Identity Politics Research Articles

The Chartist Press and the Emergence of a Plebeian Public Sphere: Doubleday's The Political Pilgrim's Progress and O'Brien's The Rise, Progress and Phases of Human Slavery

abstract: The early nineteenth-century radical press sparked an era of print culture that challenged the political economy of liberalism and created a counter-cultural, plebeian public sphere. The post-Napoleonic Wars economic crisis, the anti-New Poor Law movement, and the War of the Unstamped shaped an alternative anti-capitalist political economy and literature defined by working-class political identity and activism. This study examines working-class political economy popularized in the radical press, how it created a counter public sphere antithetical to liberalism, and how it conceptualized a society based on social, economic, and political equality. Featured texts include Thomas Doubleday's The Political Pilgrim's Progress in relation to the political-economy theories popularized by James Bronterre O'Brien in The Rise, Progress, and Phases of Human Slavery .

Explaining Political Differences in Attitudes to Vaccines in France: Partisan Cues, Disenchantment with Politics, and Political Sophistication

Context: The role of political identities in determining attitudes to vaccines has attracted a lot of attention in the last decade. Explanations have tended to focus on the influence of party representatives on their sympathizers (partisan cues). Methods: Four representative samples of the French adult population completed online questionnaires between July 2021 and May 2022 (N = 9,177). Bivariate and multivariate analyses were performed to test whether partisan differences in attitudes to vaccines are best explained by partisan cues or by parties’ differences in propensity to attract people who distrust the actors involved in vaccination policies. Findings: People who feel close to parties on the far left, parties on the far right, and green parties are more vaccine hesitant. The authors found a small effect of partisan cues and a much stronger effect of trust. More importantly, they show that the more politically sophisticated are less vaccine hesitant and that the nonpartisan are the biggest and most vaccine hesitant group. Conclusions: The literature on vaccine attitudes has focused on the case of the United States, but turning attention toward countries where disenchantment with politics is more marked helps researchers better understand the different ways trust, partisanship, and political sophistication can affect attitudes to vaccines.

The Politics of Identity Markers: A Critical Discourse Analysis of Pakistani English Newspapers

This study looked at how politicians come about with their political identities using identity markers to communicate their ideology(s) and ideas in political discourse. This study attempted to examine such identifying markers employed by Imran Khan (PTI), Fazal-ur-Rehman (JUI-F), Nawaz Sharif (PML-N), and Bilawal Bhutto (PPP) in Dawn and The Express Tribune news between 2018 and 2023. Data was obtained from the sites of a number of newspapers using a qualitative research method, using Fairclough's 3D model. Important markers of identification were phrases such as youth, corruption, accountability, and Naya Pakistan (new Pakistan), as well as cultural symbols, like flags and turbans. The ongoing use of pronouns, metaphors, and authoritative language by politicians helped to make societal topics such as power dynamics, corruption, and development lively. It is found that Fairclough's approach to the analysis of political identity markers can be put to good use.

Are local Climate Assemblies politically representative of the macro-public they represent, and does this matter?

Abstract Using the results of a follow-up survey circulated to the participants of the Herefordshire Citizens Climate Assembly (HCCA), I compare their stated political identity with the political makeup of the county of Herefordshire (the macro public from which they were drawn) using probability testing based on a hypergeometric distribution. I also assess recent recruitment data for three other climate-themed deliberative citizens panels, to determine whether political party allegiance affects volunteer rate. 

I conclude that there were significantly fewer Conservative voters than would have been needed for the HCCA to be politically representative of the wider population from which its members were drawn. This is mirrored in the recruitment data for the three more recent climate-themed deliberative citizens panels, where Conservative voters systematically ‘under-volunteered’ to take part compared to supporters of left-leaning parties. 

I consider the potential reasons for this disparity in representation between participants of differing political identities, and make recommendations relating to recruitment for future assemblies.

A negative Asian American theater: Young Jean Lee’s Straight White Men and the aesthetics of “Asianness” on the stage of the new millennium

ABSTRACT This article examines an aesthetic of Asian American theater in the new millennium, focusing on Young Jean Lee’s Straight White Men (2014) as an identity politics play that counterintuitively remaps the predominant understanding of a race critique. Lee’s play emerges in a context in which Asian American theater has gradually de-emphasized racial identity to deconstruct essentialism. Meanwhile, amid the resurgence of post-racialism, some argue for sidelining race issues in discussions, considering it a resolved issue due to certain achievements by non-whites. As a result, race may appear muted in and around Asian American theater. This article’s analysis suggests that Straight White Men complicates this trend in Asian American theater by shifting focus from Asian characters to explore how individuals, particularly a white middle-class male protagonist, grapple with identity categories. Drawing on the methodology of negative epistemology, the article contends that Lee’s critical consciousness in the play introduces a concept of negativity, framing individuals through negation rather than affirmation, thus revealing the ideological environment that fosters “Otherness.” By interpreting Lee’s unique dramaturgy through a lens of negativity, this article offers her aesthetic as a strategic tool for Asian American playwrights and marginalized individuals to confront post-racial challenges and to find inspiration in representing identity in the new millennium.

From imagination to activism: Cognitive alternatives motivate commitment to activism through identification with social movements and collective efficacy.

Having a vision and being able to imagine socially and ecologically just alternatives can motivate people for societal transformation. However, which psychological processes drive this link between the mental accessibility of societal alternatives and collective action? We hypothesized that collective efficacy beliefs and politicized identification form two pathways mediating the effects of cognitive alternatives on high-cost activist behaviour. Two studies and a pooled analysis tested these hypotheses longitudinally. Data were collected in two field settings: a climate camp and an online conference on socio-ecological visions. In line with our assumptions, and across three of the four analysed timeframes, latent change score modelling showed that changes in cognitive alternatives predicted changes in collective efficacy beliefs and social movement identification, which in turn, predicted changes in collective action intentions. We found clear evidence for our hypotheses in the short term and mixed evidence in the long term. Additional analyses including participative efficacy showed no relevant effects. We concluded that the ability to envision social change may foster a sense of agency as members of social movements. These processes linking imagination to activism are less about individual efficacy than about realizing the collective possibilities for change and identifying with the groups enacting it.

Schönberg, Trauma, and the Unrepresentable

This examination raises the possibility, that the completion of Schönberg's opera Moses und Aron became impossible in light of antisemitism and the Holocaust, Schönberg’s personal memory of the family’s precipitous flight from Nazi Germany just as Act II was completed, and the murders of those relatives left behind. Did Schönberg suffer from a resulting form of writer’s block, in whicha hopeful conclusion to Act III of the opera could no longer be envisioned? Extant text sketches for Act III suggest a grim post-traumatic reaction, and preoccupation with a militant version of Zionism. To understand these factors, we must first examine the vicissitudes of Schönberg’s cultural and political identifications over many years.

Can Translation Alter Political Persona? The Case of the Rhetorical Repertoire of Obama and Trump Translated From English to Indonesian

As rhetoric in political speeches represents a particular persona that political figures strive to cultivate, that rhetoric should project the same image as the original when translated. Therefore, this study aims to explore the shifts in rhetorical strategy categories as seen in the translation of the political speeches of former U.S. Presidents Barack Obama and Donald Trump from English to Indonesian, how they affect message correctness, and how they may change the orator's political character. In multiple case studies covering the acceptance and inauguration speeches of both Obama and Trump, some rhetoric maintains their original identities. Moreover, there are five different shifts found in the rhetoric of their speeches: 1.) a shift from rhetoric to non-rhetoric; 2.) a shift from rhetoric to lost or deleted rhetoric; 3.) a shift from a particular type of rhetoric strategy to another; 4.) lessening rhetorical power or degree of the same strategy; and 5.) a shift of propositional message. Furthermore, the study reveals that retaining rhetorical categories in the translation results in higher accuracy, whereas any shift has the opposite effect, as it changes the original rhetorical message. As a result, this raises the possibility that a particularly rhetorical-style political identity may change if a large number of alterations occur.

Pengaruh Politik Identitas dalam Kestabilan Ketatanegaraan di Indonesia

Identity politics is a rapidly growing phenomenon in the dynamics of Indonesian politics, where social identities such as religion, ethnicity, and race are used to gain support in elections. This phenomenon has the potential to cause polarization, division, and threats to national unity.This research focuses on analyzing the impact of identity politics on intergroup social relations, as well as how it can threaten national unity and political stability. The research method used is a literature review by analyzing sources such as books, journals, media articles, and regulations related to identity politics. This research also involves interviews with individuals directly involved to understand the impact of identity politics in society. The research results show that excessive identity politics can threaten diversity and exacerbate social tensions. Therefore, it is important to emphasize the values of tolerance and togetherness, and to encourage leaders to focus on vision and ideas rather than group identity.

Political identity as a driver of hunter responses to chronic wasting disease in a post-COVID world

ABSTRACT Chronic wasting disease (CWD) has emerged as a wildlife management challenge. Human dimensions of CWD management are critical because hunters impact disease transmission and influence management viability. We expanded recent research by evaluating how political identity contributed to perceived risk, concern, intended behavior, and management preferences for CWD among deer hunters in North Carolina and South Carolina (n = 1430) during 2022. Political identity was among the most influential predictors of responses to CWD. Compared to moderates and liberals, conservative hunters reported lower risk perceptions, lower concern about risk to themselves and people that they know, greater likelihoods of hunting in an area with detections, and lower acceptances of management actions to limit the spread of CWD. To garner support for management, CWD communications may need to emphasize the necessity of agency intervention or the disease’s low risk toward human health, depending on the political identity of the audience receiving the information.

Let’s keep boys out: promoting exclusion as a means to actualize feminist digital citizenship in China

ABSTRACT Although exclusion is often perceived as antithetical to civil society, many feminist activists advocate for excluding men from their spaces to prevent conflicts and create safer environments. This tension prompts a deeper exploration of exclusion’s role in civic engagement. This study aims to examines the role of exclusion in feminist digital activism through a textual analysis of how members of an online Chinese feminist community promote exclusion. The findings challenge traditional perspectives by suggesting that exclusion can be a crucial tool for feminists to participate in civic life, protect their rights, and assert their agency. This study also reveals that exclusion plays a significant role in the ongoing formation of feminist identity. While the exclusion of men may initially appear to reinforce binary gender norms, it can also serve as a catalyst for exploring and embracing the fluidity of gender and political identity.

Study of U.S. Democratic and Republican Senators' Political Framing Strategies on Abortion Rights Based on Social Identity Theory and Framing Effect

Political framing significantly shapes public opinions and legislative outcomes in the United States, making the understanding of Democratic and Republican senators' strategies concerning abortion rights necessary. This study employs Social Identity Theory and Framing Effect to analyze cognitive and affective language patterns, as well as frequent references to specific word count in senators' speeches, using the Linguistic Inquiry and Word Count (LIWC) program. The findings reveal distinct partisan differences: Democrats frequently emphasize women's rights and personal freedoms, while Republicans focus on morality and the sanctity of unborn life. These divergent framing strategies highlight how party affiliation influences the discourse on this contentious issue. The research, using both qualitative and quantitative approaches, underscores the complexity of political communication and the need for nuanced studies to explore how language reflects and shapes political identities and ideologies.

Social Media and New Femininities: Review of <em>Digital Femininities: The Gendered Construction of Cultural and Political Identities Online</em> by Frankie Rogan, London: Routledge, 2022

Social Media and New Femininities: Review of <em>Digital Femininities: The Gendered Construction of Cultural and Political Identities Online</em> by Frankie Rogan, London: Routledge, 2022

The Role of Education in Shaping National Political Identity

The purpose of this study is to examine the development of national political education in PTKI Bengkulu as a preventive measure against the dangers of identity politics, especially ahead of the 2024 elections. This study aims to identify effective strategies for integrating identity politics discussion into national political education. This qualitative study employed basic data gathering techniques through direct interviews and documentation, as well as secondary data collection from social media, scientific journals, and news websites. Research data were then reduced, classified/classified, and methodological conclusions drawn. This study identifies two primary measures for the development of national political education at PTKI Bengkulu. First, curriculum integration involves incorporating discussion of identity politics into representative topics, particularly through National Political Education (PKN) and Panchasheel, sub-discussion education. This approach enables students to critically analyze identity politics in the context of national values and principles. Second, the organization of academic forums such as seminars, workshops, interactive talk shows, panel discussions, and debates facilitates open dialogue, critical thinking, and awareness of identity politics, fostering deeper understanding among students, educators, and the wider community. In conclusion, this study demonstrates the importance of national political education in mitigating risks associated with identity politics. By integrating identity politics discussions into the curriculum and organizing academic forums, PTKI Bengkulu can play an important role in promoting national unity and resilience. The results of this study provide valuable insights for academics, policymakers, and stakeholders in addressing the challenges posed by identity politics.

Changing Nationalist Styles in Galicia: The Politics of Dual Identity

Abstract In the Spanish region of Galicia, immediately north of Portugal, the Bloque Nacionalista Galego (BNG) has achieved unprecedented electoral success, emerging as a prominent nationalist force within the Spanish political landscape. This study analyzes the discursive and performative repertoires employed by Galician nationalism and explores how the prevalent dual national identity in the region shapes these strategies. Reversing Brubaker’s theoretical framework and using framing and visual analysis, we compare the BNG’s strategies during two different institutional settings: its time in government (2005–2009) and its role leading the opposition (2020–2023). The findings reveal the failure of Galician nationalism to nationalize identity when in power, as policies aimed at promoting Galician identity generated a backlash and, ultimately, produced frame dealignment between the nationalists and the Galician people. The new BNG presents a social project based on the defense of Galician interests and the moderation of the nationalist discourse. It successfully accomplishes frame alignment by adapting to the non-conflictive, dual national identity shared by most Galicians while proposing an inclusive political style.

Preserving reason: a rationalist defense of the ‘Western telos’ in social science and the humanities

I discuss some of the current challenges to the social sciences/humanities and contend that their impact, marked by epistemological confusion and ill-founded accusatory discourse against the basics of open scientific debate and empirical methods, is damaging and undermining rational exchange. There is notable variety across disciplines, but contestation is rife. I affirm the existence and value of a historical Western telos, as a scientific-epistemological ‘project’ driven both by basic curiosity and (material) interests. In the face of some justified but also some grossly overstated accusations of science, especially during the past two decades, I plead for renewal and recalibration of such a telos (be it Western or other) based on the intrinsic value of sound, evidence-based science and non-justificationist critical rationalism, not the least because the proposed alternatives – slighting evidence-based reasoning and advocating the use of personal experience/bias as authoritative, like in ‘identity politics’– hold little promise.

The Druze in the army: a (very) limited entrance ticket to Israeli (Jewish) society

This article explores the complex and often contradictory experiences of the Druze community in Israel, specifically examining how military service has shaped their identity and integration into Israeli society. While military service is typically viewed as a means of achieving social equality and inclusion, the Druze continue to face discrimination despite fulfilling their national obligations. Using semi-structured interviews, this study investigates the implications of the Druze's compulsory conscription, focusing on concepts of reciprocity, convertibility, and identity politics. Findings reveal that while military service reinforces the Israeli identity among Druze youth, it fails to provide the expected access to equal rights and full citizenship, thus perpetuating their marginalized status within an ethno-republican state.

Transitory Imaginaries in Central and Eastern Europe: Reconsidering Constitutional Tradition and Constitutional Transition from Symbolic-Imaginary Perspective

Abstract This paper explores the transitory imaginaries in the semi-permanent constitutional polytransition in the Central and Eastern European region. It is centered on the novel concept of transitory imaginaries. This concept serves as a tool for combined socio-legal, comparative, and semiotic approach to constitutional transitions. The paper demonstrates the deep conceptual and pragmatic links between constitutional transitology, memory politics, and identity politics. It exposes the role of the forms of symbolic-imaginary constitutionalism for shaping and understanding of constitutional transitions and polytransitions. The paper shows the importance of constitutional imagination for collective symbolic-imaginary sublimation of constitutional transition and the bridging role of constitutional imaginaries that are stretched between the constitutional past, the constitutional present, and the constitutional future. In that regard, the paper explores the different ways for imagining the constitutional past and constitutional future and offers an outline of the main imaginaries in serving that purpose. More precisely, the paper analyses nationalist transitory imaginaries, universalist transitory imaginaries, and prospective transitional imaginaries.

Imaginary of Post-National European Constitutionalism: Lessons from Central European Philosophy, Sociology and Jurisprudence

Abstract The article focuses on the paradoxes of constitutional identity and the impact of constitutional sovereignty on post-sovereign European society and politics. It uses post-1989 constitutional and social transformations in Central European countries, the rise of constitutional populism and identitarian politics to argue that the nation state continues to operate through the principle of constitutional sovereignty even in the EU’s post-sovereign constitutional constellation. It thus proves that democratic politics is identity politics even in post-sovereign and post-national politics and the EU’s supranational organisation has to respond to the constitutional and political identity question through its own structures and semantics. The central argument, therefore, revisits classic notions of social and constitutional theory such as the distinctions between community and society, ethnos and demos or authenticity and alienation to outline the persistence of nationalism and its varieties in contemporary constitutional populism in Central Europe. While recognising that the nation state continues to be the only organisation to successfully combine rational efficiency and communal bonds constituted by the national identity, the EU’s response to the challenges of constitutional populism and nationalism needs to enhance its democratic legitimation and constitutionally integrate the imaginaries of European public spheres and demoicracy to promote an anti-explosive alternative to the explosive nationalist imaginaries.

Confucian cultural heritage, political ideology, and variable government performance in contemporary China

ABSTRACT This study explores the factors that affect Chinese political identity. Although the Chinese government claims that maintaining the traditional Confucian political heritage represented by the Great Harmony Society (大同社会) and common prosperity is its main source of political legitimacy, this study found that for the majority of Chinese people, their support for the Chinese government is not based on the government’s Confucian political heritage, but rather on the government’s National Accountability system and national-oriented ideology, For individuals, supporting the state is an unconditional moral requirement, even if the state’s performance is not good, so Chinese people have higher political satisfaction. This ideology encourages the state to restrain freedom of the people in the form of omnipotence, and is also responsible for meeting all the needs of the people. This study suggests that China’s thousands of years of centralized political tradition and the inertia of large government have made the people more accustomed to an omnipotent government. The governance of the Chinese government is also a model of external Confucianism and internal law(外儒内法), with Confucian political heritage as the surface propaganda, but the internal system is centralized.