Political Settings Research Articles

МІЖНАРОДНІ ВЗАЄМОВІДНОСИНИ УКРАЇНИ ТА АРГЕНТИНИ

The relevance of the problem of international politics is constantly growing. Due to the drastic changes in the world and the aggravation of global problems, their unsolvedness endangers the existence of humanity. The solution to the problems of the world community will depend on the policy of the states in the international arena. International relations is a system of a set of political, economic, social, diplomatic, legal, military and humanitarian ties and relations between the main subjects of the world community, which include peoples, states, public forces, movements and organizations. Therefore, it is important to pay attention to relations with other states and maintain partnership relations with them. An example can be the analysis of international relations between Ukraine and Argentina. It includes the study of commodity and political relations, labor movement, political relations in the international arena. The article covers the main aspects of international relations between Ukraine and Argentina. The main purpose of the study is to identify key issues, prospects and risks regarding the relationship between the Republic of Argentina and the Ukrainian state before the beginning of the Russian-Ukrainian war and in the current conditions. As a result, the following tasks were set: to investigate the peculiarities of the trade relations of both countries; determine the number of migrants between countries and the limits of their resettlement; to pay attention to the cooperation of countries in the field of culture; to analyze the position of Argentina regarding the invasion of the Russian Federation on the territory of Ukraine; to analyze the possibility of further development of relations between Ukraine and Argentina. The work presents data on the export and import of goods between states, describes the stages of population migration to Argentina, describes examples of cultural ties between states. The international position of Argentina regarding the Russian-Ukrainian war and its actions in accordance with it are highlighted, attention is paid to the possibility of changing this position in connection with the coming to power of the new president of Argentina, and some agreements that contributed to the improvement of relations before the full-scale invasion are given between Argentina and Ukraine.

EQUALITY THROUGH EXCLUSION? TOWARDS A NEW CONCEPTUALIZATION OF DEMOCRATIC EXCLUSION IN THE CONTEXT OF DIGITAL PUBLIC VENUES

In order to hinder attacks on democratic norms and processes in digital public venues, designing strategies of exclusion is a pressing concern. Nevertheless, we lack systematic studies of how digital public venues should be governed to protect – rather than undermine – democratic values through exclusion. The purpose of this contribution is to offer a systematic theorization of the concept of democratic exclusion in the context of digital public venues. I will in particular draw on two strands of literature within democratic theory which have contributed greatly to the normative theorization of democratic exclusion, but have done so in relation to other types of political settings: the works within feminist political theory on exclusion of dominant groups within parliaments (e.g. Dovi 2009; Murray 2014) and the literature on hate speech regulation and democratic self-defence against (primarily) antidemocratic parties (e.g. Müller 2016; Invernizzi Accetti and Zuckerman 2017; Malkopoulou and Kirshner 2019). First, I will analyze if and how these previous contributions can be applied to the specific context of digital public venues, where special conditions of access and visibility apply. I will then assess to what extent the platforms’ existing governing strategies and policies concerning the exclusion of problematic content or accounts are compatible with the relevant exclusion principles formulated in these works. Building on this analysis, in its final parts the study will move on to carve out more specific suggestions for how exclusion on digital venues should be governed, and what principles should guide this governance.

Opportunities and Barriers to Embedding Community Development Approaches in Local Systems

Background: Community development is a multi-faceted process which generates individual and community empowerment and can contribute towards reducing health inequalities, particularly in marginalised communities. Community development approaches refer to interventions, frameworks and programmes which work with communities to help them to identify their collective needs and challenges, and mobilises them to utilise available assets to generate long term change within the community. Funding for community development is typically provided on a short term ‘one off’ basis which limits its potential benefits. Continued investment, so that community development becomes normalised, is needed. Embedding community development within local systems, such as primary health care, local authorities and housing associations, is one way to achieve continued investment and to maximise benefits. However, there is little research on how to embed community development approaches within such systems. The research presented is part of a PhD project which aims to address this research gap. 
 Methods: Semi-structured interviews with Key Informants, who have experience embedding community development approaches within systems, are currently being conducted and shall be completed in December 2022. Participants are being recruited through purposive sampling. The interview topic guides were reviewed by a Public and Patient Involvement (PPI) panel in June 2021 and were developed around the Consolidated Framework for Implementation Research (CFIR). Data analysis is being undertaken also using the five domains of the CFIR (intervention characteristics, outer setting, inner setting, individual characteristics and intervention processes) in NVivo.
 Results: Preliminary results have shown that all five domains of the CFIR impact the embedding process. Funding is frequently described as a barrier to implementation, but some participants believe that funding is incorrectly identified as a barrier, with only limited funds needed to embed this way of working. It is frequently mentioned that a strong belief in the purpose of the project and key individuals driving systemic change within the organisation are key to long term implementation. Other current emerging themes include the significance of the political setting at both a local and national level, as well as a multidisciplinary and inter-sectoral approach being adopted being a facilitator to change.
 Future Implications: The results of this research will be collated with other parts of the PhD research project on embedding community development approaches in systems to improve health and reduce inequalities, to generate guidelines on how systems can embed community development approaches into their way of working. A panel of community members will contribute towards the generation of these guidelines, which will be made available to any local system considering adopting a community development approach.

A fart in the corridors of power: A socio-theological analysis of Evan Mawarire and Raymond Mpandasekwa’s activism

#ThisFlag movement was started by Pastor Evan Mawarire in April 2016 bemoaning the collapse of the Zimbabwean economy at the hands of the Zimbabwe African National Union-Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF) government under President Robert Mugabe. Although it started off as accidental, it, however, galvanised disparate groups and enabled them to transform anger against the state from online media to the streets. #ThisFlag movement officially started on the 20th of April 2016, when Pastor Mawarire wearing the Zimbabwean flag posted a video to his Facebook page decrying the state of the economy and what he felt was government’s neglect of its duties to serve the citizens of Zimbabwe. Although one government minister described Mawarire’s actions as a ‘pastor’s fart in the corridors of power’, the reaction by the state security agents points to the contrary. Street protests have been banned. This article interrogates the transformation of #ThisFlag movement from an online struggle to street protests that have turned violent. It also looks at other movements that are complementing #ThisFlag and how the state is responding to these protests both on the social media and on the ground. Evan Mawarire may be considered as an unusual voice from the ever mushrooming new church establishments. As such, it becomes a point of interest to find out what voice there is, which represents what is commonly viewed as mainline churches. Such a voice is identified as coming from Bishop Raymond Mpandasekwa of the Roman Catholic Diocese of Chinhoyi who in one of his sermons delivered an acerbic attack on Mnangagwa’s government as a ‘blood thirsty’ government. The study explored the messages of Mawarire and Mpandasekwa using the socio-theological lenses as guided by Rawls’ theory of civil disobedience.Contribution: This study locates #ThisFlag activism in the context of toxic transformative politics in Zimbabwe. In addition, it contributes to our understanding of the relationship between religion and politics in an unstable political and economic setting. It calls for a re-thinking of the role of the church in Zimbabwean society and discusses the state’s response to those deemed to be not towing the line. It shows that while some religious organisations and groups are too keen to be co-opted by the regime, some have effectively resisted this and have become combative as they fight for people’s rights. Another important contribution is located in how these pastor-cum-activists have harnessed social media to amplify their voices and to reach huge audiences beyond the pulpit. The study is important because it contextualises the role of religion in the country’s contemporary politics, and this fits into the scope of the journal in that it is a multidisciplinary study of both religion and politics.

POLITICAL CORRECTNESS IN POLITICAL DISCOURSE: THEORY OF IDEOLOGICAL ASPECT

The article aims to highlight the ideological aspect of functioning politically correct vocabulary in today’s political discourse. Realization of the set goal requires solving the following objectives: 1) to expand scholarly ideas about the interpretation of the linguistic phenomenon of political correctness as sociocultural and linguistic-behavioral ideology in political discourse; 2) based on the introduction of the concept “ideologeme”, to consider the classification of politically correct lexical units, used in political discourse. The study employs general scientific methods (analysis, generalization, systematization of scholarly literature on the issue under consideration), and special linguistic methods (method of distributional analysis, used to highlight the main semantic groups of politically correct vocabulary; elements of the component analysis, necessary to identify components of the meaning of politically correct vocabulary; method of linguostylistic analysis, used to study the functional features of politically correct vocabulary based on ideology). The study emphesizes that the phenomenon of political correctness can be considered as a set of linguistic and discursive components of the organization of the ideological life of modern society. It is able to ensure the creation of a system of values, the worldview, and in general, it involves the construction of reality. It also contributes to the dissemination and imposition of an opinion on one or another issue in society, mostly within the framework of political discourse. Political correctness deals with a situation in society where implicit rules of decency direct the ways of behavior in interactions between people of different races, genders, religions, and other potentially charged groups. It seems that political correctness in political discourse concerns all those areas where the interests of different groups of society collide on the issue of what is considered true or false, and who is considered “friend” or “stranger”. Political correctness as an ideology offers a polar view on social life, highlighting in it “good” (“right”) and “evil” (“bad”). Consequently, at the most abstract level, there are concepts that define the basic values of political correctness, as well as their “antipodes,” i.e., undesirable, unacceptable phenomena and attitudes that must be eradicated from social life (e.g., tolerant / intolerant, inclusive / exclusive). In general, it can be presented as a “good – evil” model of social life, which works and effectively serves the ideology of political correctness. Admittedly, the structure of the language of political correctness is not as homogeneous as it is commonly believed. Two broad layers of politically correct lexis that perform qualitatively different roles are considered: politically correct vocabulary, which includes the “acceptable” names of sociocultural phenomena, and politically correct ideologemes that are used to directly form a politically correct worldview. Ideologemes, as a result of the interaction of language and ideology, represent the optimal means for establishing the dominant worldview in the country, influence the transformation of the addressee’s already existing political worldview, explicitly or implicitly represent the basic ideological and value attitudes of a society. If politically correct vocabulary itself is an example of the “acceptable” language concerning different matters of life, then the ideologemes of political correctness set standards for assessing heterogeneous sociocultural phenomena. In turn, the attitudes and principles embedded in the ideologemes are implemented in the creation of politically correct vocabulary. Thus, ideologemes form the core of the linguistic representation of the ideology of political correctness. Their most common word-formation models involve exploiting the suffix -ism, the -free and -phobia components, the words “bias” and “sensitivity”. It can be argued that the ideologeme is a characteristic element of the global political context, since it is a kind of reference to a particular era, its meaning is detached from the direct meanings of the lexical units that make it up. An adequate understanding of the ideologeme is possible only in the context of the corresponding ideology and the context of a certain period of history.

Reconfiguration of Citizenship Beyond State Boundaries in Rojava

This paper seeks to investigate different modes of practicing citizenship in two political settings. One, in which an ethno-national state sets boundaries of membership and excludes some groups accordingly. The other, a democratic confederal system where neither state nor ethnic boundaries play a role in the configuration of citizenship. This empirical study looks at the individual perceptions and experiences of membership by stateless persons living in Rojava before and after the establishment of the Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria. The stateless Kurds in the north of Syria, in the time of the Ba’ath government, had limited access to resources and their social life was restricted. When northern Syria (‘Rojava’) went through fundamental institution-building to implement democratic self-administration and confederalism, the conceptualisation of citizenship changed within the context of reclaiming power from the State. This is understood as a transformation from people as state objects into active actors. My discussion here focuses on how the stateless groups develop a sense of belonging, reposition the political demands and arrange social engagement horizontally. An important issue emerging from the findings is that daily membership experiences are remarkably associated with active voluntary participation in the organisation of the community. In the self-organising system, regardless of the precarious legal status the persons are holding, citizenship content and consequences in daily life are more inclusionary and egalitarian.

"FEMINIST RHETORIC IN BARACK OBAMA AND HILLARY CLINTON’S DISCOURSE "

November 8, 2016, marked the beginning of a new era in the American political setting. The Obama era was known as a period of great opening, minority friendly approach and liberal vision. Of the two candidates that were running for office in 2016, Hillary Clinton seemed to have the most similar approach to the now former president of the USA, Barack Obama; Clinton was framed as the de facto carrier and enforcer of Obama’s legacy. Feminist approaches are not gender determined; Obama himself has made a mark as a feminist leader. Clinton ran for the highest office as a pioneer of women’s representation in politics. The aim of this paper is to discover the similarities between Obama’s discursive style and Hillary’s approach. Through critical discourse analysis, we launch this research in order to emphasize gender negotiations, in terms of both content and style.

Green Infrastructure Development within Urban Environment provided by Privately Owned Public Spaces

Since the industrialisation era, there has been a trend towards radial sprawl, rapid development and concentration of people in the largest cities. Historically, people needed space outside their homes to interact and communicate to each other. In the city it was provided by public open space, forming the centres of social life. The conditions and opportunities for people to use outdoor space have also changed with changing eras and political power settings, along with the scale of development, security concerns and ownership of space in the city. The aim of the study is to explore the nature of Privately Owned Publicly – Accessible Spaces (POPS) and their potential development contribution to urban green infrastructure, developing design and planning recommendations for the development of Privately Owned Publicly – Accessible Spaces in the urban environment. The research carried out during the literature review and analysis of city plans of the cities introduced POPS program shows the relevance of the topic of private ownership of public open space in the world's major metropolises, but that it is conceptually possible to adapt it to smaller-scale urban planning, for example by applying it to private investors and developers in their requirements for new buildings and sites development.

Diffusion of International Anti-Money Laundering Standards into Ethiopian Laws: Issues of Adequacy and Effectiveness

Ethiopia has signed and ratified several international and regional instruments adopted to combat and prevent money laundering (ML) and other forms of organized crime. To express the country’s commitment to implement these instruments and combat the threat of ML and associated predicate offenses to the country’s financial stability and national security, the government of Ethiopia has enacted various anti-money laundering (AML) laws. This article examines the diffusion of the international AML standards into Ethiopia’s legal system and the adequacy of the country's AML legal norms in addressing the structural causes of ML and its predicate offenses. A socio-legal research approach was utilized to conduct the study. It uncovers that Ethiopia’s AML legal norms have evolved primarily because of external pressure. Ethiopia was pressurized to comply with the international AML standards, specifically with the Financial Action Task Force on Money Laundering (FATF) 40 Recommendations. Eventually, the country’s AML norms comply with FATF recommendations. This saved the country from being labeled as a country with strategic AML deficiencies or being blacklisted as a non-cooperative country and territory. It is unlikely, however, to alter the structural causes of ML and its predicate offenses. To curb the peril of ML to Ethiopia’s economy and security, it is necessary to either transform the country’s economy from cash-intensive to cashless or enact comprehensive AML legal norms that reflect the country’s social, political, and economic settings.

Stabilization consciousness in the changing Russian society

In recent decades, the growing dynamics of social processes requires a new theoretical-methodological approach to the analysis of the mass consciousness reaction to these changes. In what cases are such changes determined by expectations or requests for change, and in what cases do changes determine a reaction to stabilize the social system? How does public opinion strive to maintain or restore stability in the changing world? The complex structure of society as a system predetermines the dynamics of social sentiments, setting the logic of change and highlighting the dominant functions of different spheres of social life in different historical periods. Russian society has entered the political phase of its development - when changes caused by political goal setting affect all other spheres: political involvement, politicization of various aspects of society and of public opinion are increasing. Changes affect the life of the common man, forcing him to choose strategies for the future. However, at the same time, the mass consciousness, conservative by nature, inevitably hopes for quick stabilization. The article is based on the data of the opinion polls conducted by the Center for Comprehensive Social Studies of the Institute of Sociology of the Federal Center of Theoretical and Applied Research of the Russian Academy of Sciences in 2016-2023 and analyzes the dynamics of public consciousness through its expectations and requests for change and stability. The author emphasizes the contradictory nature of changes in the Russian society, since the public consciousness was not ready for such a type, depth and pace of changes. There is a clear social segmentation - those who have already accepted changes and those who still try to distance themselves from changes. Stabilization consciousness plays a dual role by appealing to both the past and the future.

The Yellow Vests’ Relationship to Revolution and Violence

Abstract The Yellow Vests movement, which started in France in late 2018, was unprecedented in many ways. Its use of social media to bring together individuals from all across the country, its lack of clear leadership, its refusal to work alongside political parties or unions, and its ability to bring together opinions from across the political spectrum set it apart from other periods of political and social unrest in France. Yet commentators and demonstrators alike have drawn comparisons with France's revolutionary past. Could the movement be described as revolutionary? Are the violent acts of the protestors and the violent acts of the police sufficient criteria to categorize the movement as revolutionary? Drawing from government data, reports of the demonstrations, and publications on the Yellow Vests, this article argues that their appropriation of revolutionary imagery and methods suffice to qualify some of their efforts as revolutionary, especially when considering the movement's continued impact on political and social commentary in France.

Long-term outcome of 177 children with neonatal seizures in a 50-year political turbelance setting

Long-term outcome of 177 children with neonatal seizures in a 50-year political turbelance setting

Ambivalence of entertainment: the Cold War and pro-communist Mandarin cinema

ABSTRACT Colonial Hong Kong was a transregional hub of Cold War ideological confrontation. The United States and its Chinese ally, Chiang Kai-shek’s Taiwan, struggled with Beijing for the hearts of overseas Chinese in Southeast Asia and around the world. Pro-Communist émigré cinema in the mid-twentieth century was a prime cultural manifestation of this Cold War contest. After an initial period of radicalization and antagonism, the pro-Communist studios in Hong Kong gradually shifted to a moderate approach whose goal was not to undermine British colonial rule or espouse revolutionary ideologies. Rather, the new strategy was one of flexibility and restraint that aimed to maintain a strategic presence in the local film industry and serve as a point of contact for overseas Chinese. Later, with the emergence of two pro-Free China giant studios, Motion Pictures & General Investment Co. Ltd. and Shaw Brothers, the cinematic ecosystem in Hong Kong was significantly altered. In order to hold on to their market presence in an increasingly more competitive environment, pro-Communist film companies embraced a more entertainment-oriented ethos and experimented with various popular genres, while struggling to remain truthful to their ideal of “guiding people to do good.” With in-depth analysis of two popular films by Zhu Shilin, The Dividing Wall (Yibang zhi ge) and Sweet as Honey (Tiantian mimi), this essay seeks to historicize the ways in which the Beijing-sponsored film establishment in 1950s Hong Kong negotiated and balanced a changing set of political, ideological, and commercial interests in pursuit of its strategic mission.

Sexual Consent Norms in a Sexually Diverse Sample.

Sexual consent has received increased attention in mainstream media, educational, and political settings since the rise of the #MeToo movement in 2017. However, long before #MeToo, sexual consent has been a core practice among people who engage in Bondage and Discipline, Dominance and Submission, Sadism, and Masochism (BDSM). This study examined sexual consent norms among a sexually diverse sample, including people who practice BDSM (n = 116), people who identify with another sexual minority group, such as swingers and sex workers (n = 114), and people who did not identify with a sexual minority group, termed sexual majority group members (n = 158). Explicit consent for both BDSM- and non-BDSM-related activities was rated as more common (descriptively normative) among people who were a member of the BDSM community compared to majority participants. Further, BDSM participants rated consent discussions as less sexually disruptive compared to majority participants. We found no significant group differences in the extent to which people thought sexual consent should be discussed. We also discuss findings from an open-ended question asking participants to recall a recent sexual experience with a new partner. This study demonstrates variability in consent norms between groups and points to the potential to shift sexual consent behaviors among majority participants.

Policy education in a research-focused doctoral nursing program: Power as knowing participation in change.

Nurses have moral obligations incurred by membership in the profession to participate knowingly in health policy advocacy. Many barriers have historically hindered nurses from realizing their potential to advance health policy. The contemporary political context sets additional challenges to policy work due to polarization and conflict. Nursing education can help nurses recognize their role in advancing health through political advocacy in a manner that is consistent with disciplinary knowledge and ethical responsibilities. In this paper, the authors describe an exemplar of Elizabeth Barrett's "Power as Knowing Participation in Change" theory as a disciplinary lens within a doctoral nursing health policy course. Barrett (radically) emphasizes "power as freedom" instead of "power as control." This approach is congruent with nursing disciplinary values and enhances awareness of personal freedom and building collaborative relationships in the policy process. The theory was used in concert with other traditional policy content and frameworks from nursing and other disciplines. We discuss the role of nursing ethics viewed as professional responsibility for policy action, an overview of Barrett's theory, and the design of the course. Four student reflections on how the course influenced their thinking about policy advocacy are included. While not specific to policymaking, Barrett's theory provides a disciplinary grounding to increase students' awareness of freedom and choices in political advocacy participation. Our experience suggests that Barrett's work can be fruitful for enhancing nurses' awareness of choices to participate in change across settings.

Forms of fiscal governance in the Euro Area – An update

AbstractDespite the common Euro Area (EA) requirements, we find notable differences in the quality of fiscal governance among the 19 member states. Moreover, characteristics of the delegation approach, which have been largely ignored in the EA fiscal governance framework, remain important in various member states. Using a two‐way fixed effects panel data model for the EA countries during 2006–2018, we find that the delegation approach can be effective to improve the fiscal position. On the other hand, the imposition of centrally mandated common rules‐based reforms has not taken into account the national political, social and institutional setting, and this may have also affected their effectiveness to achieve fiscal discipline. Our findings thus suggest a reconsideration of the one‐size‐fits‐all, rules‐based approach to fiscal governance in the EA.

Language Dynamics and their Influence in Zambia’s Political Discourse

Abstract Purpose – A world with an increasing number of questions needs people willing to contribute solutions. The fulcrum of this study is centred on assessing the language dynamics and impact of the English language hegemony over local languages in the social, political, and economic life of the Zambian population. The study gleans on the implications of English hegemony and its concomitant colonial undertones and effects particularly on marginalised groups. Notably, the study provides a critical and reflexive development study analysis that eschews the norm: this approach – leaning towards the developmental interests of indigenous and local constellations – enables a rethink of who really benefits from language policies and politics, allowing for a repositioning of who in fact the language development paradigm is for. Method of Enquiry/Design – Data were collected through an analysis of both latent and extant literature derived from a variety of scholarly sources on language dynamics and imperial notions associated with domineering languages. This approach of navigating through a juxtaposed pool of scholarly works provided a confluence of propositions that informed the study’s inferences, particularly by highlighting the subtleties embedded in the English language hegemony. Most significantly, the themes are also informed by this author’s own personal field anthropological observations; having been born and grown up in Zambia under this same hegemonic English language environment. Findings – The study finds that language regimes that put English above local languages (as is the case in Zambia) have enormous ramifications on the education and emancipatory objectives of locals, especially the marginalised groups. For instance, women are burdened in the sense that they must – in addition to the confronts associated with the imposition of the English language – also struggle to navigate the already challenging patriarchy terrains that are rooted in the Zambian cultural and political settings. Imposing additional inequalities makes the attainment of societal development goals a tall order to achieve. The study concludes that to redress this situation, the local educational curriculum needs to be re-designed and aligned to respond to the aspirations and context of local constellational demands. Also, Black consciousness as an ideology framed in liberation philosophy needs to be re-energised as a pathway towards a society free from systematic foreign oppression; this is the only way that sustainable development could be attained in Zambia. Originality/Value – The study exposes the prevalent fallacy – especially by Western institutions – that Zambians willingly seek out to learn the English language: To the contrary, the choice and acquisition of the English language is often a result of coercive circumstances. In contemporary Zambia, the English language is – to a greater extent – a means to an end; a means for survival in the modern environments that prioritise English language over any local language or local skill. In Zambia, the criteria for skill or intelligence are only seen through the prism of English language competency. Local initiatives and skills suffer stigma as they are perceived to be primitive, backwards, and redundant. English and ‘whiteness’ are seen as the ‘standard measure of goodness’. In fact, many white-collar job workers are ashamed of speaking their local languages in public spaces. In this context then, English in Zambia is not a luxury but a convenient necessity that allows local people to navigate other critical avenues of contemporary life. The study also lays bare the fact that the English language hegemony has brought about elements of distortion of ethnic identity particularly on how people can access their cultural rights. Furthermore, far from being a neutral language – English, in fact aids the entrenchment of neo-imperialist tendencies such as discrimination, exclusion, and subtle promotion of economic inequalities, and educational elitism.

Human Interest: Usury from Luther to Bentham

This article revisits a set of classic political, theological and economic scenes in the (early) modern debate on usury from Luther to Bentham. To summarize, I argue that this theory of usury – which polemically mobilizes counter-Aristotelian tropes of the breeding, reproduction and husbandry of money – might also be read as a theory of what Foucault famously calls pastoral power. If this debate nominally concerns the ‘repeal’ of the ancient prohibition against money-lending at interest, I argue that what is really at stake here is the pastoral production of a new theory of the subject as ‘human interest’: a self whose allegedly intrinsic self-interest expresses itself paradigmatically through financial interest. In conclusion, I situate this genealogy of human interest within the larger history of the self-interested, capitalist and indebted subject from Hirschman, through Foucault, to Lazzarato.

Rethinking ecoanxiety through environmental moral distress: an ethics reflection

Humanity is currently confronted with simultaneous complex environmental crises of unprecedented scale. These include, but are not limited to, the ongoing sixth mass extinction and the depletion of biodiversity, and ongoing anthropogenic greenhouse gas emissions which are causing changes in the climate that humanity has never before witnessed. As these ecological crises continue to progress, there is increasing recognition of the impact this has on mental health. Within this context, the notion of ecoanxiety has gained traction, primarily from the perspective of psychology, with the view to elevate suffering. However, in our view, the risk of considering ecoanxiety, and other ecological emotions, solely from a medicalized perspective as a mental disorder is that it places too much responsibility on individuals, decontextualizes ecological emotions from their social and political settings, and detaches these emotions from their ethical and moral dimensions. This article proposes to reconsider ecological emotions from the perspective of moral distress. Environmental moral distress resituates ecological emotions within their social and political contexts, and sheds light on their entanglement with ethical realms that medicalized conceptions of ecoanxiety fail to recognize. We argue that responding to environmental moral distress requires a shift to an ethics of care and ecofeminist paradigm which enables us to consider ecological emotions as contextualized indicators of the experience of morally questionable actions. This approach opens the door to collective responses aiming to empower and build moral agency in the face of the shared moral and political struggles which characterize the ecological crisis.

Constitutive representation of womanhood

Abstract This article analyzes the speeches of Turkish female parliamentarians during the headscarf debate. We examine how deputies with different political and ideological predilections discursively construct women’s rights and employ legitimation strategies to validate their policy position. The findings reveal that on the one hand, the female deputies use different legitimation strategies to justify arguments for or against the use of headscarves in the public sector. On the other hand, they embed the headscarf debate into the broader political goals they pursue in a polarized political setting. They deploy legitimation strategies around the headscarf debate to rationalize future policy on issues ranging from the expansion of human rights and democracy to the change of the type of political regime.