Ethnic Politics Research Articles

Antidote to Backsliding: Ethnic Politics and Democratic Resilience

Recent years have witnessed significant democratic erosion, particularly in eastern Europe. This article suggests that the explanations of democratic backsliding, largely focused on historical and post-communist experiences of the this region, fail to note the striking and counterintuitive influence of ethnic politics. Departing from an observation that democratic practices have deteriorated significantly more in eastern European countries without mobilized ethnic minorities, this article argues for the central role of ethnic politics in buttressing democracy in the region. In countries with politically organized ethnic minorities, democratic institutions and practices remain more resilient. This is because mobilized ethnic minorities provide socially rooted electorates with almost an existential need for political rights and civil liberties. Active minority engagement in politics reinforces a constitutionally liberal pole of political competition and provides a counterbalance to the primary carriers of democratic regression—illiberal parties.

THE UBUNTU PHILOSOPHY, AFRICAN DEMOCRATIC HERITAGE AND DEVELOPMENT IN NIGERIA

Sixty-two years after gaining Independence from the British colonial government with promises of socio-economic development by the founding fathers, Nigeria is faced with a Plethora of development challenges. Minority issues, religious conflicts, ethnic politics, resource control, youth unrest, and the related crisis of disintegration of the productive sector, food insecurity, social insecurity, deterioration of physical and social infrastructures, a drop in living standards and poverty for millions of Nigerians, and a general disenchantment with the political system are all symptoms of these larger problems. Some pertinent questions are, why is Nigeria still struggling to develop and failed to address the poor living standard of citizens. Why has leadership not able to meet the development challenges, and what are the measures that can ensure effective leadership? Therefore, the main objective of this paper is to analyze the country’s problems vis-àvis the implementation of the Ubuntu philosophy and the African democratic heritage in governance and leadership that would ensure the country’s socioeconomic and political progress. The social development theory is adopted as a guide for the paper

POLITICIZED ETHNICITY AS AN INSTITUTIONAL OBSTACLE TO THE STRENGTHENING OF THE ALL-RUSSIAN IDENTITY IN THE NORTH CAUCASUS

The article analyzes the phenomenon of politicized ethnicity in the North Caucasus, its influence on ethno-political processes and ways to reduce the risk-generating impact of this phenomenon on the ethno-political sphere of the region are proposed. The article summarizes the results of a series of studies conducted in the North Caucasus in 2018-2023: event analysis of the ethno-political situation, analysis of positive practices, mass and expert surveys, content analysis of the media, websites of national-cultural associations, blogosphere, content analysis of normative documents, content and discourse analysis of publications of North Caucasian historians. It is shown that the main factors in the politicization of ethnicity in the North Caucasus region are "hyperethnicity" and the institutionalization of ethnicity in the form of "national republics", as well as the ethno-territorial problems and claims caused by these phenomena, and the "memory paradigm" that has developed in the region. It is concluded that it is necessary to strengthen the all-Russian vector of the regional identity policy, and for this purpose a "revision" of the legislative framework in the federal subjects in the North Caucasus is required. Since at the present stage it is impossible and impractical to abandon the institution of republics, it is important to gradually introduce into the public opinion the principle of territoriality, and not titular ethnicity, as the basis of the republics in Russian Federation. It is relevant to change the humanitarian agenda of the North Caucasus, which can go in two directions: the reorientation of public consciousness to the problems of modernization of the region and the integration of the humanitarian space of the "Big South" - the North Caucasus and Southern federal districts. The reformatting of the "memory paradigm" can be achieved by expanding the historical panorama through positively oriented constructions of the historical past, as well as changing the scientific priorities of humanitarian research with an emphasis on topics related to the centuries-old experience of living together of peoples of different cultures. The materials of the article can be used in the preparation of a new Strategy of the state national policy of the Russian Federation.

:Pure and True: The Everyday Politics of Ethnicity for China’s Hui Muslims

Previous articleNext article No AccessReviewsPure and True: The Everyday Politics of Ethnicity for China’s Hui Muslims, by David Stroup. Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2022. 268 pp. US$99.00 (cloth), US$30.00 (paper); also available as an e-book.Michael DillonMichael DillonKing’s College London Search for more articles by this author PDFPDF PLUSFull Text Add to favoritesDownload CitationTrack CitationsPermissionsReprints Share onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditEmail SectionsMoreDetailsFiguresReferencesCited by The China Journal Volume 89January 2023 Published on behalf of the Australian Centre on China in the World at the Australian National University Article DOIhttps://doi.org/10.1086/722875 Views: 4Total views on this site For permission to reuse, please contact [email protected]PDF download Crossref reports no articles citing this article.

Stroup, David R.: Pure and True. The Everyday Politics of Ethnicity for China’s Hui Muslims.

Stroup, David R.: Pure and True. The Everyday Politics of Ethnicity for China’s Hui Muslims.

Conflict Entrepreneurs in Prolonged Civil War in South Sudan

South Sudan has travelled a long and difficult journey in its quest to seek lasting peace which has been jeopardized by multifaceted factors and a multiplicity of actors including state and non-state operatives. Such determinants of internal peace processes, which have stood along the way, have been firmed up by deep and powerful players in this youngest state in Africa. Much clarity on what continues to transpire in South Sudan is grounded on scholarship which accounts for the roles of regional dimensions and international dynamics of conflict and peace processes in Sudan and South Sudan. Literature indicates that ethnonationalism, greed, grievance drivers, the Islamisation of politics when the south was part of the north, and the high-handedness of the Khartoum regime was central in the polarization of the state. We also examine the effect of natural resources particularly oil and militia factions in protracted conflicts in South Sudan. When South Sudan seceded in 2011, the state started from a fluid beginning, with weak institutionalization and the problem of ethnicization of the government and its related agencies. Although the explanations grounded on the conventional understanding of ethnicization of politics and loyalty deficits towards authority are critical, the state as an entity is bound by other activities that it maintains with external agents such as trade entrepreneurs who partly invest and occupy a wide economic space and agendas of wealth creation which informs the regimes economic wellbeing. This subject is understudied especially considering the contemporary peace processes and conflict resolution in South Sudan. In this study, I seek to explain the significance of conflict entrepreneurs in the peace process in South Sudan. Conflict Entrepreneurs consist of diverse actors including entities with commercial interests, MNCs, political elites, and states who directly and indirectly are involved in plundering resources and economic opportunities in civil war-torn South Sudan. The question is: which actors can be regarded as conflict entrepreneurs in South Sudan’s conflict context and why? Second, what roles do these entrepreneurs play in South Sudan’s peace process? Using governmental reports, newspaper analysis, and secondary research, these questions are addressed throughout this paper.

Minority Issues from a Non-traditional Security Perspective: Crossfertilizationamong Research Fields

Although security concerns have long been embedded in the field of ethnic politics and scholarship on mechanisms of ethnic conflict resolution and management of diversity in divided societies, a combination of real-world events and increasing cross-fertilization among research fields have accelerated the field of inquiry in the past fifteen years. On the one hand, security has become a relevant sphere of governmental action with repercussions in several policy areas, including accommodation of diversity. On the other hand, following the broadening and deepening of the Security Studies agenda, many scholars have applied security concepts to investigate minority issues and ethnic conflicts, from Roe’s “societal security dilemma” to research on securitization/desecuritization of minorities. A variety of approaches and theories have developed, not always in relation with each other. The goal of this paper is to provide a state-of-the-art comprehensive overview of the attempts at cross-fertilization between Non- Traditional Security Studies and work on minority accommodation/conflict regulation in European countries, discussing theoretical underpinnings as well as methodological issues. Applying a Security Studies lens to the politics surrounding the governance of cultural diversity deepens and advances our understanding of minority issues and policy debates, in particular, around institutional designs in divided societies.

History repeats itself: uncovering recurring patterns in Sudanese politics

Following its independence in 1956, Sudan confronted the tasks of constructing a distinct national identity, establishing effective governance and economic systems, and addressing internal ethnic conflicts stemming from the condominium era. In terms of ethnicity, the post-colonial history of Sudan can be segmented into two phases: sectarian politics, primarily observed in northern Sudan from 1956 to 1999, with the south not experiencing sectarianism in the same manner; and ethnic politics prevalent in South Sudan from 1955 to 2011 and in North Sudan from 1999 to the present. However, the postcolonial history of Sudan is actually a replay of a set of patterns that kept governing the politics of the country for centuries.

Stoking the Flames of Ethnic Politics? The Double Bind of Indigeneity in Post/Neo-colonial Myanmar

Stoking the Flames of Ethnic Politics? The Double Bind of Indigeneity in Post/Neo-colonial Myanmar

Influence of Perceived Organizational Politics in Promotion Process on Lecturers’ Job Performance at Public Universities in Kenya: A Case of The University of Nairobi

University education has remained a single higher institution that countries rely on for the preparation and skill development reservoir of highly skilled labour force that is much needed to spur economic development through research, teaching and innovation. Universities therefore across the world act as bases of knowledge and hubs for research, information, and expertise productions in all the fields. This requires the performance of qualified and committed academic staff actualize this role. However, the performance of this significant cadre at public universities for instance, is affected by many other factors including organizational politics. The aim of this study was to evaluate the influence of perceived organizational politics in promotion process on lecturers’ job performance at public universities in Kenya, a case of the University of Nairobi. The study was guided by two objectives: to examine the influence of nepotism in the process of lecturers’ promotion and to determine the influence of perceived ethnicity on lecturers’ job performance at the University of Nairobi. Sampling techniques used to sample 11 deans of faculties, 19 chairs of the departments and 100 lecturers and 100 post graduate students were purposive and stratified proportionate sampling and simple random sampling techniques. The main instruments utilized to gather data from respondents for this study were interview guide, open and closed-ended questionnaire, document analysis and focus group discussion. The data was analyzed using both qualitative and quantitative techniques. The study established that although there were equal promotion opportunities for both men and female academic staff, the promotion process of the academic staff was perceived to be unfair because it lacked transparency and that patronage and ethnic politics existed. This was perceived to have negative influence on performance. The study concluded that perception of organizational politics in promotion process had negative influence on lecturers’ job performance at public universities in Kenya. The study recommends that higher education institutions should ensure fairness and transparency in the promotion process of staff in order to enhance effective lecturers’ performance. It is also recommended that a similar study should be carried out in private universities with different management systems to compare the findings since this study focused on public universities.

Chinese Muslim at Political Crossroad: The Case Study of the Jakarta Regional Head Election 2017

As ethnic minorities who adhere to the majority belief (Islam), ethnic Chinese Muslims in Jakarta are faced with a complex identity crisis, especially in the area of political participation. In the 2017 Jakarta regional elections (Pilkada), ethnic Chinese Muslims were faced with a political situation, whether to choose leaders from ethnic Chinese or leaders from the Muslim community. This situation puts them in a dilemma. However, ethnic Chinese Muslims have survived the complicated politics of ethnicity, even though regional election politics has caused a crisis of identity politics in Jakarta. Based on the research results, Chinese Muslims in Jakarta were able to survive despite the difficulties caused by their identity. This research is important because there are not many studies that specifically discuss the survival strategies of Chinese Muslims in Jakarta. This research is a socio-political research. To collect data, the methodology used is in-depth interviews with several informants. The results of the interviews and data are then processed using a qualitative and analytic approach. This is done in order to show how the Chinese Muslim ethnic group have survived the complicated political situation in Jakarta

My Encounter with Early Modern Ukraine

DOI: 10.47632/2786-717X-2022-1-77-88 УДК 94(=161.2)(71)“19/20”(092) Як цитувати: Zenon Kohut, My Encounter with Early Modern Ukraine, Ukrainian Historical Review / Український історичний огляд, I | 2022, 77-88. Zenon Kohut My Encounter with Early Modern Ukraine In this article Canadian historian reflects on his intellectual biography and on the changes in the field of early modern Ukrainian history during the last fifty years. He emphasizes the role of academic communities of the University of Pennsylvania and Harvard University in his formation as a historian of early modern Ukraine. His affiliation with the Ukrainian chairs at Harvard and intellectual guidance of Oleksander Ohloblyn and Omeljan Pritsak played an especially important role in this regard. Having completed a thesis on the abolition of the Hetmanate’s autonomy in the late eighteenth-century Russia Empire, in the early 1990s he became a director of the Canadian Institute of Ukrainian Studies where in cooperation with Frank Sysyn and Serhii Plokhy he founded an informal laboratory of early modern Ukrainian history. Zenon Kohut’s research in the 1990s and 2000s has been focused on the Russo-Ukrainian unity myth on the one hand and on the preconditions of the Ukrainian distinctiveness in the early modern period – on the other. It led him to the examination of the early modern Ukrainian history writing and identity-building. He was one of the first who demonstrated Ukrainian contribution to the emergence of the “traditional scheme of Russian history” – an imperial narrative in which Ukrainians and Russians are treated as offshoots of the same people sharing a common historical legacy, a common Orthodox faith, and, therefore, a common national destiny. Kohut’s studies of the early modern Ukrainian historiography and political thought focused on the evolution of such concepts as fatherland and nation. His pioneering works on the emergence and evolution of the Little-Russian identity in the Hetmanate conceptualized these developments as an important stage in the early modern Ukrainian nation-building. The article concludes with the presentation of Kohut’s ongoing project – a monograph on the political culture of Cossack Ukraine from 1569 to 1714 – which aims to synthesize his semicentennial research into the early modern Ukrainian history. References Chynczewska-Hennel Teresa. Świadomość narodowa szlachty ukraińskiej i kozaczyzny od schyłku XVI do połowy XVII w. Warsaw 1985. [In Polish.] Gat Azar. Nations: The Long History and Deep Roots of Political Ethnicity and Nationalism. Cambridge 2012. Hen-Konarski Tomasz. No Longer Just Peasants and Priests: The Most Recent Studies on Nation Building in Nineteenth-Century Ukraine // European History Quarterly 45/4 (2015) 727–728. Kappeler Andreas. The Russian Empire: A Multiethnic History. Abingdon 2013. Kas’ianov Heorhiy. Teorii natsii ta natsionalizmu. Kyiv 1999. [In Ukrainian.] Kohut E. Zenon. Korinnia identychnosti: studii z rann'omodernoi ta modernoi istorii Ukrainy. Kyiv 2004. [In Ukrainian.] Kohut E. Zenon. Making Ukraine: Studies on Political Culture, Historical Narrative, and Identity. Toronto 2010. [In Ukrainian.] Kohut E. Zenon. Russian Centralism and Ukrainian Autonomy: Imperial Absorption of the Hetmanate, 1760s – 1830s. Cambridge 1988. [In Ukrainian.] Кohut E. Zenon. The Question of Russo-Ukrainian Unity and Ukrainian Distinctiveness in Early Modern Ukrainian Thought and Culture // Culture, Nation, and Identity. The Ukrainian-Russian Encounter (1600–1945) / ed. A. Kappeler et al. Edmonton – Toronto 2003, p. 57–86. Portnov Andrii et al. Whose Language Do We Speak? Some Reflections on the Master Narrative of Ukrainian History Writing // Ab Imperio 4 (2020) 88–129. Yakovenko Natalia. Dzerkala identychnosti: doslidzhennia z istorii uiavlen’ ta idei v Ukraini XVI – pochatku XVIII stolittia. Kyiv 2012. [In Ukrainian.] Yakovenko Natalia. Paralel’nyi svit: doslidzhennia z istorii uiavlen’ ta idei v Ukraini XVI–XVII st. Kyiv 2002. [In Ukrainian.] Yakovenko Natalia. Ukrains’ka shliakhta z kintsia XIV do seredyny XVII st. Volyn’ i Tsentral’na Ukraina. Kyiv 2008. [In Ukrainian.]

Dynamics of Jambi Malay Ethnic Group in The Political Contestation of Jambi Mayor Election

Primordial loyalty that breeds fanaticism is often used by politicians as a shortcut and easy way to gather support. By using primordial interests, politicians do not need to work hard to gain support from the people. This research seeks to explain why Jambi Malay ethnic loyalty, as the dominant group, was not formed in relation to the Mayor Election in Jambi City. What are the factors that cause Malay ethnic sentiment not to appear. The data in this study were obtained through in-depth interviews, documentation, and news in the mass media. It is possible for the results of this study to be replicated in areas outside Jambi City to see whether the ethnic Malays elsewhere also have the same cultural roots, political attitudes, and habits, or vice versa. The results of this study will provide an explanation of the theoretical implications of the political events that occurred in the city of Jambi. The results of this study can be used to predict the future of Malay ethnic politics in the midst of an electoral democratic political system that is taking place in Indonesia.

The Northern Ethiopia Armed Conflict and the Unusual Decline of Grade 12 Students’ Result in Amhara Region

Abstract The Secondary School Leaving Examination, which is administered at the completion of grade 12 is the only criterion that determines admittance of students into the University. Students from Amhara Region; who have been under pressure of the Northern Ethiopian Armed Conflict, have scored unusual low entry marks which have yet given acceptable reply. This article aimed at exploring the nature of appeal system in Ethiopia, the issues of accountability and legitimacy of the Ministry of Education. Situational analysis of qualitative research approach is employed in this study. The study found out that there is no clear and trusted appeal system which inclusively and effectively provides response to the complaints. Besides, the ethnic politics of the country sadly spoils the education system and not everyone stands for the right of students, but only those who do have ethnic affiliations.

Iftikhar H. Malik. State and Civil Society in Pakistan: Politics of Authority, Ideology, and Ethnicity. Macmillan (in association with St. Anthony’s College). 1997. 347pp.Hardbound. £45.00.

Iftikhar H. Malik has taken on a daunting task in trying to write on the state and society of Pakistan. He examines the “triangle of authority, ideology, and ethnicity” and attempts to provide a theoretical and historical framework for the study of Pakistan’s chequered political history. Much in view is the role of the important ruling classes and groups, including the military, the bureaucracy, and the feudals, in the state formation of Pakistan. The author then goes on to discuss the problems of national integration, ethnicity, gender, and the role of the intelligence agencies. The book has obviously required and is based on a great deal of research involving both primary and secondary sources. Wide reference and erudition are fully in evidence.

Ethnic Politics and Violation of Basic Civil Rights of Amharas in Benishangul Gumuz Regional State of the Post 1991 Ethiopia

Abstract Ethnic politics, conceptually, entails the political orientation of employing ethnicity as a means of cooperation and conflict. Based on this concept, the study was aimed to examine actors, causes and consequences of the violation plus challenges in preserving civil rights of Amharas in Benishangul Gumuz Regional State (bgrs) of the post 1991 Ethiopia. It applied qualitative research approach. Accordingly, the research found that the major actors on the violation of civil rights of Amharas are ‘titular’ nationalities, public officials, police force and agricultural investors of bgrs. The causes for the violations of rights of Amharas are ethnic attacks and evictions. These maltreatments brought the consequence of eroding their sense of citizenship and potential of development. The challenges for protection of civil rights of Amharas are problems of controlling rulers and exclusionary constitution. Thus, it concluded that civil rights of Amharas in bgrs have no guarantee and requires immediate political solution.

Ethnic politics and National Integration in Nigeria's Fourth Republic

One of the contentious issues affecting national integration in Nigeria is ethnic politics. An ethnicity is a potent tool for mobilizing access to power and resources in Nigeria. It has not only affected nation-building but has also constituted security and governance challenges threatening national integration. Despite different measures adopted to foster national unity among different ethnic groups, primordial sentiments pervade the political system, festering like a malignant tumour with associated prognosis. The paper explored the implications of ethnic politics on national integration in Nigeria's Fourth Republic. Data elicited from secondary sources were utilized for the study. The findings showed that the dominant ethnic groups determine party formation, voting patterns and allocation of public goods. Ethnic politics is deployed by the political class to access and maintain their grip of power while other sub-ethnic groups are sidelined. Undue ethnicization of Nigeria's politics has not only encouraged prebendalised politics but affected democratic development. Electoral malpractices, political instability and crises experienced in Nigeria have their roots in ethnic politics. The study recommended, among other things, that there is a need for reorientation of Nigerian citizens on the danger ethnicized politics portends to nation-building and national integration. Furthermore, there is the need to redefine citizenship, indigene-settler syndrome and son of the soil conundrum that has been spurring ethnic politics in Nigeria.

The role of secondary school teachers in shaping a political culture of ethnicity and ethnic favouritism: the case of Kenya

AbstractSince Kenya's independence in 1963, ethnicity has been an important factor in Kenyan politics and everyday life. While recent research has shown that ethnic favouritism impacted the allocation of educational resources in the past, so far, no systematic research has been conducted on how teachers exacerbate, mitigate or countervail the political culture of ethnicity and ethnic favouritism. As agents of socialisation, teachers’ attitudes and behaviour can, consciously or unconsciously, convey the message that ethnic favouritism is normal and socially acceptable, or conversely delegitimise such practices. Based on a list experiment among 894 secondary school teachers in the county of Nairobi, we find that at least 25% of teachers have already favoured coethnic pupils. Interviews indicate that such favours are seldom blatant in nature and mainly serve to show solidarity with one's kin. Still, even small – frequently well-intentioned – favours may damage inter-group attitudes, trust and relations, and may even contribute to the persistence of ethnic politics.

Ethnic politics and ambivalent imaginaries of the future at the Melaka Straits

This article examines the ambivalent relationship between members of the Portuguese‐Melakan Kristang minority and the state from the 1940s to the present day through the lens of ethnic politics. It reveals how ambivalent imaginaries of the future have shaped the politics of community members and what strategies they have used to assert their place. Moreover, it analyses how partly contradictory, partly converging imaginaries of the future of the Melaka coastline fuelled the failure of the Melaka Gateway land reclamation project. Grounded in ethnographic fieldwork in Melaka in 2018 and 2019, it focuses on the Melaka Gateway, a large‐scale land reclamation project located in the Melaka Straits where three man‐made islands and one natural island with high‐rise buildings, a cruise terminal and a deep sea port have been planned.

Student Ethnic Diversity Management in Ethiopian Universities: Practices, Challenges, and Way Forward.

Ethnic-related issues have been the historic and prevalent questions of Ethiopian society. Student ethnic diversity management is one of the major challenges facing public universities in Ethiopia. I interviewed 48 deans to examine the practice, challenges, and way forward of student ethnic diversity management. The study revealed that the practice of student ethnic diversity management is low and there are different internal and external factors that affect diversity management in higher education. Above all, thepoliticization of ethnicity is found to be the mother of all challenges associated with student ethnic diversity management in Ethiopia. This implies that addressing issues related to the ethnic political and administrative system at anational level is the highest priority, but is a long-term plan, and universities need to take different measures that help them to at least avoid or minimize the negative impacts of diversity.