Political Stance Research Articles

Disinformation in Times of Disaster and Crisis

This research is based on 3 consecutive disaster (pandemic, earthquake and flood) in Turkey. During these successive disasters, it has been observed that the traditional and social media handling of similar news has changed. The political stance, in particular, affects the way the news is reflected, causing the elements of disinformation to increase and the target audience to be affected by the views of the news encoder. Although the political stance displayed by the traditional media tools is clear, the political views and goals are not always clear because the news flow in the new media is carried out in the context of personal accounts. Within the scope of the research, 3 examples were selected for each disaster shared by the Turkish people on Twitter, one of the social media tools, during 3 disasters. Similar news in the traditional media was also examined and a comparison was made between the two media channels. The semiotic method was used in the study. The semiotic method was used in the study. One of the possible results of this study is the finding that disinformation elements change according to the way the news is presented in social media and traditional media. On the other hand, despite the fact that the news in social media is produced by people, it has been noticed that sometimes these news are more accurate than traditional media and that the disinformation desired to be created in the traditional media is tried to be prevented.

‘Hi Chatbot, let’s Talk about Politics!’ Examining the Impact of Verbal Anthropomorphism in Conversational Agent Voting Advice Applications (CAVAAs) on Higher and Lower Politically Sophisticated Users

Abstract During elections, millions of voters consult online Voting Advice Applications (VAAs) to gain insights into political party stances. However, voters often struggle to understand VAA statements. Previous studies show that incorporating a Conversational Agent (CA) that addresses voters’ inquiries about VAA statements enhances the users’ factual and perceived political knowledge, as well as their evaluation of the tool. The current paper reports on two experimental studies (n = 141; n = 164) delving into the prospect of enhancing these CAVAAs by investigating how the choice of an anthropomorphic communication style (Conversational Human Voice vs. formal) influences tool evaluation and political measures among users with higher and lower levels of political sophistication. Results suggest that especially lower politically sophisticated users could benefit from CAVAAs since they felt more informed to vote after using a CAVAA, and because they answered more factual knowledge questions correctly after using the anthropomorphic CAVAA. Implications of these findings are discussed.

Make America hate again? Before and after Trump, there were differences in how Muslims and Islam were portrayed in American media

ABSTRACT Islamophobia has historically been used to refer to racism, prejudice, and securitization, indicating that these are structural, cognitive, or cultural aspects of the issue. The term now refers to an Islamophobic social structure in the West, where people tend to act in a way that is hostile against Islam and everything that it represents, according to the current study. The prefix neo has thus been introduced by the researchers to this phrase to account for the psychological aspect of Islamophobia, which shows itself in behaviors and discourses. In order to comprehend the nature of Islamophobia in the UK and the USA, this research aims to investigate Islamophobic discourses in the media of these two Western cultures. Using the DHA analytical methodology, it examines 446 top stories from The Washington Post (The Post editorial board has supported Democratic candidates for federal, state, and municipal offices in the great majority of U.S. elections. Decisions on endorsements and the editorial board of the newspaper are made independently of journalistic activities. It wasn't until 1976 that the Post consistently endorsed candidates for president. The Post has never backed a Republican for president in the general election since it endorsed Jimmy Carter in 1976. Instead, it has consistently supported Democrats in presidential contests. Despite this, the Post declined to either Republican nominee Vice President George H. W. Bush or Democratic candidate Governor Michael Dukakis in the 1988 presidential contest. Obama in 2008 and 2012, Clinton in 2016, and Biden in 2020 were all backed by the Post editorial board (The Washington Post, 2020).) and The Independent (The Independent is typically characterized as liberal, liberal-left, and center to center. The paper's founders believed that readers from The Times and The Daily Telegraph would be its primary audience when it was first founded in 1986 and aimed for its political stance to match the middle of the British political spectrum. It is more of a rival to The Guardian because of perceptions that it leans left on the political spectrum. On economic matters, The Independent, however, leans liberal and pro-market. The Independent described itself as a proudly liberal publication on Sunday (Luce, 2019).) between November 2016 and December 2017. This study finds that although Neo-Islamophobia is more prevalent in the US, where it is considered as a challenge to the socio-political order, classic Islamophobia is more prevalent in the UK, where Islam is seen as a threat to Europe's symbolic identity. It suggests a cycle of neo-Islamophobia that starts with problematizing Islam and moves on to ultimately securitizing Muslims.

Ballots beyond borders: attitudes towards external voting in Colombia

ABSTRACT Should emigrants be allowed to participate in elections in their country of origin? In an era of increasing mobility and migration, the number of countries that allow their citizens abroad to vote has increased exponentially over the last half century. Relatively little is known, however, about how citizens living in countries with external voting perceive the extension of voting rights to emigrants. We theorize that when external voting might determine the results of an election, voters in the origin country will question the election’s legitimacy and take political stances in favor of limiting the enfranchisement of citizens living abroad. We test this theory within the context of Colombian politics through an original survey experiment that varies the perceived threat of external voters. Specifically, we manipulate both (1) information about the size of the electorate abroad, and (2) information about the differences in preferences between the electorates in the country of origin and abroad. We find that, in general, Colombians living in Colombia strongly support voting by citizens living abroad, even when primed about the possible political consequences. Our results suggest that normative approval of the electoral institution of external voting supersedes strategic incentives to support or oppose it.

Contemporary Components Connected to the Evolution of Football

Romanian football is deeply ingrained in the national culture and is heavily impacted by public life. It is also generally recognized as a social phenomena in many different contexts. Moreover, the sector has historically been linked to certain political and ideological stances, which add to the extremely antagonistic environment. The purpose of this research is to conduct a longitudinal study of Romania's own coefficients and examine the statistical findings about the evolution of domestic clubs in Europe in relation to past performances, rather than comparing Romania's coefficients with those of other nations. The results indicate that integrating stakeholders and developing new ties can increase industry trust.

Why do organizations take political stances? A review of reasons and risks

AbstractOrganizations and their leaders have begun publicly signaling political values in candidate endorsements, statements, and advertisements, yet political action often has negative organizational consequences, including lower public support, financial costs, and reduced trust. We review the costs of organizational politicization, moderators of those costs (such as ideological alignment and size of the organization), and potential reasons why leaders take political action. Scholars often attribute political action to public pressure to “take a stand”, but this public pressure may be misunderstood. Members of the public who want organizations to take political stances desire particular stances to be made in particular ways, tend to believe in the superiority of their own values, and are relatively likely to boycott businesses for political reasons. Catering to these individuals could lead to the accumulation of supporters who are especially politically zealous and likely to punish perceived political missteps. Demands to “take a stand” might seem like one unified call to action, but they may instead be a large set of directly conflicting demands. We make recommendations for future research to better understand leaders' reasons for political action and when, if ever, such actions support the interests of organizations and broader society.

Internationalisation of a Mayor: Sadiq Khan’s Involvement in the Brexit Process

After his re-election as the mayor of London, Khan underlined “the scars of Brexit” that are not healed yet. His political stance against leaving the EU has formed a critical interference of Khan in a foreign policy decision of national government. In the light of the literature on internationalisation of non-central government, this study aims to explain Khan’s “actorness” in the aftermath of Brexit referendum by utilizing Hocking’s (1999) theoretical framework. Dimensions of the mayor’s involvement in the Brexit process are explained under the categories of initiators, channels and targets; yet a new grouping titled voices proposed by this study would complete the whole picture of analysis. The press releases derived from the official website of London government constitute the basis of research material.

지방자치단체장의 정치성향별 지방자치단체 슬로건 변화에 관한 연구

This study is an analytical study on the changes of slogans of local governments. This study aims to confirm that whether the local slogans advocated by local governments can be influenced by the political inclinations of elected leaders. The scope of the study is local governments where the head of a local government was replaced by a different political party. Core vocabulary was derived from the frequency of words used in slogans and analyzed the values pursued and images emphasized by political orientation. Through comparative research, It was discovered that not only did the content of slogans change depending on the political leanings of the local government head, but also the design form of the slogans also changed. It was found that blue is often used in the slogans of local governments where progressive leaders had been in office, while local governments where conservative heads of organizations are elected often replace slogans using red. On the other hand, through an investigation of the words emphasized in their slogans, it was found that the common goal of local governments, transcending the trends of the times and political stances, is the happiness of local residents. It was confirmed that there is a need to improve the problem of the short life span of local government slogans due to the use of colors and word selection that show similarities with national administration, and to create and manage a viable slogan that can blend harmoniously into the overall city brand and meet the basic goals of regional development and the satisfaction of local residents.

Narratives and Power in Digital Media Coverage of the US Troop’s Withdrawal from Afghanistan

This study examined the digital media coverage of the U.S. troop withdrawal from Afghanistan in 2021, focusing on how narratives within China Daily constructed and communicated power. This critical juncture in international relations provided a unique opportunity to analyze media narratives that shaped public perception and policy discourse, particularly through the lens of China Daily, a significant voice in Chinese and global media. The objective was to dissect how China Daily’s reporting reflected and influenced geopolitical narratives, utilizing Teun van Dijk’s framework for news discourse analysis. This involved a detailed examination of the discourse strategies and ideological constructs in the coverage of the troop withdrawal. By analyzing 192 articles from China Daily published between April and September 2021, the study explored the construction of narratives and their underlying ideologies. Findings indicated that China Daily strategically framed the U.S. withdrawal in terms of regional instability and terrorism risks, emphasizing the consequences of what it portrayed as a hasty and irresponsible U.S. action. This narrative strategy was aligned with broader Chinese political stances on non-interference and respect for national sovereignty. This research contributed to the field by highlighting the role of media in shaping international perceptions and added a non-Western perspective to discourse studies on global military engagements.

표암 강세황의 『표암유고』 미수록 시문 고찰

This paper examines materials not included in the Pyoam Yugo related to Pyoam Kang Se-hwang (1713~1791) among the materials held by the head house of Hak-am Kang Seok-gu (1726~1810) enshrined in Jadong Seowon in Gimcheon, Gyeongsangbuk-do. Pyo-am and Hak-am were relatives of the same Jinju Kang Family, but Pyo-am was a descendant of Jukchang-gong Kang Ju (1566~1650) and Hak-am was a descendant of Chalbang-gong Kang Bu (1536~1606), making them very distant relatives. In addition, Hak-Am's predecessor had a friendly relationship with the Namin of Yeongnam by having a residence in Gimcheon, Gyeongbuk since the time of Namwa Kangseol (1583~1651), and Pyoam mainly lived in Ansan and Seoul, Gyeonggi-do, so he was close to the Namin near Seoul-Gyeonggi. However, Pyo-am and Hak-am interacted with each other based on a close relationship that had been established since their ancestors. In particular, Pyo-am, who was based near Seoul Gyeonggi, was in charge of supporting Hak-am's life in Seoul and other literary activities. Perhaps that is why there are ancient documents and books existing in Hak-am’s head house that tell us about his interactions with Pyo-am and his descendants. In this paper, first of all, three types of materials directly or indirectly related to Pyoam and other materials from the head house collection were presented by decoding and translating them. And then, I intensively reviewed a scroll of poems written by Pyoam and Hakam shared in 1771 at Buan, Jeolla Province, the place of appointment of Samdangjae Kang Wan (1739~1775), a commentary on King Yeongjo's handwriting written by Pyoam to Hakam in 1776, <Songjeong> which was mistaken for Pyoam's work in 1788, and three types of <Song Jeongeonjongsiguiyeongnamseo> that were mistaken for Pyoam’s work in 1788. Through this, the nature and significance of the materials were revealed, including Pyo-am and Hak-am's companionship and poetic aspects, Pyo-am's travels to Buan in Jeollanam-do and his relatives in Jinju, and Hak-am's human side and academic orientation, also, four poems, one epilogue, and one congratulatory message (祝文) were unearthed. Above all, the author of <Jeongeonjongsiguiyeon- gnamseo>, which had been mistaken for Pyoam's work, was corrected as Jungam Kang Icheon (1768~1801), Pyoam's grandson. The reason why it was misunderstood is because the name of Kang I-cheon (executed as a Seohak in 1801) was erased from the document due to Hak-am's agony in trying to establish Neo-Confucianism, Yeongnam Namin's identity, and Jadong Seowon. As discussed above, thanks to the existing Hak-am head house materials, it became an important opportunity to understand the chronology, literature, and political stance of the Jinju Kang family in the late 18th century, as well as the handwritten manuscripts of Hak-am and Pyo-am, Kang Wan, and Kang I-cheon.

25th Jan Revolution in the Articles of New York Times: A Study in Critical Discourse Analysis

Journalists have covered the 25th January Egyptian revolution analyzing and expressing opinions. The thesis is concerned with the inconsistency of their stances and positions. More specifically, it investigates shifts in the political stances of American journalists during and post the January 25th Egyptian Revolution. The thesis adopts Fairclough’s (1992, 2010) three-dimension framework of discourse, together with, Fairclough & Fairclough’s (2012) argumentation model to investigate the corpus of the current work. The corpus incorporates ten articles, seven editorials and three op-ed articles, that are published in the American newspaper New York Times on the Egyptian revolution from January 25th, 2011 to March 31st, 2011. Analysis is conducted on three levels; textual, discursive and social. Results indicate that writers are bias, taking sides and changing them according to the changes of the events. Thus, the articles witness a gradual change of stance from the pro-Mubarak and anti-revolution stances to the anti-Mubarak and pro-revolution stances.

The Study on the Reasons and Cultural Inheritance of Huang Daozhou’s Calligraphy in the "Xiaojing"

Huang Daozhou (1585-1646), also known as Shizhai, was a famous scholar and calligrapher of the late Ming and early Qing dynasties. In the final stages of his life, he was imprisoned for his candid advice to the emperor, during which he wrote 120 volumes of the "Xiaojing" (The Classic of Filial Piety). This paper aims to explore Huang Daozhou's motives for writing the "Xiaojing" in prison and its cultural significance. By analyzing Huang Daozhou's life, educational background, reasons for imprisonment, and calligraphy style, the paper reveals the importance of the "Xiaojing" in Huang Daozhou's mind and how he expressed his loyalty and filial piety to the nation and family through his calligraphy. The study shows that Huang Daozhou's calligraphy is not only an artistic creation but also a reflection of his moral and political stance.

The Ways of Restoration of Armenia’s Deficient Sovereignty within the Framework of the Changing International Legal Order

This article is devoted to the examination of the legal and political foundations of the sovereignty of the Third Republic of Armenia and the revelation of the deficiencies thereof in the light of the current deep geopolitical transformation. Particularly, the former foreign policy model of Armenia is defined, and the details and consequences thereof are elucidated, i.e. Armenia pursued a client-state model of foreign policy, which implies a one-sided political stance and the vertical relationship between the patron state and client state, including a patron state’s domination in the internal policy dimensions of the client state, such as economy, internal politics, etc. It is substantiated, that as a result of the aforementioned foreign policy model Armenia lacked appropriate means of maneuver when the interests of the patron state started to contradict Armenia’s national interests. Therefore, the Armenian side lost the 44-day war and is subjected to continuous aggression from Azerbaijan.

Ousmane Sembene's Camp De Thiaroye in the Context of Anticolonial African Literature

Almost all of the countries on the African continent have been under the domination of European powers for a certain period of time throughout their history. As a result, many books have been written on the continent, adopting an anti-colonial rhetoric. Numerous authors have analyzed European colonialism and offered suggestions for getting rid of it. Senegalese Ousmane Sembene is an anti-colonial writer and director. In a way, his films can be considered as a version of anticolonial literature transferred to the movie screen. Sembene is an extremely important name for African cinema. He is the first person directed a feature film (La Noire de…, 1966) in Sub-Saharan Africa. His political stance has been a major factor in shaping the identity of the cinema not only of his country Senegal, but of the entire African continent. He has influenced a significant number of directors from the African continent and is very important in the context of political. His pan-Africanist personality and view of cinema as a tool of social transformation allow his films to be evaluated in the context of anticolonialist literature. Anticolonial themes are seen in Sembene's films both in terms of content and mode of production. The movie Camp de Thiaroye (1988) also has an important place in this context. In this film, he exhibited the ways in which colonialism produced symbolic and physical violence. He also revealed the stages of Africans gaining consciousness on their way to independence. In this study, Sembene's Camp de Thiaroye is analyzed in order to reveal the relationship between anticolonialist African literature and African cinema. As a result of the study, it was seen that Sembene produced a strong anticolonial discourse through his cinema and brought up many issues mentioned by the anticolonial literature.

Rakit yang Terombang-Ambing: Ambivalensi Sikap Politik dan Orientasi Ekonomi Orang Cina di Palembang pada Masa Revolusi

The revolutionary period was a time of upheaval and uncertainty for economic actors, including the Chinese community that played a dominant role in Indonesia's economy. During this time, the Chinese engaged in business and trade were caught between two competing powers vying for political and economic influence: the Republic of Indonesia's government and the Dutch government attempting to reassert its imperialist control. Their position was fraught with dilemmas, as they had to navigate conflicting political stances and economic interests. Palembang, as a strategically significant region outside Java with transnational economic connections, particularly with Singapore as a trading hub in Southeast Asia, became a key battleground for political and economic struggles impacting the Chinese community. This article aims to depict the various social, political, and economic realities faced by the Chinese in Palembang during this transitional period of power shifts, using a socio-historical approach.

Exploring TikTok's Role in Political Discourse: A Content Analysis of GE15 and SE2023 in Malaysia

TikTok is a social media platform that gained immense popularity and particularly favored by the younger population in Malaysia for its interesting feature focused on short video content. The latest trend in the political environment in Malaysia during Malaysia's 15th General Election and State Election 2023 is that TikTok has become a major platform for political parties and individuals to promote their respective sides. This study highlights how politicians from political parties and individuals have used TikTok as an election campaign platform to promote their political stance. The method used for this study is qualitative content analysis, utilizing purposive sampling by leveraging the TikTok post. Filter and hashtag were used to filter the posts taken from TikTok. This research applied five main themes and 20 subthemes adopted based on the literature review search. It was found that most of the political content in TikTok was in the form of entertainment meant to engage with the younger audience. Meanwhile, most of the political content associated with the political involvement of Malaysian youth was informational content posted by politicians and experienced voters.

Testing Europe Salience and Second-Order Election Theories: 2019 European Parliamentary Elections in Lithuania

Abstract The article assesses the 2019 elections to the European Parliament (EP) in Lithuania and their theoretical relevance. The analysis presents the political stances of parties and the electorate towards the EU. The focus then shifts to information and political campaigns, the parties participating in the EP elections, and the electoral results. These aspects serve to evaluate the theoretical relevance of Second-order election theory and the Europe salience theory, revealing the absence of Eurosceptic, protest, populist, and postmaterial mood in the 2019 EP elections in Lithuania.

Recuperative Wokeness: Nike and the Commodification of Potential for Social Change

Faced with the increasingly politicized nature of sport and the need for resource accumulation under neoliberal capitalism, brands employ political stances to connect with consumers and expand customer bases. The ubiquity of social media in the present moment offers a unique opportunity to analyze corporate messaging and also audience response. Seven hundred and fifty YouTube comments from three Nike ads were coded. Overall commenters responded positively to Nike acting as a “representative” for progressivism in sport while failing to acknowledge larger social movements or Nike’s own questionable business practices. Using Debord’s theory of spectacle and Fisher’s capitalist realism, we discuss “recuperative wokeness,” our term for how these narratives serve to co-opt activism, and how this works to maintain the legitimacy of neoliberal market system.

“Kings more than Men, Men less then Beasts”: a discussion of the rise and fall of the Ottoman Empire in Fulke Greville’s Treatises

Fulke Greville (1554-1628), stood as a prominent figure in the realms of English statesmanship, courtly life, and poetry during the late Elizabethan and early Jacobean periods. Maintaining a consistent presence in the courts of Elizabeth I, James I and Charles I, Greville had a unique vantage point to observe the intricacies of courtly circles in early modern England. His sharp intellect and literary passion, coupled with his involvement in Elizabethan and Jacobean politics, elevated him to the status of one of the foremost philosopher-poets of his era. In Turkish scholarship, considerable attention has been given to Greville’s Mustapha (1610), which explores the touching theme of the execution of Şehzade Mustafa, at the command of his father Süleyman the Magnificent. While this work has been extensively discussed, Greville's treatises, offering insights into his political and philosophical perspectives on contentious issues of his time such as sovereignty, kingship, tyranny, and just rule, have not received comparable examination. Notably, his treatises Of Monarchy and Of Warres provide a comprehensive exposition of his thoughts on the rise and fall of the Ottoman state. This article, therefore aims to present a more nuanced exploration of Fulke Greville’s ideas concerning the Ottoman Empire, shedding light on his broader philosophical contributions beyond the well-discussed Mustapha. A close reading of his Treatises indicates that Greville's interest in the Ottoman State and its history was intertwined with his political stance on a pressing concern for the English court—the rivalry with Spain and the broader Catholic world.

On the Educational Significance of Historical Textbooks for Adolescents' Ideological Consciousness, and Their Impact on Sino-Japanese Relations — Taking the Changes in Narrations on the War of Resistance against Japan in Chinese and Japanese History Textbooks as an Example

Significant disparities exist in the narratives of the Sino-Japanese War (1931-1945) as presented in Chinese and Japanese history textbooks. Both countries, influenced by their unique political, economic, and cultural stances, have made diverse revisions to their history textbooks at different times. This paper compares narrative changes in the history textbooks of both countries, contending that textbook revisions aim to shape adolescents' ideological consciousness and historical perspectives, influencing their political socialization tendencies and behaviors. As Japan refashions its historical textbooks, it impedes the young generation's ability to glean insights from history, potentially cultivating a cohort characterized by unwarranted arrogance yet lacking a sense of responsibility. The ongoing discourse surrounding historical textbooks consistently rekindles poignant memories among the Chinese populace, instilling fears of Japan repeating the errors of militarism and consequently, fortifying the younger generation's recollection of a humiliating past. China and Japan, not only wielding significant influence on regional security in East Asia but also playing pivotal roles in global peace and stability, should embrace equitable and amicable exchanges. Such exchanges can foster increased mutual trust and reciprocal benefits, representing the appropriate path for China and Japan, nations separated by a narrow body of water with a longstanding history of friendship.