Ethnic Politics Research Articles

Understanding State Dysfunctionality: The Role of Political Elites in South Sudanese State-crafting and Failure

State crafting, dysfunctionality and failure is an interesting and an emerging area in political studies as well as international affairs. This area has been remotely examined by both African and Western scholars. The paper comprehensively examined state dysfunctionality in the context of state failure of South Sudan. The paper conceptualized state dysfunctionality as inability of the state to perform its functions of service delivery of public goods and particularly, security to its own citizens. While the paper surveyed the role of political elites in understanding state-crafting and failure of South Sudan, empirically, its argues that South Sudanese political elites, particularly, from Sudan Peoples’ Liberation Movement (SPLM) and Sudan People’s Liberation Army (SPLA) known today as South Sudanese People Defense Forces (SSPDF) have contributed to South Sudanese state failure than crafting. This is demonstrated through elites struggle over power, secretive ethnic politics and rewarding rebellions, corruption and resources usurp and protracted conflicts. The paper deployed primary and secondary sources in tapping the understanding of South Sudanese political elites in state-crafting and failure. It combines case study and process tracing methods to contextualize and validate causal chains and empirical casual processes. The study used a sample size of 200 respondents with persuasive and cluster sampling in understanding state dysfunctionality, the role political elites in South Sudanese state-crafting and failure. The findings indicated that political elites from Government of South Sudan and particularly, the party with majority seats in the government, SPLM and military wing, SPLA aka SSPDF have led to South Sudanese state failure. The tribal outfits such as the Jieng Council of Elders (JCE) have had a big hand in South Sudanese state failure. Finally, the paper draws conclusions that reversing South Sudanese state failure requires the political elites, the SPLM to eschew zero-sum power struggle, rent seeking rebellions, secretive ethnic politics, conflicts and corruption. This demands adherence to institutionalism and visionary leadership. The paper recommends further research to SPLM and SPLA elites to reverse state failure and rescue South Sudan from collapse.

“What we ordered”: A multimodal framing analysis of the memetic representation of the Obidient movement in Nigeria

Abstract This study undertakes a multimodal framing analysis of the Obidient movement in Nigeria, with a view to exposing how Internet memes are deployed to advertise Peter Obi, the presidential candidate of the Labour Party (LP) in Nigeria’s 2023 election. Forty memes were purposively sampled from Nigerian WhatsApp platforms and data were analysed qualitatively using aspects of Kress and van Leeuwen (2006. Reading images: The grammar of visual design, 2nd edn. London: Routledge) grammar of visual design and Kuypers (2002. Press bias and politics: How the media frame controversial issues. Westport, CT: Praeger, 2009. Framing analysis. In Kuypers Jim (ed.), Rhetorical criticism: Perspectives in action, 181–204. London: Lexington Books) rhetorical framing analysis. The findings reveal that the meme producers employed contextual variables such as labels, metaphors, visuals, salience and keywords to frame Peter Obi, the Obidient movement and the LP as a valid alternative in the presidential election. The study also shows the deployment of semiotic concepts such as salience, social distance, attitude and framing to positively represent the Obidient movement and Obi. The study concludes that the text producers deploy memes to portray the Obidients and the Labour Party presidential candidate as victims of an incredible electoral process, and that the memes are created to reveal broader socio-cultural realities, especially the predominance of religious and ethnic politics in the Nigerian context.

Adivasi Marginality and the Vicissitudes of Violence in Rejina Marandi’s Becoming Me

Considered the earliest known inhabitants of the Indian sub-continent region, the Adivasis have been marginalized at the fringes of society for centuries. Their secluded and unique lifestyle has been primarily characterized by geospatial isolation and religious-linguistic divisions. Moreover, the withdrawal of these indigenous people from modern paradigms and values made them stand out as the perennial “other” for both the colonial rulers and mainstream Indian society. The issues regarding Adivasi identity and existence are even more complicated and nuanced in Northeast India since the politics of identity and belonging are more intense and layered in this region because of its multi-ethnic structure. The politicization of ethnicity as a means of “resistance” by the ethnic communities has reinforced the “indigenous/outsider” binary in the region, often resulting in widespread and multifaceted violence. However, it is important to note that this violence extends beyond the physical or subjective forms, and includes more subtle and inconspicuous forms of coercion that perpetuate relations of domination and exploitation. In this context, Rejina Marandi’s Becoming Me becomes a significant literary endeavor. As the inaugural fictional work in English by an Adivasi from the Northeast, the novel attempts to ventriloquize the collective Adivasi concerns and experiences specifically in Assam, and Northeast in general. Drawing on various theoretical frameworks, this paper, therefore, intends to analyze the portrayal of Adivasi marginality in Marandi’s novel, and how it produces a continuum of violence, leading to the loss of their identity and dignity.

Understanding State Formation: The Role of Political Parties in South Sudanese State-crafting and Failure

State crafting, failure and, collapse is an interesting area of social science research, which has been remotely examined by comparative political scientists. The paper comprehensively examines the crafting and failure of South Sudanese state. It conceptualizes state, state-crafting, state failure and collapse. It surveys the role of political parties in understanding state-crafting and failure in South Sudan. Empirically, the paper argues that South Sudanese political parties particularly, Sudan People’ Liberation Movement (SPLM) have contributed in South Sudanese failure than crafting and prosperity. This is demonstrated through ethnicization of politics and politicization of ethnicity and through ethnic divisions. Using empirical literature, the paper discusses state crafting, failure and dissects the role of political parties in which SPLM has a big hand in the state failure of South Sudan. In its methodology, the paper deploys primary and secondary sources in tapping the understanding of the role of South Sudanese political parties in state-crafting and failure. Primary data include the use of questionnaires and interviews in comprehending state formation and in particular, the role played by South Sudanese political parties in nascent state-crafting and failure. Secondary sources include the use of literature review in understanding political parties and their role in South Sudanese state failure. The study uses a sample size of 200 respondents with sample types of persuasives and cluster sampling combined. The study also combines case study and process tracing methods to contextualize and validate causal chains and empirical casual processes of South Sudan state formation and role of political parties in state-crafting and failure. The results of the study indicate that SPLM as a main ruling party has a huge contribution in South Sudanese state failure. While other 28 registered political parties are ethnic-based given that because they don’t have national programmes across South Sudan, their contributed to South Sudanese state failure cannot be equated with SPLM. These 28 parties have their presence in the bomas, payams and counties only and have endeavored to promote ethnic divisions and violence in South Sudan. Finally, the paper draws conclusions on the need for civic role of political parties in state-crafting and democratization of South Sudan. The paper recommends future research on the role of SPLM party in reversing state failure and rescuing South Sudan from collapse.

What is shared and what is not: How the Cold War era in northeastern Thailand is remembered on social media

This article investigates memories of the Cold War era in Thailand, through online practices on Facebook pages administered by residents of a borderland province in the Northeast that was a key front line during the conflict. The possibilities for greater access to, and dissemination of, information afforded by digital media technologies have created a new environment for the production of shared knowledge about the past. However, on these pages, instead of converging plural memories, participatory online culture and the use of the language of memory have enabled the creation of distinct and separated memory spaces. This article calls attention in particular to what is silenced and absent in what people are sharing online. It argues that the deep-seated ethnic politics of the Cold War have an afterlife in Thai society—especially in the country's ‘margins’ where the conflict was most violent—that is reflected as much by what is not said as by what is said online.

Democratic Backsliding and Ethnic Politics: The Republican Party in the United States

Views diverge about whether ethnic politics undermines or reinforces democracy. While ethnic politics is typically understood as minority politics, we consider the case of political parties that represent majority rather than minority ethnic groups. Two contextual factors increase the likelihood that a party representing a majority ethnicity will engage in democratic backsliding behavior: population decline that threatens the group’s majority status and close partisan competition. We show that under this combination of conditions, the U.S. Republican Party has been more likely to engage in voter suppression and vote manipulation rather than adapting to the changing demographics of the median voter. Republicans in states where these conditions prevail are more likely to pursue voter suppression; at the national level, Republicans have increasingly pursued a strategy aimed at rolling back longstanding voting rights protections. In elucidating the story of the Republican Party, we also open up comparison to other parties on the Right that have drawn on appeals to “ethnicized” partisanship.

Ethnic Politics, Political Security, and the Selective Application of the Non-Interference Principle within ASEAN

Ethnic Politics, Political Security, and the Selective Application of the Non-Interference Principle within ASEAN

A paradox of ethnic politics? Minority language recognition and political trust in an authoritarian setting

Does a state's increased use of a minority language affect the political attitudes of minorities using that language? To explore the impact of minority language recognition on minority individuals’ political attitudes, we conducted an online survey experiment in Turkey, recruiting citizens of Kurdish origin. Our results point to a recognition paradox. While Kurdish people in Turkey become more satisfied with state services when these services are provided in the Kurdish language, this satisfaction does not increase trust in state institutions. On the other hand, the recognition of the minority language further increases demands for policies regarding that ethnic language.

How to Become a Big Man in Africa: Subalternity, Elites, and Ethnic Politics in Contemporary Nigeria. Wale Adebanwi

<i>How to Become a Big Man in Africa: Subalternity, Elites, and Ethnic Politics in Contemporary Nigeria</i>. Wale Adebanwi

POLARIZATION OF LOCAL COMMUNITY ORIENTATION TO THE DEVELOPMENT OF ECO-RURAL TOURISM IN KERINCI REGION, JAMBI PROVINCE, INDONESIA

Rural areas are increasingly the focus of exploration by various stakeholders. However, local communities, as landowners in these regions, often do not reap the full benefits. This issue stems from their limited involvement in regional development and a lack of awareness about ongoing projects. Local communities play a crucial role in the success of rural development, and understanding their attitudes is vital.This study aimed to explore local community attitudes toward eco-rural tourism development in Kerinci Regency, Jambi Province. A closed-ended questionnaire, designed with a "One Score One Indicator" system, assessed various factors including socio-cultural aspects, conservation, ethnic politics, economics, regional development, tourism, and landscape ecology across six villages. The analysis of local community orientation was conducted using quantitative descriptive methods and One-Way ANOVA statistical tests.Results indicated a positive polarization in community attitudes across all villages, showing strong support for eco-rural tourism. By focusing on the identified indicators, local communities are motivated to collaborate and enhance their rural areas through eco-tourism initiatives. The findings suggest that these communities possess significant potential to develop their regions in line with eco-rural tourism principles. Additionally, the insights gained can inform the creation of eco-rural tourism programs that emphasize community involvement and leverage local strengths. This approach aims to ensure that rural communities benefit from the exploration and development occurring in their areas.

Identity Politics and Ethnic Marginalisation in Post-1991 Ethiopia

Abstract This paper examines identity politics and marginalisation in post-1991 Ethiopia, focusing on the genesis of ethnicity as a political mobilising mechanism during the ‘nationalities questions’ in the 1960s. Despite the presence of Marxism in the political culture of that era, ethnicity eventually became the dominant political reality in post-1991 Ethiopia, now enshrined in the constitution. The study analyses theoretical perspectives and employs a qualitative approach using secondary data to explore contemporary political culture. The study analyses the theoretical perspectives of instrumentalism, primordialism, and constructionism to explore the contemporary political culture of Ethiopia based on identity. The study recognises the role of the politicisation of ethnicity in ongoing ethnic conflicts and political violence. Finally, it concludes with lessons learned regarding the politicisation of ethnicity in a multi-national, multi-cultural, and multi-lingual state like Ethiopia, emphasising the importance of organising civic programmatic political parties over the proliferation of ethnic non-programmatic parties.

Do ethnic politics matter? Reassessing the role of ethnicity in local elections in Indonesia

ABSTRACT While recent scholarship has investigated the role of money politics in Indonesia, much less has been said about the part played by sentiments of identity. We argue here that ethnicity and religion remain crucial to an understanding of the processes of local politics and electioneering. We have coined the term ethnicity and religion based organization (ERBO) and used it as a basis for an examination of ethnicity and religion based identity politics in Lampung, the southernmost province of Sumatra. Ethnic identity dovetails largely with religious identity and is a dominant force in the local politics of Lampung, a province that, while multi-ethnic, has a population consisting overwhelmingly of migrants who relocated from the island of Java primarily as a result of the transmigration programme. ERBOs are the vehicle used by local leaders to channel ethnic sentiment and translate it into votes; they are often instrumental in selecting and campaigning for candidates, ensuring voter turnout and arranging rewards. Reflecting ethnic sensitivities, however, some ERBOs refrain from entering the political domain and direct their energies to social and cultural spheres. In presenting this evidence, we seek to qualify recent claims that ethnicity no longer plays an important part in Indonesian politics.

Representations of the ethno-political situation in the North Caucasus in the regional media space

The article presents the results of a content analysis of regional media, that was conducted within the framework of a pilot study of the methodology developed by the authors for analysing the problems and prospects for the formation of an all-Russian identity in the North Caucasus. The purpose of the study was to determine the structure and content of representations of the ethno-political situation in the North Caucasus in the media space of the region. The relevance of ethno-political issues in the North Caucasus is due to the fact that this is a frontier region, which, due to its geographical location, ethnic, religious and cultural characteristics, is an arena of various internal and external challenges. Monitoring the ethno-political situation is an important area of ​​research, both in theoretical and practical terms. One of the technologies of such monitoring is the analysis of representations of the ethno-political situation in the political discourse of the region. The political discourse of regional media is a thematically focused, socially conditioned system of news, analytical, and prognostic materials in regional media that builds a political picture of the world. Representations are the content of information messages on media resources of the constituent entities of the Russian Federation in the North Caucasus. The documentary base of the study consisted of 1,656 information messages posted on leading information portals and in non-ethnic media outlets of the constituent entities of the Russian Federation in the North Caucasus Federal District in April–June 2023. Five semantic categories of analysis were defined: 1) the practices used to strengthen the all-Russian identity; 2) politicisation of ethnicity; 3) the influence of foreign diasporas of the North Caucasian peoples; 4) threats and risks in the sphere of humanitarian security; 5) threats and risks in the sphere of socio-political security. The analysis of representations of the ethno-political situation in the political media discourse of the region allowed us to determine what kind of worldview is created and constructed by regional media: 1) prevails positive content about new practices of forming an all-Russian civic identity in the region, new traditions and rituals associated with the heroes of the North Caucasus Military District prevails; 2) potential risks of destabilisation of the socio-political situation in the North Caucasus are associated with the impact of the information war on the population, primarily young people; the growing threats of increased extremist and terrorist activity; problems of religious security in the region, which are presented in the media space in a very fragmentary manner.

Ethnicity in Nigeria:Reflections on Achieving Unity in Diversity

Ethnicity is an important factor of interactions in a multi-ethnic societies like Nigeria. This explains its centrality in the nature and character of Nigerian state within the context of inter-group relations. The complexity of ethnicity has adversely affected inter-group relations in Nigeria. Thus, the influence of ethnic consciousness on the politics of Nigeria cannot be ignored. Rather than becoming more unified and cohesive, Nigeria remains deeply divided as ever before. This paper argues that no matter the centrality of conflict in inter-group relations, social interactions are usually dynamic and the pervasiveness of conflict also depends on the strategies in which group relations are managed. The paper seeks to demonstrate on one hand the historical exploration of ethnicity and ethnic politics in contemporary Nigeria and on the other hand, the need to use ethnicity as a national integration project. Thus, it is pertinent to evolve a state-wide national identity from the many ethno-cultural groupings with which they are presently constituted in Nigeria. This is important because unity in diversity can be a tool for socio-economic development in Nigeria.

Hierarchy in the Politics of Migration: Revisiting Race, Ethnicity, and Power in the Migration State

Migrants and refugees face hostile publics and organized political interests, and contend with new and evolving forms of surveillance, deportability, and political violence. Researchers show that these political dynamics are fundamentally shaped by the politics of race and ethnicity. Yet, even as this work is increasingly abundant, it has not always been taken up by mainstream accounts of migration. In this article, we revisit scholarship on the politics of international migration, bringing together a collection of — sometimes disparate — research to explore how scholars can forge new lines of inquiry regarding the relationship between migration, race, ethnicity, and power. To do so, we evaluate three types of relationships at the core of migration politics: the relationship between migration and the state, the migration-related demands of domestic publics on the state, and how migrants interact and contend with the state. Across these relationships, we examine how ethnoracial hierarchies draw on, legitimize, and reinforce uneven distributions of political power, disparate deployments of state action and violence, and projects of nation- and state-building. Combining the intellectual prowess of distinct fields and approaches, we draw on productive convergences and tensions between existing and emerging frameworks and analytic starting points across disciplines to map future research trajectories in the multidisciplinary study of immigration, citizenship, asylum, and racial and ethnic politics. We conclude with a note on the politics of knowledge production–whereby some accounts of migration have been privileged over others–and point to important epistemological and methodological interventions for advancing research on the politics of migration.

Ethnopolitics in a Mining Enterprise in Crisis: Revisiting the Albanian Miners’ Protests in Late Socialist Kosovo

Abstract This article presents a novel approach to explain ethnopolitical mobilization among Kosovo Albanian miners during the winter of 1988–1989. Based on a close reading of the mining enterprise’s journal, it identifies three factors accounting for the rising politicization of ethnicity in microlevel dynamics within the Trepça mining enterprise. First, the article points at ethnic grievances in intra-elite managerial tensions and miners’ unrest. It relates these to structural conditions generated by the shifting cultural divisions of labor in Kosovo mining. Second, the article looks at counter-mobilizational dynamics among Kosovo Albanian miners, which were directly provoked by Serbian ethnopolitical mobilization during Slobodan Milošević’s rise to power. In a final step, the article reconstructs socio-occupational realignments taking shape in the particular decision-making structures of the mining enterprise. Against a background of internal power struggles and reorganizations, the executive management and the miners found themselves on the defensive against party representatives and managerial competitors. Making use of the enterprise’s institutional setup, they established a strong ethnopolitical alliance, which culminated in the underground strike of February 1989. The article suggests that this approach can be valuable to study other cases of intersecting social and ethnopolitical mobilization.

Typology of Land Conflicts in Special Region of Yogyakarta

Abstract: This paper identifies various structural land conflicts in the Special Region of Yogyakarta in the last 20 years. Using a literature review method, the various conflicts that occurred can be categorized into several typologies, (1) the issue of the transfer of land status from private and communal (village land) to sultanate/pakualaman land; (2) land acquisition for national strategic projects that displace people's managed areas; (3) investment and development in urban areas that displace or reduce the quality of life of the community; (4) various transfers of land use in coastal areas by local governments and the private sector through extractive industry investment, tourism or conservation; (5) ethnic politicization in discriminative land policies. The reading of the various typologies of conflict is produced from three different perspectives, namely the 'agrarian citizenship' approach, 'human rights', and 'politics of access’. These three perspectives also serve as a proposed roadmap to get out of the conflict. Keywords: Land conflict, Roadmap of conflict resolution, Special region of Yogyakarta, Typology

Searching for a home: the bitter experiences of Afghanistani ‘returnees’

Negotiating the language, culture and social norms of one’s ‘homeland’ can be a painful and difficult experience In 2004, Khadija Abbasi became part of the generation forced by the Iranian state to ‘return’ to Afghanistan, though they had been born in Iran. Negotiating this ‘voluntary return’ ‐ one of the UNHCR’s ‘preferred’ options for refugees ‐ proved extremely difficult. The Iran-born and Iran-raised ‘returnees’ had to re‐learn ‐ through a complex process of socialisation that was accompanied by local rejection and stigmatisation ‐ how to construct an attachment to their new country. Abbasi describes difficulties of language, culture, religious practice and social norms ‐ made all the more complex by her Hazara identity and questions of gender. In Iran refugees had simply been ‘Afghan’; after arrival in Afghanistan people realised they were Hazara. In a country that was overshadowed by ethnic politics, they had to adapt to processes of re-ethnicisation. Moreover, in Afghanistan patriarchy was inflected differently, sometimes in ways which intersected with ethnic identity. Eventually Abbasi was forced to leave her job with an NGO because she was perceived to have behaved in a way that ???disrespected??? Afghan traditions.

Examining the objectives of ethnic parties: A comprehensive analysis of the dynamics of ethnic party competition beyond the constraints of the outbidding model

AbstractThis study scrutinises the core assumptions of Donald Horowitz's outbidding model, which defines ethnic party competition as a rivalry between extremist groups focussed solely on ethnic politics, deeming other socio‐economic issues insufficient for voter mobilisation and electoral success (Horowitz, 1985). Through a comprehensive analysis of ethnic parties in Iraqi Kurdistan, this study demonstrates how these parties extend their focus beyond ethnic concerns to include broader administrative matters, such as social and economic issues within the local governance framework. Utilising content analysis of Kurdish newspapers and a comparative perspective, this study challenges the prevailing notion of ethnic outbidding, revealing the multifaceted strategies employed by Kurdish parties.

Authoritarianism, Popular Resistance and Regime Change in Zambia

Abstract In 1990, after 17 years of authoritarian rule under inaugural president, Kenneth Kaunda, Zambia looked to be on the precipice of prolonged instability and violence. Authoritarianism showed no signs of softening; the country’s economic decline continued to heap misery on a population where the vast majority were already living in poverty; and the banning of opposition parties in 1973 meant that there was no legitimate political opposition to challenge to Kaunda’s rule. Over the 1970s and 1980s, opposition to Kaunda found expression in various civil society organisations, eventually coalescing into a broad-church Movement for Multiparty Democracy (mmd). When the price of the national staple, maize, doubled overnight, protests quickly escalated into riots, killing dozens. However, instead of an escalation of violence, the mmd pushed Kaunda to engage in political reform. What followed was a decision by Kaunda to lift the ban on opposition parties, leading to his electoral defeat. How did the growing opposition rule precipitate a peaceful transition to multi-party democracy? In this article I argue that Kaunda’s inclusive ideology, which avoided the politicization of ethnicity allowed for a more inclusive and peaceful transition away from authoritarian rule.