Political Thuggery Research Articles

The Novelist as a Mirror of the Society: A Study of Biyi Bandele Thomas’ The Man Who Came in From the Back of Beyond

It is the duty of the novelist to both express and document the problems prevalent in his society and his dissatisfaction with these problems through his novel. In a novel that mirrors the ills in the society, the novelist takes care to properly, effectively, and convincingly document what he has seen in the society and sometimes proffers solutions to these problems. The novelist has a significant role to play through his novel. He can make the people to be aware of what is happening in the society, so that they can react to it. Many African novelists have, over the years, expressed their anger, dissatisfaction, and disillusionment over the social, economic, and political problems confronting post-independence African societies through their works. In post-independence Africa, a number of African novelists have their works characterized by pessimism, anger, failure in governance, and disillusionment of the people. Most African writers write to criticize these social, economic, and political ills ravaging the society. The plebeians need to be educated by the writers on their exploitation by the few elites who govern them. Hence, African novelists have come out fearlessly to respond to the various social, economic, and political vices that are being perpetrated by their leaders. It is against the backdrop of the foregoing that Bandele Thomas examines the hydra-headed problems of political thuggery, corruption, armed robbery, drug abuse, prostitution, unemployment, and insensitivity of the government to the plight of the masses in his novel The Man Who Came From the Back of Beyond.

Evaluation of Bill Gate’s panacea for development and poverty reduction in Nigeria through improving agriculture

Through successive military and civilian regimes, Nigeria devised laudable but often duplicated agriculture focused policies and programmes targeting poverty reduction, its observed inter-generational plague. Well managed technology driven agriculture prefigures food security, improved national revenue profile, industrialization catalyst, high level employment, low level poverty, national development and social order, socio-economic indicators that are so far absent. This observational research aims at evaluating government’s efforts towards solving poverty and related problems through the lens of empowered local farmer focus and inclusive agriculture, a Bill Gates antidote. It employed official records and statistics and related secondary data. Among the findings are availability of right policies and programmes but with generally low matchup on agricultural promotion inputs, including low budgets, rural-urban and gender based financial exclusiveness, irrigation and extension services for farmer empowerment. Set targets in many critical domains were unmet with resultant low food security (availability and nutrition), increasing poverty and employment. There exists a weak 2018 economy which is marginally improving, since 2016. The fragility progressively continues reproducing more poverty and social tension manifest in conflicts, kidnappings and political thuggery. Extant data suggest that quality of life in Nigeria is low and lacks the utilitarian philosophy. Nigeria emerged as the 2018 world poverty capital highest ever unemployment figure (23%) and among the eight hungriest globally. Foremost, political will to execute inclusive policies and programmes, is needed. Improved agricultural budget, financial inclusiveness in rural-urban, gender resource allocation, irrigation and extension services are key needs.

An Assessment of the Benefits and Externalities of Urbanisation in Kogi East, Nigeria

In this paper, the benefits and externalities (spillover effects) of urbanisation in Kogi East, Nigeria were examined. Data for the study were obtained by administering 1408 questionnaire copies to households in Ankpa, Anyigba and Idah as well as communities within 15km radius of Ankpa, Anyigba and Idah being the urbanizing centres in Kogi East. Questionnaire data was analysed using means, tables and simple percentages. Results obtained showed that population explosion, material structures and diversity of infrastructural facilities/services were the principal benefits of urbanisation in Kogi East (Ankpa, Anyigba and Idah) with average percentage of 60.8%. Others included improvement in employment opportunities and relative prosperity, enhancement of better communication, transport, housing and public/social infrastructure, improvement in income and wealth distribution among several others. The study showed that across the three locations power outage, social problems (drug addiction, crime, prostitution, alcoholism and political thuggery) and overcrowding were the essential and common urbanisation problems. The study further showed that security of life/poverty, poverty, water supply and sanitation and environmental pollution were serious problems in urban areas with higher mean scores than in the hinterland (rural).

PROVISION OF FACILITIES, SERVICES AND OPPORTUNITIES FOR LEISURE AND RECREATION TO CURB YOUTH RESTIVENESS IN NIGERIA

T he purpose of the study was to reduce the rising menace of youthful restiveness in Nigeria and review research method was rightly adopted due to inaccessibility to volatile place and personalities. Today leisure and recreation have become significant in molding the character and prosperity of people, families, groups and society at large. Leisure can be viewed as a free time judiciously used and recreation as individual or group engagement during leisure time which is for personal enrichments, development and for the good of the community. This smokeless industry constitutes a significant power to our national and local economies and may be answerable for a large number of occupations over such differed fields of sport, entertainment arts and crafts, travel and tourism, dance and music, health and fitness among others. To prevent our youth from engaging in social vices, with huge adverse effect on our cooperate existence as a nation, activities like kidnapping, armed robbery, 419 fraudsters , cattle rustling, terrorist acts, prostitution, cultism, delinquency, political thuggery, rape, vandalism, just to mention but few, all these can be curbed by the provision of facilities, services and opportunities for leisure and recreation. Notwithstanding amiability, relaxation and amusement additionally give significant individual advantages as far as meeting physical, enthusiastic needs and philosophical and other essential wellbeing related requirements for members. In an expansive sense the leisure and recreational existence of a country mirrors its essential esteem and character. The findings of the study clearly show that youths desire leisure, recreational facilities and opportunities to help them property channeled all their aw energies into wholesome and socially acceptable ventures. All concern must jointly provide these facilities. However, participating in leisure and recreation alone will not solve the restiveness in Nigeria but in conjunction with other youth oriented programs, youth restiveness will be meaningfully curbed.

English

Crime is a phenomenon that is bedeviling various countries across the globe in varying degrees as it affects policies and development. Any nation striving towards development must reduce the frequency of crime to the barest minimum. In recent years in Nigeria, there has been an upsurge in the frequency of crime committed. This has led to palpable fear among the populace as security of lives and properties can no longer be guaranteed. The phenomenon of crime has impacted negatively on the economic, social and political life of the nation over time. The youth population of any nation represents the driving force for development. However, for the youths to become useful resources, they must be gainfully employed. The youths are also the most volatile when their energies are misdirected or channeled into wrong endeavours. Available data show that youth employment is very rampant in Nigeria and this has contributed immensely to their involvement in criminal activities. The paper argues that criminal activities such as armed robbery, kidnapping, political thuggery, militancy and other social vices found among the unemployed and jobless youths have contributed greatly to the slow pace of development in Nigeria. The paper proffers that addressing youths’ unemployment will stem the tide of crime and foster rapid development in Nigeria.    Key words:  Crime, national development, youths’ unemployment, Nigeria.

Socio-Cultural Problems and Maladaptive Behaviours of Post-Adolescents across Culture in Nigeria: Implications for Counselling

Through survey research design, this study investigated the socio-cultural problems and maladaptive behaviours of post-adolescents in Nigeria. Out of 379 National Youth Service Corps (N. Y. S. C.) members drawn from various parts of Nigeria for the 2010/2011 service year, deployed to Abakaliki, Ebonyi and Izzi Local Government Areas of Ebonyi State, 180 formed the sample size. Information from the respondents was obtained in line with the research questions that guided the study using Post-Adolescent Behaviour Problem Inventory (PBPI). Using descriptive statistics for data analysis, it was discovered that armed robbery, examination fraud, poor attitude to work, addiction to substances and living above income are witnessed across culture in Nigeria. Specifically, kidnapping is a major problem in the South East and South-South geopolitical zones while political thuggery, and wanton destruction of lives and property are common in the South West and Northern Nigeria. Besides, religious intolerance and tribalism feature more in the north than any other place in Nigeria. These problems are mainly due to poor leadership and youth unemployment. The paper recommended behaviour modification, mentoring, cognitive restructuring and assertive training among others as contemporary counselling strategies that can checkmate post-adolescent problems and maladaptive behaviours across culture in Nigeria.Keywords: socio-cultural, maladaptive, post-adolescents and counselling.

The Dynamics and Dilemmas of the Niger Delta: A Discourse on Insecurity and Demographic Transition

Until recently, the Niger Delta was distinctive for empowering and transforming lives. The relative advantage of its cities blurred the inherent multidimensional consequences of oil exploration on the environment. Over time, the effects of oil spills on the inhabitants were massive. The people’s agony was exacerbated by perceived governmental neglect which accounted for the amplification of frustration and aggression among a large majority of the poor that constitute more than three-quarters of the population. As a result, different categories of individuals became activists committed to peaceful protests. However, with a plethora of insensitive and irresponsible governments, the legitimate means soon evolved into militancy, political thuggery and assassinations. Consequently, Niger Delta communities became synonymous with insecurity, pseudo-governance and youth restiveness. This article examined the trends and dimensions of the unholy dynamics that drove demographic transition in the region by highlighting the connections between the dilemma of a failed state and underdevelopment.

Political Thuggery and Democratic Dividends in Nigeria: An Empirical Study

The paper is an empirical study on political thuggery and democratic dividends in Nigeria. Utilizing secondary and primary data, the study tested four hypothetical assumptions. Analysis done through chi-square (x2) statistical test reveals that political thuggery hinders public accountability of elective officers thus a bane to good governance in Nigeria; increases crime rate thus a threat to the achievement of democratic dividends and exercise of citizenship rights in Nigeria. The study also reveals that the rising level of poverty, unemployment and weak security agencies account for the thriving market for political thuggery and violence in Nigeria. The more elective offices are made attractive financially the more politicians employ thugs during elections and campaigns. On the basis of these findings, the study recommends among others that government should make elective offices less attractive financially and conceited government programme and policies should be aimed at solving unemployment, poverty and strengthening the capacity of security agencies. Government must consistently educate the masses/youths on the evil of political thuggery and violence. Politicians should be made to sign undertaking that they would not employ thugs in their electioneering campaigns and that they will operate within the acceptable norms governing electoral process in Nigeria. Any politician who disobeys this should be severely punished and bound from participating in future elections. Key words: Political thuggery; Financial attractiveness; Elective offices; Unemployment; Poverty; Security agencies; Democratic rights

Cultism and Democracy Made Easy: The Cabal Theory in the Nigerian Politics, 1999-2009

Generally speaking, a cult, in traditional societies, is a set of practices and beliefs of a group, in relation to a local god, for example, Owegbe or Ogboni cults. In these environments, cults or secret societies are formed to alleviate feelings of deprivation which may be economic, psychological, physical or mental. In scientifically-oriented cultures, cults or secret societies have little or no meaning except when their activities border on attitudinal discrimination against certain ethnic minorities. For example, in the Untied States, members of the Ku Klux Klan (KKK) have expressed their prejudice against Blacks, Jews, Catholics through verbal, physical and psychological harassment. In Hegelian thought or logic, cult membership can be said to be a negation. Using ex-post facto research, backed by some ethnography, the study found that between 1999 and 2009 the political process in Nigeria has elevated cultism to criminal activities and political thuggery, fuelling a cabal theory. The Cabal makes the conduct of free and fair elections impossible, thereby distorting the doctrine of liberal democracy as exemplified in the April 25, 2009 re-run of the governorship election in Ekiti state of Nigeria.

Democratization and Women’s Political Space in Nigeria: A Critical Appraisal

The study investigates the extent women participate in politics in Nigeria. Abia and Imo states were closely studied. Two hypotheses were formulated. The instruments used for data collection were questionnaire, interview and focus group discussion. A total of 354 copies of questionnaire were distributed, out of this number, 349 copies were completed and returned by the respondents. Z-test statistical tool was used to analyze the data, Based on the analysis, the major findings revealed that violence against women deter women from getting actively involved in politics in Nigeria. Also culture and traditional ethos prevent the advancement of women in politics also. Based on these findings, the following recommendations among others were proffered: Political mobilization should be carried into the villages to sensitize the women on the need to get involved in politics. More so new laws should be enacted on political thuggery and violence. They should be pursued vigorously to curb the high level of violence meted out to women by their male political counterparts in Nigeria.

Political Thuggery and Democratic Dividends in Nigeria

This study focuses on political thuggery and democratic dividends in Nigeria. Utilizing secondary and personal observation data the authors sought to address the following concerns: meaning of political thuggery and democratic dividend, manifestation and spate of political thuggery, and causes and effect of political thuggery and democratic performance since 1999 to date. The study reveals that poverty, unemployment, financial attractiveness of elective positions, the value system of wealth accumulation, and an ineffective security agency account for the incidence of political thuggery in Nigeria. Political thuggery hinders public accountability of elective officers and thus is a bane to good governance in Nigeria. Itg also increases the crime rate and the emergence of credible candidates in elections and thus is a threat to the achievement of democratic dividends and exercise of citizenship rights in Nigeria. On the basis of these findings, the study recommends that government should make elective offices less attractive financially and conceited government programs and policies should be aimed at alleviating unemployment and poverty and strengthening the capacity of security agencies. Government must consistently educate citizens and youth on the evil of political thuggery and violence.

Penetrating abdominal trauma

Calabar a fast developing urban town renowned for its low crime rate and cleanliness, is witnessing an upsurge in violence which could be counter productive to its development especially in tourism. We undertook this study to evaluate the patern of injury and proffer solutions. Patients operated for peneratrating abdominal trauma from January 2000 – December 2004 were retrospectively studied and compared with the period June 1994. It is concluded that there is an increasing wave of violence with gun being the commonest offending agent. Curbing illegal possession of firearms and use of other offensive weapons, prevention of armed robbery, cult activities, communal/religious crisis and political thuggery by education is advocated. Nigerian Journal of Surgical Sciences Vol. 15(2) 2005: 47-51

Political Corruption: Nigeria's Perennial Struggle

Political CorruptionNigeria's Perennial Struggle Larry Diamond (bio) As Nigeria wends its way toward its third attempt at democracy in as many decades, it confronts daunting challenges: persistent ethnic and regional tensions, growing religious conflict, shallow political institutions, an assertive military and secret police establishment, a deeply depressed economy, and a cynical and increasingly despairing populace. No problem, however, is more intractable and more threatening to the future of Nigerian democracy than political corruption. Few students of modern Nigeria would gainsay Chinua Achebe's claim that political corruption has grown more "bold and ravenous" with each succeeding regime.1 During the last decade of colonial rule, as the scope of the state expanded and an indigenous political elite achieved power, bribery, nepotism, embezzlement, and extortion became rampant. In these final preindependence years, and under the First Republic (1960-66), state contracts and loan programs were systematically milked to enrich elected officials and their cronies at both the regional and federal levels. Although the First Republic fell mostly because of ethnic and regional conflict, growing public disgust with corruption-and with politicians as a class-also played a role. In the late 1960s, the onset of the Biafran civil war and major oil production coincided with a marked increase in the scale of corruption. Under the administration of General Yakubu Gowon (1966-75), military governors, federal ministers, and others closely associated with the regime flaunted scandalous wealth. The oil boom of 1973-74 more than tripled government revenue virtually overnight, giving dramatic boosts to [End Page 73] corruption, ostentatious display, and sheer waste. A commission of inquiry, appointed by General Murtala Muhammed after he assumed power in an August 1975 coup, convicted ten of the country's twelve military governors of diverting funds totaling over $20 million. The popular Murtala, a vigorous reformist, was assassinated on 13 February 1976. His successor, General Olusegun Obasanjo, hewed faithfully to Murtala's timetable for a return to civilian, democratic government. The Second Republic began with many important institutional innovations, including a 19-state federal system, a ban on ethnic parties, and provisions requiring the government to "reflect the federal character of Nigeria" in major appointments and the distribution of resources. The National Party of Nigeria (NPN), which took power in October 1979, reflected the spirit of the new republic. The NPN was a broad, multiethnic (albeit northern-dominated) party, devoid of ideology and preoccupied with the business of distributing Nigeria's resources. Distribute resources the NPN did: to its ministers, party officials, supporters, contributors, and business allies, in a staggering outpouring of public wealth that peaked with the second oil boom in 1979-80. The boom rapidly doubled government revenue to $24 billion, but corruption and a plunge in oil prices bankrupted the country within three years. Of course, the NPN was not the only offender, even though it was the most brazen. The other four parties, each of which controlled at least two state governments, were also implicated in extensive wrongdoing. Corruption had become truly systemic, the standard practice of the politicians from every political party and ethnic group, crippling the functioning of almost every state. Directly and indirectly, this systemic corruption generated enough popular disaffection to undermine the legitimacy of the Second Republic. In addition to the demoralizing and seemingly endless trail of scandals and exposés, there was the sheer economic drain caused by so much fraud and mismanagement. State governments became unable to pay teachers and civil servants or to purchase drugs for hospitals, and many services (including schools) were shut down by strikes. The growing disparity between the opulence of the elite and the misery of the average household compounded the problem, as did the widespread violence associated with party politics. As the 1983 elections approached, political thuggery reached frightening proportions, leaving some cities virtual ghost towns on the first day of voting. Massive electoral rigging by the ruling party triggered riots that left more than 100 people dead and over $100 million worth of property destroyed. Although the Second Republic briefly staggered on, its fate had been sealed. On the last night of 1983, the military struck to popular rejoicing. Generals Muhammadu Buhari and Tunde Idiagbon took...