts to Finnize and Lutheranize Russian Karelia. Formed in 1892 as the vicariate of the St. Petersburg diocese, the Vyborgand Finnish diocese of the Orthodox Russian Church united the parishes of the Grand Duchy of Finland, to which the Vyborg province (Old Finland) belonged, annexed to the Grand Duchy by Alexander I in 1811. In 1913, the Serdobolsk vicariate was established in the diocese for Karelian parishes. Archbishop Sergius was tasked with countering “pan-Finnish propaganda” in Karelia and defending the interests of the Russian Church in the Grand Duchy, the vast majority of whose population adhered to Lutheranism. The Karelians inhabited the eastern part of the Grand Duchy of Finland, Olonets and Belomorsk Karelia. Through joint efforts of church and provincial authorities in these regions, the process of Lutheranization of Karelians directed by Finnish nationalists was stopped. However, Archbishop Sergius policy in the Grand Duchy caused rejection from local elites and church figures. Relations with Russian politicians were also complicated for the Archbishop of Finland. This was largely due to the exacerbation of Finnish and Karelian issues. The article analyzes the political and socio-cultural contexts of the pastoral service of Archbishop Sergius, emphasizes important facts of his biography that help understand the logic of his decisions, presents preliminary conclusions based on a review of the modern historiography of the issue, which has not received sufficient attention from Russian researchers to date.

The Russian approach to peacekeeping

Abstract Peacekeeping is a central element of Russian foreign policy. The country has been deploying peacekeeping troops under highly controversial circumstances for more than three decades. A major power and a permanent member of the United Nations Security Council, Russia obviously plays an important role in defining the standards by which peacekeeping is and may be done. When Russian troops invaded Ukraine in an unprovoked aggression on 24 February 2022, Russian politicians initially referred to them as ‘peacekeeping troops’. This led UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres to declare his concern about ‘the perversion of the concept of peacekeeping’. This article offers a discussion of the Russian approach to peacekeeping as this has been and is being expressed in both recent conceptual thinking and implementation. Relying on a large pool of Russian policy documents and scholarly works, the article finds that Russia is likely to execute more operations with a lowered threshold for intervention and under conditions of greater flexibility. It is a more pragmatic approach. Operations will increasingly be designed comprehensively across the physical, cyber and cognitive domains and will include the use of private military companies. This will almost inevitably bring Russian interests to clash even more with the interests of western states.

VALUE POLICY AND HUMAN RIGHTS: EXPERIENCE OF POLITICAL AND PHILOSOPHICAL ANALYSIS

In the proposed publication, the author, using philosophical reflection, the dialectical method, the discursive approach, the formal legal method, political and legal comparative studies, analytical and descriptive techniques, comprehends the doctrinal and factual relationship of the value-oriented course with human rights within the framework of the current state of Russian domestic political systems. The political and legal structure of human rights in the Russian political field is outlined, the philosophical foundations underlying the doctrine of human rights are revealed, the limits and possibilities of spiritual reception of the idea of human rights in a non-European society are determined, the metaphysical and axiological basis of value-oriented Russian politics as a consistent implementation of the metaphilosophical idea of patriotism is revealed, an intellectual synthesis of the doctrine of human rights with value narratives is carried out. A clear connection between the institution of human rights and the directions of political thought and political practices that defend or pursue the idea of gradually reducing state interference in the private lives of individuals and the functioning of social entities within civil society is affirmed. It is suggested that the further development of a value-oriented course in the Russian Federation will inevitably raise the question of replacing the bourgeois-individualistic approach to the institution of human rights with a moral approach, where freedoms and warrants are orchestrated by the spiritual carcass of Russian civilization. The necessity of revising the approaches used in political and legal theory to defining leading state powers by replacing them with a definition of the state through the perspective of sovereign power, which can deviate from normally operating formulas of law in extraordinary situations, is substantiated. In conclusion, an inference is drawn that value policy sets the moral focus of interpretation, comprehension and approaches to the implementation of constitutionally enshrined rights and freedoms of man and citizen, and acts as a kind of explication of existing normative legal institutions of a general order.

Alicja Curanović. The Sense of Mission in Russian Foreign Policy: Destined for Greatness! London: Routledge & CRC Press, 248 p

Alicja Curanović’s 2021 book The Sense of Mission in Russian Foreign Policy is an important contribution to the study of Russian politics and foreign policy, and since the 2022 full-scale invasion of Ukraine by Moscow, its importance has only increased. The ultimate failure of “structural” and rational-choice models to account for Russia’s behavior has only reemphasized the importance of approaches that open the “black box” of domestic politics and examine the long-term cultural and identitary patterns which both shape and help legitimize the decision-making in an authoritarian polity relying on pronounced anti-Western discourse and “siege mentality.”

Потенциал применения институционализма в качестве теоретической основы государственного управления

State management of the socio-economic development of Russian society is carried out in the context of unprecedented anti-Russian sanctions, which necessitates a rethinking of approaches to economic analysis, which is the theoretical basis for the development of long-term forecasts of socio-economic development and socio-economic policy of the state. In the process of economic analysis in the emerging conditions of public administration, along with economic ones, it is necessary to take into account other significant social phenomena and processes, including the political and legal systems, social values immanent in Russian society, which is possible through the application of institutional economic theory based on an interdisciplinary approach to economic analysis. However, firstly, the founders of institutionalism are American scientists who analyze the American political and legal system and the culture of the American people, which excludes the direct use of institutionalism for the analysis of Russian political and legal reality and, secondly, to date, institutionalism has not been incorporated into a unified economic theory. formed. Based on the fact that institutionalism is recognized as a promising direction in the development of economic theory, the article points out the need for its adaptation to the socio-economic conditions of the development of Russian society, for which, first of all, it is necessary to develop common approaches to the definition of such basic concepts used in Russian institutionalism, as "institutional structure", "institutional environment". The analysis of the approaches of American and Russian scientists to the definition of the concept of the analyzed terms is carried out, on the basis of which, taking into account the Russian political and legal system, the author's definitions of the concept of "institutional structure" and "institutional environment" are proposed. The conclusion is substantiated that the use of these concepts in the proposed interpretation in the course of institutional analysis corresponds to an interdisciplinary approach to economic analysis, immanent institutionalism, is aimed at establishing institutionalism as a unified economic theory adapted to the realities of Russian society, capable of acting as a theoretical basis for effective public administration.