Political System Research Articles

The Role of Political Parties in Making Japanese Public Policy (Liberal Democratic Party as a Model)

Political parties are considered one of the most important political organizations and have a role in making and drawing up public policy. In Japan, they play a role, but there are not enough opportunities to assume governance. The Liberal Democratic Party is the most prominent party in Japan and plays a role in shaping and directing public policies in the country, and seeks to achieve a balance between the economy and the economy.And securityIn social affairs, the party played a vital role in promoting democracy and achieving political stability in the country. The party also seeks to manage the economy effectively and strengthen international relations through diplomacy and international cooperation, relying on its political orientations. The Liberal Democratic Party represents a model for political parties in Japan, which contributes to Effectively in making public policy and shaping the future course of the country, through its effective participation in governments, parliament and other democratic mechanisms, the Liberal Democratic Party remains a fundamental pillar in the Japanese political system, and a major partner in formulating and implementing policies that directly affect the lives of citizens and the future of the country. In its entirety.

‘Ubuntu’ African Philosophy or ‘Ubuntu’ as a Philosophy for Africa

This paper tries to develop a tenable philosophical idea of Ubuntu, that is, more specifically, a crystallized and sanitized African indigenous ethical perspective. Africa as an idea seems to be a “contested” concept in this contemporary post-colonial era due to the influx of different nuances, races, values, and beliefs that are in contention. Should this be a source of worry? So far, Ubuntu theory and practice in Africa seem to have become emotive, politicized, and not inclusive enough due to grandstanding about ownership, poor conceptual and theoretical articulation, as well as antagonism from other related foreign dominant worldviews that wish to become the development paradigm for most African social and political systems. This raises relational and dialogical issues about meaning from an African viewpoint. The search for an African endogenous paradigm for development is urgent given the real consequences of a (neo)colonial tendency that has threatened and disadvantaged the development of most countries due to its dominant paradigms of alienation, exploitation, and marginalization. These values have altered or affected African behaviour and thinking. This transformation of the African personality raises issues about agency. The underlying values of a development paradigm or philosophy of development for Africa require an ethical basis for human existence in political and social order. Generally, social order in most parts of Africa is beset by the problem of a negative dominant social paradigm (DSP) or core social values of hatred, intolerance, the abuse of human rights, dehumanization, exploitation, authoritarianism, poverty, and oppression. This often leads to tension, violent conflicts, and wars. So to build a viable and stable endogenous paradigm for development in most African sociopolitical environments, we attempt to use the main pillar of interconnectedness among human beings, which is central to Ubuntu as a humane and humanistic social system, to underscore some key moral and democratic values required for human liberation and transformation. The research question is: What concrete elements or values of Ubuntu can be useful as paradigms of endogenous African development? Specifically, our findings suggest that Ubuntu ethics is defined by a set of human values central among which are reciprocity, the common good, peaceful relations, an emphasis on human dignity and the value of human life, as well as consensus, tolerance, and mutual respect. Thus, the paper argues for the possibility of utilizing Ubuntu ethical correlates as materials for establishing stable and viable development worldwide and specifically in Africa.

ANALYZING THE CONCEPTS OF JUSTICE AND CONSCIENCE IN THE PLAY REİS BEY WITHIN THE FRAMEWORK OF CRITICAL DISCOURSE ANALYSIS

Justice is the concept that ensures the existing order and aims to maintain it. Conscience and compassion are the sense of distinguishing right from wrong within oneself. In this study, the concepts of justice, conscience and compassion are analyzed through the life of Reis Bey, the main character of the radio play. While analyzing the radio play Reis Bey, critical discourse analysis method was preferred. Discourse involves uncovering the true meaning of any group of words, finding the impact of words on the individual or society, understanding the real conversations in relationships between people, explaining the political system, what its ideology is and how it is. Critical discourse analysis, on the other hand, systematically analyzes a dialogue or a single spoken word by turning it into a text. Critical discourse analysis does not have a sharp line as it enables the emergence of abstract concepts underlying the dialogues. In this context, the aim of the study is as follows. While analyzing the radio play Reis Bey, it is to reveal the meanings underlying the dialogues within the framework of meaning, context, interpretation and periodic social structure. The importance of the study is to examine the relationship between the concepts of justice, conscience and compassion in the radio play Reis Bey through the individual and to interpret the evaluations between conscience and justice in the decision-making process of justice providers. The character of Reis Bey in the radio theater play has changed his thoughts towards the concepts of justice, conscience and compassion throughout the narrative. As a result, it was concluded that the main character of the radio play, Mr. Reis Bey, completely changed his attitude towards the events in his life.

Determinants of the Root Causes and Success Factors for the East African Community Regional Force Intervention in Managing Intractable Intrastate Conflicts in the DRC

Globally, the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) has had one of the most intractable conflicts. Several attempts, ranging from global, continental, and regional levels, have been made to address these conflicts with little success. The deployment of the East African Community Regional Force (EACRF) in 2022, a period characterized by the emergence and intensification of the March 23 Movement (M23) — a rebel group that seeks to advance the interests of the Congolese Tutsi ethnic group within the DRC military and political system — was envisaged to change the fortunes regarding the conflicts in the DRC. This was because it would be the first localized attempt at intervention. However, since the intervention of the East African Community Regional Force (EACRF) in the DRC, there seems to have been little progress regarding the management of intractable conflicts. This paper sought to investigate the determinants of the success of the EACRF intervention in the management of the DRC’s intractable intra-state conflict. The study is underpinned by the interpretivism research philosophy, and the paper was anchored on Conflict Transformation Theory to sustain the study variables. The researcher adopted two research designs — descriptive survey and historical longitudinal research designs — to ensure valid research results. The target population was 297, from which a sample of 177 was derived, including EACRF ground personnel, military attachés, members of the local community, leaders of rebel groups, and refugees, who were sampled using census, simple random, snowballing, and purposive sampling techniques. The study findings established that EACRF's success was inhibited by a number of factors: 91 (60.66%) respondents acknowledged that institutional weaknesses in East African Community (EAC) states contribute to prolonged conflicts in the DRC. Additionally, 43 (28.66%) respondents stated that regional security competition, namely power rivalry, affects the management of the DRC conflict. Furthermore, 8 (5.33%) respondents cited the informal economy, and 8 (5.33%) respondents mentioned trans-border social networks as additional factors contributing to the complexity of internal conflict in the DRC. The paper concludes that the EACRF has had limited success due to several factors, thereby inhibiting its management of intractable intra-state conflicts in the DRC. The paper recommended that the EAC strategically focus on region-centric intervention in New Warfare in eastern DRC, especially in the Republics of Burundi, Rwanda, and Uganda, given that rebel groups originating from these nations frequently operate in the Eastern Region of the Democratic Republic of the Congo. Strengthening good governance in these states, including the DRC, is necessary to quell ethnic unrest that fuels internal and regional conflicts within the EAC.

The Transition of Scientific Theories into Social Discourse

Abstract This study delves into how the Chinese intellectual community of the early 20th century interpreted scientific ideas, specifically the “theory of evolution” and “theory of relativity.” The conservative publication, The Eastern Miscellany, underwent a transformation during the May Fourth Movement, embracing concepts like “Mutual aid: A factor of evolution” and the theory of relativity in the 1920s. Editors and writers used these scientific concepts to counter radical intellectuals, reshaping cultural and ideological perspectives in journal texts. This reinterpretation aimed to not only adopt modern values but also challenge the dogmatism of scientific discourses in China’s political and cultural context. Scholars associated the mutual help hypothesis with evolutionary studies, aligning it with cultural diversity and opposing centralized political structures. The relativistic theory, connected to anarchism and coexistence within civilization, offered an alternative discourse to radicalism, rejecting a singular modern value system. Their goal was to establish a discourse community reflecting their rationality and principles while restoring traditional values in Eastern civilization. This paper considers this as evidence of how they struggled to maintain conservative legitimacy during the political system’s modern transition and aims to elucidate it through textual analysis of contemporary magazines. Furthermore, the paper aims to remind us once again of the dangers of scientism, which are often overlooked when compared to the absolute nature of science that is still recognized today.

Where Repronormativity is Questioned: A Case Study of Male Pregnancy in Berlin

Some trans men can get pregnant and through that decision they question repronormative ideals. This study aims to explore the experience of these men and to understand how Berlin, where they live, may influence their experience of pregnancy. To do so, a case study was conducted and, using semi-structured interviews, two participants talked about their experiences in the city, parenthood, masculinity, pregnancy and social experience. The results were analyzed following the thematic analysis by Braun and Clarke. Four main themes emerged: (1) unseen pregnancy, (2) (un)identity challenges, (3) interpersonal experiences of a pregnant man and (4) specificities of life in Berlin. All the themes seem to be involved with negotiations between their personal experiences and the social expectations about their pregnancy. The main results reveal that pregnancy was conceptualized by participants as a masculine experience, despite the lack of recognition by society. Some characteristics of Berlin - as the existence of a supportive Queer community, the economic and political system, and the existence of certain laws - seem to have an influence on the decision of these people to get pregnant. However, participants reported experiences of discrimination and invisibility. Therefore, despite the evidence of some protector factors, the city is not completely free of the violence inherent to a cisheterosexist system. The principal practical implications of this work are the creation of inclusive and safe spaces, free of discrimination, to allow the integration of visibility around masculine pregnancy, if people decide to, in order to improve recognition and respect.

Lexical and stylistic features in the written media

This paper discusses several lexical and stylistic features that were commonly used in the Albanian press during a period of 30 years (1960-1990) as part of the national ideology and propaganda in communist Albania. This study is based on a large corpus of Albanian newspapers, magazines, and other speeches of the most notable Albanian communist leaders of the time. In recent decades there have been few linguistic studies in Albania that chose to explore the connection between language and totalitarianism. The study of totalitarian language in all its aspects gives us a lot of material to explore the effects of a certain political situation and the ideologization of public discourse on language (especially on the language of the media) and its lexical means. In this work, I focus on the identification of the predominant lexical and stylistic features and finding links between language as a tool of communication and power maintenance and totalitarianism as a political system, to show language abuse and its usage as a tool of propaganda.

How the Russian-Ukrainian war changed the geopolitical picture of the world

For centuries, russia was the country that was showing its power in the international political system. Firstly, the emergence of the Soviet Union and 15 countries united under one roof, and then its dissolution in 1991 made russia a more aggressive power that the international community witnessed these years. This was mainly against the post-Soviet Space, as russia till today, thinks that post-Soviet countries are and should be under the influence of russia. That's the main reason why Russia has aggressive foreign policy towards its neighboring countries, especially Georgia and Ukraine. The wars against Ukraine and Georgia show how huge a threat can be coming from the imperialist neighbor state. Here, three main years of wars are outlined: 2008, 2014, and the year of 2022, when Russia started a new military occupation against Ukraine. This aggressive foreign policy dimension is not only a threat for only post-Soviet space but to international security as well. Russia’s internal and external policy dimensions have always been a subject of international world order, as its steps always had some implications for both regional and international political systems. This research will discuss what are the main implications of military occupations conducted by russia in the 21st century.

Military occupations conducted by Russia in the 21st century and their implications: the cases of Georgia and Ukraine

For centuries, Russia has been a country that has demonstrated its strength in the international political system. First, the emergence of the Soviet Union and 15 countries united under one roof, and then its collapse in 1991, made Russia a more aggressive state, as the international community witnessed during these years. This was mainly directed against the post-Soviet space, as Russia still believes that post-Soviet countries are and should be under Russian influence. This is the main reason why Russia has an aggressive foreign policy towards its neighbors, especially Georgia and Ukraine. The wars against Ukraine and Georgia show how great the threat from an imperialist neighboring state can be. The three main years of the wars are outlined here: 2008, 2014, and 2022, when Russia began a new military occupation of Ukraine. This aggressive foreign policy dimension poses a threat not only to the post-Soviet space, but also to international security. Russia's domestic and foreign policy has always been a subject of the international world order, as its steps have always had certain consequences for both the regional and international political system. In this study, we will look at the main consequences of the military occupations carried out by Russia in the 21st century.

Epistemic inequality in the digital era: Unpacking biases in digital mental health

This article examines biases in digital mental health and their impact on technical, social, and political systems. Rising health expenditures and the politics of public health have increased individuals’ responsibility for managing their own health. Global e-health initiatives promise mental health metrics through digital technologies. However, obstacles such as neo-colonial workings of the global economy, embedded biases in technology, and exclusion of psychological therapeutic approaches hinder the digital shift in mental health. This article analyzes the ecosystem of digital mental health technologies, challenging assumptions about psychological normality and algorithmic bias. It explores issues in individualized digital healthcare, cultural biases in psychological assessments, and disciplinary biases in psychology and psychotherapy integrated into digital health tools. By exposing biases and power dynamics, the article emphasizes the need for ethical considerations and offers insights into the potentials and limitations of mental health technologies.

Examining the Alignment of Ideological Expression with Behavior or Deception: An Experimental Investigation of Chinese Youth's Political Attitudes Towards America

<i>Background</i> In the context of globalization, as one of the most significant bilateral relations in the world, the dynamics of China-US relations exert a considerable influence on the world. Simultaneously, the accelerated advancement of Internet technology has provided a more expansive array of avenues for acquiring information. Through Social media, news websites, and international forums, Chinese youth groups demonstrate a heightened interest in global affairs. However, the divergence between disparate cultural and political systems has resulted in Chinese youth developing nuanced and multifaceted political dispositions when engaging with the United States and other Western nations. It is therefore imperative to study the political attitudes of Chinese youth, particularly to the United States. <i>Objectives</i> The concept of political attitude expression refers to the external manifestation of an individual's ideological position's usefulness. However, there is a lack of empirical research examining the alignment between an individual's inner motivation and their expression of political attitudes. Based on the aforementioned information, an experimental study was devised and executed with the aim of discerning political attitudes. The study focused on individuals' external expressions of political attitudes and their intrinsic motivations, specifically in relation to the United States. The objective was to examine whether specific factors could potentially influence the external manifestation of individuals' internal ideologies.<i> Main ideas</i> Various factors contribute to the expression of individual ideologies. The ideologies expressed by individuals do not solely reflect their ideological beliefs, but rather arise from a complex interplay of moderating factors influenced by individual rationality regarding economic costs and social circumstances. <i>Conclusions</i> (1) The political attitudes of Chinese youth toward the United States in general demonstrate a left-leaning trend, with low favorability toward the U.S. (2) Economic interests exert an influence on ideological expression, and individuals holding a left-leaning ideological position may elect to accept financial incentives and formally demonstrate high favorability toward the U.S., driven by economic interests. (3) Transformations in the social milieu may precipitate a phenomenon whereby individuals are inclined to "follow the crowd," concealing their authentic political dispositions and eschewing genuine political expression.

Athafnafólk í opinberri stefnumótun á óvissutímum: Hvernig hugmyndin um notendastýrða persónulega aðstoð varð að veruleika á Íslandi

Þessi rannsókn leitast við að útskýra tímamótaákvörðun í þjónustu við fatlað fólk á Íslandi. Opinber stefnumótun hefur löngum einkennst af hægfara breytingum, sem gerast í smáum skrefum. Stundum bregður þó svo við að meiriháttar breytingar verða og stefnumál, sem verið hefur baráttumál hagsmunahópa um margra ára skeið, ná fram að ganga. Dagskrárkenningar leitast við að útskýra meiriháttar stefnubreytingar með því m.a. að beina athyglinni að því hvernig og hvers vegna tiltekin málefni koma til kasta stjórnvalda á hverju tíma. Bandaríski stjórnmálafræðingurinn, John W. Kingdon, setti fyrst fram kenningu sína um straumana þrjá og glugga tækifæranna fyrir rúmum 30 árum. Nýlegar rannsóknir evrópskra stjórnmálafræðinga halda því nú fram að nálgun Kingdons geti varpað ljósi á það hvernig það pólitíska kerfi sem stefnumótunin fer fram í virkar og hvernig hegðun og aðferðir þátttakenda í ferlinu hafa áhrif. Í þessari eigindlegu rannsókn er skoðað hvernig hugmyndin um notendastýrða persónulega aðstoð (NPA) varð að veruleika á Íslandi. Rannsóknin byggir á fyrirliggjandi gögnum og viðtölum við lykilfólk um þá framvindu mála sem leiddi til ákvörðunar um að innleiða NPA hér á landi. Rannsóknin lýsir því hvernig og undir hvaða kringumstæðum NPA komst á dagskrá stjórnvalda. Niðurstöðurnar sýna hvernig breytingar á verkaskiptingu milli ríkis og sveitarfélaga gáfu tækifæri fyrir nýja hugmyndafræði sem nýttist bæði notendum, viðskiptahagsmunum og pólitískum hagsmunum. Niðurstöðurnar benda til þess að þar hafi ekki aðeins verið réttur maður á réttum stað á réttum tíma, heldur varpa þær fræðilegu ljósi á það hvað einkennir athafnafólk í opinberri stefnumótun og hvernig og hvers vegna það skiptir máli á óvissutímum í stjórnmálum.

Social Identity and Voting Behavior in a Deeply Divided Society: The Case of Israel

This paper examines what best explains political behavior in a deeply divided society. Despite the democratic nature of the Israeli political system, we suggest that Israel’s society is characterized by social affiliations mainly defined by social identity that include race, ethnicity, and religion and amount to tribalism. Based on the results of the 2020 election, we examined whether these social affiliations or other socioeconomic characteristics better explain voting behavior. First, we found a significant correlation between tribalism and voting behavior in Israel and socioeconomic characteristics and voting behavior in Israel. When comparing tribalism’s correlation versus other socioeconomic characteristics, we found that the correlation between tribalism and voting behavior in Israel trumps the correlation between socioeconomic characteristics and voting behavior in Israel, except for the Ashkenazi Jews. In other words, voting behavior is better explained by affiliation to the social group, that is, by kinship, race, ethnicity, and religion, than by other socioeconomic characteristics such as education level, economic status, or geographic location. This extends the idea of “in-group favoritism”.

The Evolution of Mediation in International Conflicts from 1940s to 2020s

The article analyzes the evolution of international mediation from the middle of the 20th century to the present day. How do changes in international environment influence mediation and research on it? The paper’s hypothesis is that the transformation of international order and political organization of the world, the dynamics of (de)globalization and changes in the nature of international conflict determine the specifics of international mediation and shape the relevant research. Over the last 80 years international mediation evolved through three stages. During the first stage, shaped by the cold war, conflicts were mostly of interstate nature and were settled by states and international organizations. Meanwhile, the growing activity of non-state actors led to the emergence of mediation via “track II diplomacy”. At this stage, the study of international mediation becomes an established research area. The second stage, since the end of 1980s to the beginning of the 21st century, witnessed a rapid progress in the settlement of many protracted regional conflicts, aided by the mediation efforts of the USSR and the United States. In Russia, research on international mediation, previously fragmentary and legalistic, developed into a separate subfield of international studies. During the third stage, in the 21st century, the political organization of the world has been undergoing a turbulent transformation at all the three levels: Westphalian system, the system of interstate relations, and political systems of individual states. The all-encompassing nature of this change increases conflict potential and changes the nature of international conflicts, which become multidimensional and involve a variety of actors. Responding to the demand for managing complex conflicts, new trends in mediation emerge, such as the growth in mediation attempts by developing nations, engagement of peacekeeping missions in mediation, the use of digital technologies for mediation purposes. At the same time, the erosion of the old political organization of the world triggers the rise in identity-based conflicts that involve disagreement over values. As parties to such conflicts are less likely to seek interestbased compromises, the likelihood of successful mediation decreases.

Characteristics and Emerging Trends in International City Negotiations

The article examines key features, main directions, and current trends in international negotiations between subnational territorial units using the example of cities. In today’s world, where the global political system is undergoing epochal change, the international activities of non-governmental and subnational actors, including their participation in international negotiations, have intensified. One of the key features of international city negotiations is that they occur mainly in a multilevel and multilateral format. This is due to the hybrid nature of cities, which are both state and non-state entities. The balance of power between cities and states in international relations depends on factors such as the degree of autonomy granted to sub-national units by the central government, as well as the level of economic and political influence held by cities. Sometimes, the position of a city may differ significantly from that of the state it belongs to. At the international level, there are several specialized institutions and mechanisms that allow cities to coordinate their positions and develop common approaches. These include the World Association of United Cities and Local Authorities, the World Assembly of Local and Regional Authorities, and the Metropolis Association. The main topics of today’s multilateral negotiations between cities include combating climate change, ensuring protection from natural disasters, promoting the rights of migrants and other displaced people, and fostering innovation in urban environment and governance. In contrast, bilateral negotiations between cities, based on the institution of sister cities, focus more on the humanitarian, scientific, educational, and cultural spheres of cooperation. Finally, current trends in international city negotiations include the increasing use of digital technologies and the geographical reorientation of Russian cities’ partnerships towards the countries of the “global majority.”

SPECIAL MILITARY OPERATION OF RUSSIA AND TRANSFORMATION OF «HISTORICAL POLITICS» IN THE CENTRAL ASIA COUNTRIES. PART I

The article examines the main aspects of the historical policy of the Central Asian states, observed recently. After the Western proxy war against Russia entered an active phase on the territory of Ukraine, the Central Asian republics have seen an intensification of social discussions around various topics of historical discourse. The topic of memory policy as an integral part of the country’s ideological policy on the part of the authorities of the states in the region is in a difficult state due to a number of internal and external elements of influence on this area. This text is also an attempt to consider the degree of influence of processes that can be called “memory wars” on the formation in the republics of the Central Asian region of new ideological foundations for the existence of political systems, social well-being and foreign policy positioning of the countries of Central Eurasia.

How are national and global identities connected to attitudes toward the political system in Russia? The role of political decisions contributing to international isolation.

How are national and global identities connected to attitudes toward the political system in Russia? The role of political decisions contributing to international isolation.

The War Against Ukraine and the EU: Facing New Realities, edited by Claudia Wiesner and Michèle Knodt. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. XIII, 230 pp. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-35040-5.

This book discusses the multiple implications of the war against Ukraine for the EU political system. It draws on a number of different authors to analyse the main dimensions of the Russian attack on Ukraine and the subsequent large-scale war, which impact the global order and EU foreign policy. In the context of war and Russia’s large-scale invasion of Ukraine, the EU needs to position itself in a changing world order, internal and external challenges to liberal democracy and the development of its strategic autonomy. In various chapters of the book, the development and strengthening of strategic partnership and friendship with Ukraine is considered by the EU as one of the central foreign policy priorities. Without the support of the Ukrainian partner, it is difficult for the EU to achieve positive results in European politics and play the role of an influential power in the international arena. In this context, various authors note that only the formation of political and economic ties between the EU and Ukraine will be the optimal way out of the full-scale war and crisis that Ukraine has found itself in. Only the combination of opportunities and efforts will allow the Ukrainian political elite and society to eventually stand on par with leading European countries.

Geopolitikai változások, modernizációs stratégiák és a szubimperializmus koncepció újragondolása: a brazil eset

The aim of this study is to analyze theoretical questions using examples from the main geopolitical changes occurring worldwide. In the 1980s and 1990s, in the three semi-peripheral regions of the world, namely Southern Europe, Latin America, and Eastern-Central Europe, authoritarian and bureaucratic dictatorships collapsed. Subsequently emerging countries, including members of the BRICS-group, began to play a significant part in world politics. In Latin America, the era of the so-called „Exceptional States,” followed by a transition to democracy, came to end, resulting in hybrid political systems. New regional integrative organizations such as Mercosur, UNASUR, the Sanghai Cooperation Organization, the Asia- Pacific Economic Cooperation, and the Eurasian Economic Union were reorganized and established. During the years of transition, international relations underwent significant changes. The bipolar world system gradually gave way to a multipolar system. Concurrently, the notion of „sub-imperialism,” initially developed by Ruy Mauro Marini in the 1970s, began to be reconsidered and reevaluated. This shift prompted several questions: Is the concept for mulated by Ruy Mauro Marini fifty years still applicable today? Can it effectively describe phenomena unfolding during this period? Should we classify Brazil as a great power or as a sub-imperialistic state?

Filmic and other forms of historical representation in the history classroom: ancient Sparta

The aim of the present research was to examine whether a film is considered a more accurate source of knowledge about historical times when it is compared to the graphic novel it was inspired by, a poem and primary historical sources that deal with the same events depicted in the film. For that purpose, we used the film 300, which depicts the battle of Thermopylae and the Spartan agogi, as well as the role of the ephors in the Spartan political system. The data analysis validated that the cinematic representation is considered the most accurate and pedagogically appropriate representation of the past by the students, even though the limitations of the medium are thoroughly demonstrated in the classroom.