Political Subjects Research Articles

Polycode Representation of Kinesthetic Phrasemes: Metaphorical and Semiotic Perspectives

The study is devoted to the analysis of somatic metaphor in the political communication, considered as a syncteric metaphorical-semiotic structure, which serves as one of the ways to encode ideological, cultural, evaluative, emotional, argumentative and other types of meanings. The necessity for a detailed analysis of the implementation of the actional code in the media political space was dictated by the need to study the mechanisms of interaction between kinesthetic and linguistic signs as powerful means of persuasion and effective impact on the readership. The study is based on an integral semiotic approach which involves the use of semantic-cognitive analysis, discourse analysis, content analysis, methods of contextual interpretation and conceptual metaphorical modeling, as well as the involvement of interdisciplinary information of the fields of cultural studies, sociology, psychology of communication and political science. The material of the study is represented by electronic mass media analytical and news reports on the political subjects with the focus on verbal and non-verbal somatisms. It was found that the system of archaic ideas and ritual actions determines the metaphorization and symbolization of related and free phraseological formations, the origin of which is due to the markedness of the elements of the non-verbal body code. Intercultural analogy and pragmatic parallelism of non-verbal and verbal representations of somatic units along with semiotic interpretation of the original meaning is revealed. Differences in communicative pragmatics and axiology of somatisms identical in structure and content in the intercultural aspect are characterized. Techniques for constructing the external and internal syntax of the actional code are described, models for assembling kinesthetic phrasemes into gestalt are demonstrated, and algorithms for unpacking/decoding of their meaning are demonstrated. The synergy of verbal and actional languages of communication in the construction of a cognitive-linguistic picture of the political world is noted.

Not teaching evolution is an injustice

Since April, India has been roiled by controversy around the excision of several topics, including evolution and the periodic table, from school textbooks (up to grade 10) by the National Council for Educational Research and Training (NCERT). This was projected as an exercise in “rationalization” of content aimed at reducing the study load on students. The move was opposed by large numbers of academics and worried citizens. As the exclusion of specific topics in history and contemporary politics appeared to be in line with the ideology of the ruling party, many critics assumed that the removal of science topics was also ideologically motivated. In turn, this spurred supporters of NCERT and the government to dismiss all criticism as being entirely political, rather than academic. Both sides in this debate have traded exaggerated accusations of mala fide intent, leading to crucial broader issues being obscured.

Soft technologies in the transformation of perceptions of citizenship in Armenia

Political PR and its influence on electoral behavior in Armenia is one of the significant aspects of the study at the present stage. The importance of this direction is due to a number of components. Political PR is able to influence electoral behavior and is an important part of the political process. At the present stage, the political process is still connected with the problem of choosing the path and goal of the country’s development. This aspect makes it necessary to influence the political activity of citizens, directing it in a direction beneficial to political actors. The possibilities of regulating political activity and preferences of the electorate determine the promising search for the most effective means of advertising and PR in the political process, the introduction of innovations. In the Republic of Armenia, a significant part of the electorate continues to remain politically inert, especially in the regions. People have little interest in events related to competition in domestic politics, there is no awareness that it is political trends that shape the future, and therefore their choice is significant and important. Demonstrating superiority over competitors is the main tactic common in political advertising and PR. However, in recent years, new directions and trends have appeared in political PR, which are based on the influence on individual electoral groups, not just the promotion of a political subject, but also a change in the attitude of the electorate itself to its role in the political process. The political process itself becomes a significant problem, both within the framework of domestic and foreign policy. In many ways, they form the theory and practice of communications within the framework of political consulting, determine the tactics and strategies of PR. In this regard, the search for the most optimal and effective directions of political PR for Russian practice becomes a significant task, and therefore it is possible to determine the chosen research topic as relevant.

Migration and the Democratisation of Sovereignty

Migration in relation to democracy and sovereignty is considered one of the great challenges of this century. At the local, national, and global levels, migration is causing tensions in the development of democracy and security, which often calls the sovereignty of a given state into question (International IDEA, 2017). The challenges about migration in relation to democracy and sovereignty will increase even further since, according to relevant data, it has been warned that the next exodus is likely to occur as a result of climate change. In accordance with the assertion of the UN Climate Panel, it is said that this coming exodus will occur in the distant future as it is calculated that somewhere around the year 2100 there will be a climate-related warming of the planet of 2 to 3 degrees. The emergence of violent conflicts, climate change, persecution based on ethnic and religious affiliations, and various forms of violence are also en-dangering state sovereignty. These reasons why migrants leave their own countries, along with migrant perspectives, are topics that need to be addressed. It is important to examine migration as the main topic, especially migration in relation to democracy and state sovereignty. Seen in its totality, migration is taking on global dimensions and will be the hottest point of political topics with regard to finding the formula for its management in accordance with democratic values and their compatibility with state borders. Therefore, a debate should be subject to the following questions: how are we to preserve democratic values and the stability of sovereignty, and, should sovereignty be democratised?

Love, Zeal and Patriotism towards the Construction of the Political Subject: Emotional Politics during the Chilean Revolution of Independence, 1808–23

Abstract Although Chilean independence has been the focus of much historiographical attention, the study of political emotions is still a pending issue. This essay aims to understand the experience and the role of love, zeal and patriotism during the Chilean independence process between 1808 and 1823. By studying these expressions and their associated practices, the essay argues that love, zeal and patriotism were used to imagine and design the characteristics of the desired political subject, which was conceived as playing a fundamental role in the success of the political project aimed to be established. To this end, the essay will make use of a variety of documentation from the period, but taking as a core document the epistolary of Bernardo O’Higgins, one of the most important figures of the Chilean emancipation process, and of the Southern Cone.

Representation of Current Sociocultural Realities in German Society: Thematic Group of Internet Memes OUTSIDER — LOCAL

This article presents an analysis of internet memes in Germany from 2020—2023, focusing on the thematic group “Outsider — Local”. The study examines various characteristics of these memes, such as their place and date of posting, “genetics”, precedent phenomenon, addressing, field structure, object and subject of criticism, interaction of visual and verbal series, patterns of meaning generation, sources of humor, and genre. The article identifies four subgroups of memes, which include criticism of political subjects (in defense of migrants), criticism of political subjects (against migrants), criticism of migrants, and criticism of local ethnic Germans. The study finds that social groups themselves, such as migrants and typical Germans, are the most frequently criticized objects. Additionally, the authorities are criticized for their insufficient or excessive support of migrants, while typical Germans are criticized for their cultural standards. The most frequent subjects of criticism for migrants include their large numbers, low integration into German society, criminal tendencies, pretentiousness, and disrespect for other cultures. The article notes that intercultural memes are infrequent, while borrowed memes that refer to recognizable characters and contemporary precedent phenomena with broad addressing dominate. Finally, the dominant genre varieties are macros and edvices.

Assembling Publics: Microsoft, Cybersecurity and Public‐Private Relations

In this article, we advance the literature on publics in international politics by exploring the nexus between publicness and big tech companies. This nexus finds a significant expression in the increasing impact of big tech companies to mediate disputes over societal problems, deliver social goods and rearticulate public-private relationships. We develop an analytical framework by combining recent scholarship on assemblage theory and publics, allowing us to understand publicness as enacted in practices which revolve around issues and rearticulate relations of authority and legitimacy. To demonstrate the value of the framework, we show how Microsoft is involved in assembling publicness around cybersecurity. Microsoft does so by problematising and countering state-led cybersecurity activities, questioning the state as a protector of its citizens and proposing governance measures to establish the tech sector as authoritative, and legitimate “first responders.” With this rearticulating of public-private relations, we see the emergence of a political subject for whom security is not solely the right of a citizen secured by the state but also a customer service provided as per a service agreement. The study hence offers important insights into the connection between publicness and cybersecurity, state and big tech relations, and the formation of authority and legitimacy in international politics.

Reconceptualizing Cross-Cutting Political Expression on Social Media: A Case Study of Facebook Comments During the 2016 Brexit Referendum

ABSTRACT Political communication research has long sought to understand the effects of cross-cutting exposure on political participation. Here, we argue for a paradigm shift that acknowledges the agency of citizens as producers of cross-cutting expression on social media. We define cross-cutting expression as political communication through speech or behavior within a counter-attitudinal space. After explicating our conceptualization of cross-cutting expression, we empirically explore: its extent, its relationship to political arguments, and its implications for digital campaigning during the 2016 Brexit Referendum. Our dataset, comprising 2,198,741 comments from 344,884 users, is built from Facebook comments to three public campaign pages active during the Brexit referendum: StrongerIn, VoteLeave, and LeaveEU. We utilize reactions data to sort partisans into “Remain” and “Brexit” camps and, thereafter, chart users’ commenting flows across the three pages. We estimate 29% of comments to be cross-cutting, and we find strong correlations between cross-cutting expression and reasoned political arguments. Then, to better understand how cross-cutting expression may influence political participation on social media, we topic model the dataset to identify the political themes discussed during the Brexit debate on Facebook. Our findings suggest that political Facebook pages are not echo chambers, that cross-cutting expression correlates with reasoned political arguments, and that cross-cutting expression may influence the online voter mobilization potential of political Facebook pages.

Conceptually Misaligned: Black Being, the Human, and Fungibility

ABSTRACT This article concerns the ways in which Afropessimist Calvin Warren misuses and overextends both Wynter’s historiography of the Human and Hartman’s concept “fungible commodity.” First, Calvin Warren flattens the ontology of the political subject described in Wynter’s concept “genres of Man” to argue that the contemporary Black US person exists as “being,” that is, non-being. Second, Warren misaligns with Wynter’s account of the period of historical rupture between the Human and nonhuman. Whereas, for Wynter, this rupture was constituted by the colonial encounter in the Americas, Warren cites chattel slavery as the event wherein the Human and Other, specifically the Black Other, were torn apart. Third, Warren’s use of “fungible commodity” when referencing the contemporary Black lacks a historiographical framework that would account for the continued non-being of Black existence as commodity post-emancipation.

Citizenship, Time and Crisis

Citizenship is a specific form of social and political closure, thus defining, in a dialectic relation, the changing “shape” of both political subjects and forms of government/statehood. Looking at citizenship as an institution of political subjectivity and statehood, I would like to raise two questions concerning its relation to (historical) time. How does the dual function of citizenship as a form of social closure and a tool for self emancipation change in times of crisis? What is the relationship between citizenship and moments of historical ruptures, be it wars, revolutions, or times of political transformation? Does citizenship contribute to shaping the temporal dimension of statehood on the one hand and of moments of collective or individual self-emancipation? Citizenship is simultaneously a discursive and a material structure. The hypothesis I want to bring forward is that it shapes our understanding of historical time according to these dimensions.

Transiting From the East to the ‘Core’ West of Europe: Slovakia’s Ontological Liminality After the Outbreak of 2022 Russia’s War on Ukraine

This article examines the effects of the outbreak of Russia’s full-scale war against Ukraine in February 2022 on the reconstruction of the notion of ‘Eastern Europe’ in Slovak political discourse and the subsequent re-definition of Slovakia’s political subjectivity vis-à-vis the contested notion of the ‘East’. It aims to advance the application of ontological liminality concept in international relations integrating it with post-structuralist and post-colonial insights on identity formation. I seek to shed light on how Slovakia negotiates its liminal position of being ‘the East of the Western Europe’ under the new geopolitical and discursive realities. Drawing on the concept of ontological liminality and post-colonial notion of master, my principal argument suggests that Slovakia aspired to demonstrate its capability to define the normative meaning of EUrope as one of its ‘core’ members positioning itself as a superior European state, a ‘master’ in relation to Ukraine. Although, on Slovakia’s mental map, the notion of ‘East’ assumes a far-away position it escaped long time ago, at the same time ‘East’ with the tinge of orientalism has been constructed as an indispensable subject position that the future newcomers to EUrope carry when they are pursuing their transition to the West. Based on hierarchically underpinned discursive self-positioning of Slovakia, ‘East’ is thus made a pre-liminal attribute which post-communist countries let go when beginning their transition to/through the Central Europe that ultimately emerges as an intermediary post-colonial spatial and discursive setting where liminals undergo the ritual of becoming genuinely EUropean.

Войната в Украйна в ракурса на предизборната кампания за 49-ото обикновено народно събрание

The crisis in political speech in our country (2022 – 2023) was strongly influenced by the military conflict in Ukraine that officially began on February 26, 2022. The war, which has shaken politics at the international level, has exposed the thick red lines between political entities in Bulgaria, deepening the parliamentary crisis that has reached a state of collapse in the past year and a half. And the media – intentionally or not, became a witness and accomplice to what was happening. The relevance of the chosen topic is dictated by the need to analyze the political speech regarding the military conflict in Ukraine during the election campaign for the fifth consecutive early parliamentary elections in Bulgaria (April 2, 2023). In the analysis, the author refers to the messages from the political formations and the position they take on the war, as well as their media coverage. The positions of media experts are presented. Sociological surveys were also examined, which show the attitude of the voters on the question. The goals of the development are to make an attempt to analyze the behavior of the main political subjects in our country regarding the war in Ukraine, the position they take, as well as the messages they send to the voters; to examine the results of each party’s strategy and how far it was able to influence the election result; to offer a prediction about the future development of the parties (possible and impossible partners) in the perspective of their political speech related to the military conflict. The pre-election campaign for the 49th Ordinary National Assembly was marked by the theme of the war in Ukraine and made it necessary for political subjects to clearly define their position on the conflict both to the voters and to their competitors, but also to future potential partners in the attempt to form a cabinet. In the current uncertain domestic political and international situation, the Bulgarian voter demonstrates the need for clearly stated and categorical positions in which to recognize his convictions.

Ценностное и смысловое значение Родины в книге А. С. Панарина «Православная цивилизация в глобальном мире»: философский анализ

Introduction. The article examines the book by A. S. Panarin “Orthodox civilization in the global world” as a source of understanding the essence of the Motherland, its place in the system of values. The relevance of addressing this issue is obvious in connection with the changes taking place both in Russia and in the world, the need to overcome the crisis and implement a different model of development based on objective values. Theoretical analysis. The appeal to the work of A. S. Panarin makes it possible to critically assess the potential of the value of “Motherland” as a key value of humanity, to determine the prospects for the implementation of this idea into reality. To solve this problem, the thinker’s ideas are compared with the philosophical concept of the Motherland as a spiritual substance, a shrine, perceived and transmitted by a person through a system of images. Conclusion. It is pointed out that the acquisition of a Motherland by a person as the basis for his own identity, personal highest value, is a condition for future progressive equitable development. Attention is drawn to the importance of education as a factor contributing to a real understanding of the essence of the Motherland and its acceptance as the highest personal value, enabling the individual to objectively understand the ideological concepts of various political subjects and resist sending the course of socio-cultural and other transformations in a destructive direction.

Objectivisation and genderisation in news frames about immigration: the Carola Rackete case

ABSTRACT In June 2019, the captain of the sea-rescue vessel Sea-Watch 3, Carola Rackete, decided to dock on Lampedusa in spite of the ban promoted by former Minister of Interior, Matteo Salvini. The article underlines the role of newsmaking in politicizing immigration and fuelling three intertwined trends of the post-public sphere: manipulation of the debate, objectification of migrants and genderisation of the conflict. To highlight those features, we have analysed 250 articles from eight Italian online media outlets on the Rackete case. Through a frame analysis, we have identified how the process of ideology construction has started from the destiny of migrants in the Mediterranean Sea and ended in a geopolitical game that sees Italy and the European Union at the antipodes. The article looks at what happens when the objectification of migrants leads to their removal from the public sphere: new actors emerge as endowed with a political subjectivity, attracting all the attention in a framework of personalization and polarization of the political debate.

Logical and Historical Aspects of the Genesis of Russian Sociology (on the Example of N.Ya. Danilevsky and N.K. Mikhailovsky)

Introduction. In the article, the actual problem of the nationalization of modern Russian sociology is associated with the clarification of the logical and historical aspects of the genesis of Russian sociology.Methodology and sources. The theoretical sources of the study were the works of representatives of the Russian tradition of the historiography of sociological doctrines (N.I. Kareev, M.M. Kovalevsky, P.A. Sorokin) and modern Russian historians of sociology (A.I. Golosenko, Yu.N. Davydov). For a comparative analysis of the conceptual and categorical apparatus of Russian sociology, the potential of the biographical method is used and the works of N.Ya. Danilevsky and N.K. Mikhailovsky are involved. The empirical base was made up of materials of public discussions in the Russian media on the nationalization of science and education, and expert assessments. The methodology of socio-cultural analysis, social constructivism, typological approach is used.Results and discussion. The article deals with the connection of the theoretical constructions of the first Russian sociologists with their historical vision and axiological consciousness. In the “paradigm personalities” of Mikhailovsky and Danilevsky, the splitting of the emancipating social thought into science and managerial activity and moral and pedagogical practice was expressed. Criticism of the evolutionist-progressive reading of the formula “Russia and Europe” by Mikhailovsky is expressed in the theoretical distinction between types and stages of social evolution. The non-religious moral and dogmatic attitude of subjective sociology laid at the foundation reduces the content of these categories to the combinatorics of indicators of division/integration, homogeneity/heterogeneity. Her declared orientation towards the moral ideal aroused the sympathy of the Russian intelligentsia, in contrast to the ideas of Danilevsky, a social thinker, an advanced official, and a macroeconomist. The relevance of the typological approach to world history developed by him and the method of modeling comparative types are substantiated. Cultural-historical types are de-ideologized concepts designed to analyze historical events, build models and scenarios for the interaction of “historical individuals” and highlight the essential elements of the potential for their future development.Conclusion. A new stage in the interaction between Russia and Europe is characterized by a crisis of Europe's political subjectivity, a decrease in its role in world economic relations. Turning to the origins of Russian sociology allows us to identify points of divergence in the formulation of the question of the type of subjectivity in Russia, commensurate with its natural and cultural potential, and in the directions of the search for an answer.

Slovenians in the Anti-Fascist Struggle in Bosnia and Herzegovina and Building the Federal Foundations of Yugoslavia (1941-1945)

Understanding the socio-historical processes after the April War of 1941 and the dismemberment of Yugoslavia presupposes a deeper knowledge of opposing national perspectives since 1918, when this country was created, of the events between the two world wars, as well as their multidimensional characters, since they largely determined wartime polarizations and alignments. The Second World War is one of the most problematic historical periods in the post-Yugoslav area, from a scientific and political point of view. With numerous relief and insufficiently explored components, it still belongs to the so-called “hot memory”. The disintegration of Yugoslavia in 1941 was greeted by its peoples and political subjects with different visions of whether (and if so: how) a new Yugoslavia should be established. The anti-fascist struggle was led by a partisan movement with the Communist Party of Yugoslavia (KPJ) playing a dominant role. Each Yugoslavia (“old” and “new”) also meant “a new constitutional concept of the relationship between its main peoples/political groups” (Dejan Jović). The history of the Slovenes, wrote Edvard Kardelj at the end of the thirties of the 20th century, “is nothing but a long chain of oppression and trampling of a small nation”. After the First World War (the “Great War”), the Treaty of Versailles in 1919 and the collapse of Austria-Hungary divided the Slovenes among four countries. The parcelization of the Slovenian ethnic space did not end there. The territory of Slovenia (Drava Banovina) after the fragmentation of Yugoslavia in 1941 was divided between Germany, Italy and Hungary, into six parts, with different administrative regimes. The Slovenian people were torn apart, humiliated, threatened with destruction and disappearance from the ethnic map of Europe. This people was one of “the most fragmented in Europe and all the occupiers planned to wipe it out through persecution, assimilation and denationalization. Research on refugees and exile is closely related to issues of human rights, nationalism, genocide and ethnocide. This issue has a humanitarian, political, legal and moral dimension. Part of the exiled Slovenes also came to Bosnia and Herzegovina in 1941, which was part of the Independent State of Croatia (NDH). Slovenes have a specific place in the history of Bosnia and Herzegovina since the end of the 19th century. They also contributed to the development of the National Liberation Movement ( NOP) in Bosnia and Herzegovina, by acting in an illegal revolutionary movement and partisan units, as well as participating in the constitution of the new government and defining the future internal structure of post-war Yugoslavia. The war in the territory of occupied Yugoslavia was, among other things, a civil war that destroyed the idea that this monarchist state can be restored in the form in which it was created in 1918. The ranks of the NOP included Slovenians who lived in Bosnia and Herzegovina before the war, as well as those who came as exiles in 1941. Major events related to the construction of the “new” Yugoslavia took place in Bosnia and Herzegovina, in which Slovenians participated, important for the history of Slovenia as well as Bosnia and Herzegovina. By actively participating in the anti-fascist war, the engagement and visions of their prominent representatives at the top of the NOP (Edvard Kardelj and others) and in the activities of the AVNOJ in 1943, determining and making its landmark decisions, the Slovenians had a significant share in the victory and establishment of a new, federal the Yugoslav state and the construction of the statehood of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Complex Yugoslav federalism, with scattered forms and models, represented a specific historical phenomenon.

Theoretical foundations of public administration in the sphere of formation of national identity

Theoretical foundations of public administration in the sphere of formation of national identity

Social Media Influencers’ Role in Shaping Political Opinions and Actions of Young Audiences

Social media influencers have become an indispensable part of social media, informing audiences, especially young ones, about various topics, such as beauty, lifestyle, or food. Recently more political influencers have emerged, and regular influencers have increasingly taken positions on political and societally relevant topics, including climate justice and gender equality. Yet, empirical evidence on how both types of influencers are perceived by their audiences and how they might impact young audiences regarding political action is scarce. Hence, the present study set out to investigate adolescents’ and young adults’ use and perception of social media influencers in the context of political information dissemination, opinion formation, and mobilization. With the help of qualitative interviews of young people in Germany (16–22 years), we show that while the mainstream media seems to still be the primary source of political information, influencers focused on politics are increasingly used to make sense of this information. The presumed impact ranges from amplifying the effects of existing opinions to opinion formation and changes in voting intentions based on the assessment provided by the influencer. Regular influencers who talk about political topics occasionally are not perceived as reliable sources of political information.

Kant y el problema de las mujeres: una revisión feminista de las posibilidades de su inclusión cívica

The aim of this paper is to evaluate the possibility of harmonizing Kant’s juridical-political thought with a feministperspective of women’s emancipation. To this end, first of all, the mechanisms by which the author deprives women of the abilityto guide their behavior by principles of reason will be analyzed. Consequently, it will be argued that women’s moral inferiorityis the cause of their political or civic inferiority. Secondly, once this link has been made, the viability of a conciliation will beanalyzed, taking into account the consequences that this would bring about in the sexual division by spheres and in the fact ofthinking of political subjects as disincarnated subjects.

The Meaning of Silence and its Functions in Politics

This study deals with one of the essential topics in English linguistics and politics silence, which plays a significant role in politics given the numerous functions it serves. Particularly, it examines and analyses the meaning and function of silence of some well-known current politicians, namely former US presidents, George W. Bush, Barack Obama and Donald Trump. The rationale behind this choice stems from that these political figures tend to have silent pauses for particular purposes such as disagreement, and insulting. Drawing on Elisabeth Noelle-Neumann's "Spiral of Silence" paradigm and van Dijk's Critical Discourse Analysis, this study also seeks to answer the following main question: what types of silence can be deduced from former US presidents and how can we explain silence from this and other perspectives. It also reviews the interpretation of silence in different contexts and discusses the functions and types of this concept. Results this study has obtained from analysing the data show that silence can showcase a range of categories of communicative functions. This study presents evidence for a number of functions that can be conveyed by the use of silence in speech in political discourse. These include face-saving, affecting, evaluating and linking. Results also suggest that since speakers (politicians) do not identify specific victims by name, they may want to achieve victim equity. This is due to the possibility that bringing up a certain name could bring up issues related to race, religion, politics, etc. Additionally, a speaker could appear depressed while attempting to avoid mentioning the name of a certain family member. As a result, that family’s sorrow can deepen.