Political Sci Research Articles

Educating for participatory active citizenship: an example from the ecological activist field

AbstractBased on a short-term ethnography with a grassroots group of young environmental activists in the city of Porto, Portugal, this paper describes and problematizes their use of participatory methodologies to engage individual, community and organizational actors in tackling the problems of global climate change. By initiating what they call a “friendship network” that seeks to achieve democratic and participatory forms of activism, the group brings together both experienced and circumstantial activists (Ollis & Hamel-Green in Aust Adult Learn 55:202–219, 2015) in order to foster plural and situated learning (Lave & Wenger, Situated learning legitimate peripheral participation, 1991). The group does so by promoting the commitment of all actors (including opposite-minded ones) to the co-creation of a 4-day-municipal event on the theme of environmental sustainability. In order to gain a deeper understanding of the strategic mechanism of the group and their actions as a nucleus, we firstly examine some of the groups’ views on civic and political participation (Stack, in Citizenship Studies 16:871–885, 2012) and, secondly, describe and discuss the methodologies they intentionally use to put citizenship-in-action and to foster the activation of ‘standby citizens’ (Amna & Ekman, in Amnå, E., & Ekman, J., Eur Political Sci Rev 6:261–281, 2014). This ethnography enabled us to learn how the group strives to achieve its goals by placing itself in-between the institutional sphere and the public realm: the ethnographer had the opportunity to observe their attempts to, on the one hand, influence decision-making by acquiring a degree of insider status in institutions that legislate and, on the other hand, to engage with large publics, encouraging citizens’ voices and involvement in processes of co-participation focused on promoting ecological consciousness and political change.

On The Dominational Variants Of Some Degree Based Topological Indices

Domination is an ancient graph theoretical topic with applications in psychology, political sci- ence, and human behaviour. A topological index is an area of graph theory that governs a compound’s molecular structure. This work aims to conglomerate the two different branches and determine the dominational variants of some celebrated degree based topological index. The newly described descriptors are generalised to standard graphs, corona products of graphs, and a few members of the windmill family of graphs in this study.

Spatial competition on 2-dimensional markets and networks when consumers don’t always go to the closest firm

We investigate the strategic behavior of firms in a Hotelling spatial setting. The innovation is to combine two important features that are ubiquitous in real markets: (1) the location space is two-dimensional, often with physical restrictions on where firms can locate; (2) consumers with some probability shop at firms other than the nearest. We characterise convergent Nash equilibria (CNE), in which all firms cluster at one point, for several alternative markets. In the benchmark case of a square convex market, we provide a new direct geometric proof of a result by Cox (Am J Political Sci 31:82–108, 1987) that CNE can arise in a sufficiently central part of the market. The convexity of the square space is of restricted realism, however, and we proceed to investigate grids, which more faithfully represent a stylised city’s streets. We characterise CNE, which exhibit several new phenomena. CNE in more central locations tend to be easier to support, echoing the unrestricted square case. However, CNE on the interior of edges differ substantially from CNE at nodes and follow quite surprising patterns. Our results also highlight the role of positive masses of indifferent consumers, which arise naturally in a network setting. In most previous models, in contrast, such masses cannot exist or are assumed away as unrealistic.

ПОЛИТИКО-ПСИХОЛОГИЧЕСКИЙ АНАЛИЗ ЛИЧНОСТНОГО ПОТЕНЦИАЛА МОЛОДЫХ ПОЛИТИЧЕСКИХ ЛИДЕРОВ РОССИЙСКИХ ПАРЛАМЕНТСКИХ ПАРТИЙ

The article presents a systematic analysis the personal potential of young political leaders of contemporary Russian parties, which has been studied in recent years by an Associate Professor of the Department of Public Relations, Tourism and Hospitality of the Faculty of History, Political Sci- ence and Law of Russian State University for the Humanities. The research were was carried out according to political and psychological methods of a verbal and projective type, supplemented by training of public self-presenta- tion of young representatives of parliamentary parties among their potential voters. As part of the study, a political and psychological profile of each potential young party leader was compiled, highlighting their value orientations and readiness to work in public politics. The article reveals the basic motives contributing to choosing the politics by young people as a professional sphere for the formation of their own personality. Also, the values orientations of young party leaders are compared with their political self-identification. Fol- lowing the results of the research works, the author of the article concludes that the existing leadership potential of young representatives of Russian parliamentary parties is not always manifested in the public practice and requires serious adjustments in terms of training in specific communication techniques, and coming into politics is determined by the desire for personal self-realization.

Middle East Studies for the New Millennium: Infrastructures for Knowledge

Middle East Studies for the New Millennium: Infrastructures for Knowledge

Middle East Studies for the New Millennium: Infrastructures for Knowledge

Middle East Studies for the New Millennium: Infrastructures for Knowledge

Incumbent-challenger and open-seat elections in a spatial model of political competition

In Groseclose (Am J Political Sci 45:862–886, 2001), candidates with asymmetric valence scores and varying degrees of policy motivation simultaneously choose divergent policies. I take a version of the Groseclose model with policy-motivated candidates and extend it to allow for sequential policy announcements. This may be a suitable approach for incumbent-challenger elections because the incumbent’s policy is typically known before the challenger’s. I show that policy divergence is greater when candidates announce policies sequentially as opposed to simultaneously. I also show that policy-motivated incumbents benefit from a first-mover advantage.

Establishing norms with metanorms in distributed computational systems

Norms provide a valuable mechanism for establishing coherent cooperative behaviour in decentralised systems in which there is no central authority. One of the most influential formulations of norm emergence was proposed by Axelrod (Am Political Sci Rev 80(4):1095---1111, 1986). This paper provides an empirical analysis of aspects of Axelrod's approach, by exploring some of the key assumptions made in previous evaluations of the model. We explore the dynamics of norm emergence and the occurrence of norm collapse when applying the model over extended durations . It is this phenomenon of norm collapse that can motivate the emergence of a central authority to enforce laws and so preserve the norms, rather than relying on individuals to punish defection. Our findings identify characteristics that significantly influence norm establishment using Axelrod's formulation, but are likely to be of importance for norm establishment more generally. Moreover, Axelrod's model suffers from significant limitations in assuming that private strategies of individuals are available to others, and that agents are omniscient in being aware of all norm violations and punishments. Because this is an unreasonable expectation , the approach does not lend itself to modelling real-world systems such as online networks or electronic markets. In response, the paper proposes alternatives to Axelrod's model, by replacing the evolutionary approach, enabling agents to learn, and by restricting the metapunishment of agents to cases where the original defection is observed, in order to be able to apply the model to real-world domains . This work can also help explain the formation of a social contract to legitimate enforcement by a central authority.

Max Weber in Politics and Social Thought: From Charisma to Canonisation by Joshua Derman (review)

[MVVS 14.1 (2014) 119-127] ISSN 1470-8078 Book Reviews Joshua Derman, Max Weber in Politics and Social Thought: From Charisma to Canonisa tion (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2012), pp. 271. ISBN 978-1-107-02588 2. £62.00. This book offers both more and less than it seems to promise. It does not really seek to situate Weber's work in contemporary and subsequent social thought, in the sense of relating his own arguments to those of others, so that we might appreciate Weberian arguments as part of a broader discourse. Instead, it provides something rather nar rower, an account of the reception of Weber's work, first of all in interwar Germany, and then within the developing social sciences from the 1930s to the 1960s. The focus is not for example upon the changes Talcott Parsons envisaged for the social sci ences and the way in which Weber was pressed into service in advancing this vision; the focus remains upon the translation of Weber into this context. However, this restricted focus is an advantage, and we come away from reading Derman's book with a strong sense of the way in which Max Weber, a scholar whose writing was so strongly motivated by a desire for clear, uncompromising arguments, was taken up by the most contradictory currents in twentieth century thought: he was read and cited approvingly by liberals, social democrats, communists, conservatives, Nazis, cold war social scientists, nationalists, federalists, positivists, existentialists—there is no end to the diversity of those who have drawn upon his work. The general outlines of the story which Derman presents are today relatively famil iar: thanks to the efforts of his widow Marianne, Weber's legacy had by the mid-1920s been packaged into a ten-volume 'collected works' to which she added a substan tial biography. One of these volumes, the Gesammelte Aufsätze zur Wissetischaflslehre which first appeared in 1922, has yet to be published in the Gesamtausgabe, about forty years after that project began; and so in effect we are all still direct beneficiaries of Marianne Weber's energy and decisiveness. However, despite there being an Archiv ßr Sozialwissenschaft und Sozialpolitik until 1933, there was in effect little in the way of organised 'social science and social policy' in Weimar Germany that might have formed a natural readership for Webe/ s work; some of his writing did make a sig nificant impact upon German academics and the wider intelligentsia, but there was no clear constituency that might have claimed Weber as their man. This was first cre ated in the United States during the 1930s, centred first upon the work of Parsons and Shils, and then later that of Gerth and Mills. All of these American-based academics were associated with the delineation of a modern sociology, for which Weber became a major flag-bearer. Talcott Parsons, in particular, had a vision for a new social sci ence which broke decisively with its previous incarnation as the moral or political sci ences, promoting in their place the action frame of reference that served as a catch-all approach to human behaviour in much the same way that the vogue for neuroscience does today. In this incarnation, Max Weber became a sociologist, and it was in this© Max Weber Studies 2014, Clifton House, 17 Malvern Road, London, E8 3LP. 120 Max Weber Studies guise that he was re-introduced to post-war Ger was the butt of critique from Marcuse and Haberma of his birth; but Max Weber survived this criticism or Habermas, and this year we celebrate the 150th different Max Weber. We owe to scholars like Jo how Max Weber has over the years meant many t speak to us today with such clarity and urgency. Derman does not recount this trajectory as a st matically, and in this way is able to add consider reception of Weber7 s work in Germany during th States from the 1930s to the 1960s. Some of the lat that dealt with in the second part of Lawrence S clearly the production schedules of the two bo only to Scaff's earlier studies and not to the b stantial study in...

An unbiased model comparison test using cross-validation

Social scientists often consider multiple empirical models of the same process. When these models are parametric and non-nested, the null hypothesis that two models fit the data equally well is commonly tested using methods introduced by Vuong (Econometrica 57(2):307–333, 1989) and Clarke (Am J Political Sci 45(3):724–744, 2001; J Confl Resolut 47(1):72–93, 2003; Political Anal 15(3):347–363, 2007). The objective of each is to compare the Kullback–Leibler Divergence (KLD) of the two models from the true model that generated the data. Here we show that both of these tests are based upon a biased estimator of the KLD, the individual log-likelihood contributions, and that the Clarke test is not proven to be consistent for the difference in KLDs. As a solution, we derive a test based upon cross-validated log-likelihood contributions, which represent an unbiased KLD estimate. We demonstrate the CVDM test’s superior performance via simulation, then apply it to two empirical examples from political science. We find that the test’s selection can diverge from those of the Vuong and Clarke tests and that this can ultimately lead to differences in substantive conclusions.

Is Presidentialism Necessarily Non-collegial?

Ulrike Theuerkauf believes that ethnically diverse societies are better served by parliamentarianism than by presidentialism. This is indeed the generally accepted view in comparative political sci...

The historical development of comparative politics

This article gives an overview of comparative approaches in Political Sci- ence. In the pre-modern era, these were, for the most part, either normatively orientated - with the exception of Machiavelli - or based on evolutionist theories. In general, comparisons were not carried out systematically. In classical modernity, comparisons were conducted as controlled experiments, and comparative politics established itself as a sub-discipline of Political Science. During this time, it was influenced considera- bly by Behaviouralism, in particular in the United States, but other approaches existed in parallel. Subsequently, approaches in comparative politics turned to policy analysis and institutional approaches, the latter having been neglected previously. Post-modern approaches broadened the perspective, but are neither compatible with the idea nor do they meet the idea of a method of controlled comparison.

From Reflections on Post-Communism to Perspectives on Europeanization: Democracy and Civil Society in Central Europe

Political science is a young discipline in post-Communist countries by virtue of the fact that it was not allowed to set roots and grow under Communist author itarianism. The level of ideological control in different Central and Eastern European societies varied, but everywhere the analysis of political life was one of the last reserved areas of official ideology to be ceded to free and unbiased aca demic scrutiny. The full development and institutionalization of the political sci ences therefore only became a reality after the collapse of Communism in 1989.

A basic tool set for a generalized directional model

In political science, there are two classes of spatial models: those which are based on a distance logic and those which are based on a directional logic. This distinction can be found in terms of diverse topics, as voting theory, coalition theory or legislative politics. While Tsebelis (Br. J. Political Sci. 25:289–325, 1995) among others discussed implications of distance models, the respective counterparts for directional models have not been explicitly derived in the existing literature. We try to close this gap by discussing discrepancies between both kinds of models and derive some of the most relevant tools for analyses based on directional models.

The evolution of metanorms: quis custodiet ipsos custodes?

How are norms maintained? Axelrod (in Am. Political Sci. Rev. 80(4): 1095---1111, 1986) used an evolutionary computational model to proffer a solution: the metanorm (norm to enforce norm enforcement). Although often discussed, this model has neither been sufficiently replicated nor explored. In this paper we replicate and extend that model. Results were generally supportive of the original. Speculations in the original regarding the requirement to link sanctions underlying the metanorm structure were not supported, as differentiating punishment likelihoods against defectors from punishment likelihoods against shirkers (non-enforcers of the norm against defection) lead to more efficient and effective sanctioning structures that allowed norm emergence. Replications of the Groups game (two groups differing in numbers and power) generally supported the original reports, but true norms against defection emerged only if sanctioning structures were differentiated, resulting in the Strong group developing a dominant norm against others defecting (Metavengeance). That is, when groups are involved with differential power, Metanorms fail unless a more sophisticated sanctioning structure (Metavengeance) is supported.

Pivotal states in the Electoral College, 1880 to 2004

This paper presents an empirical measure of pivoting in the electoral college from 1880 to 2004. The measure derives from established theoretical concepts of power and pivoting first introduced by Shapley and Shubik (Am. Political Sci. Rev. 84:787–792, 1954). Pivotal states identified by this approach generally conform to popular interpretations—Ohio in 2004, Florida in 2000, and so forth—but, historically, pivotal states are also frequently small or medium-sized states. Also, pivotal states by this approach are not necessarily competitive states. In general, whether or not a state is pivotal is mainly a function of its size and bellwether tendency—i.e., its tendency to mirror the national voting trend. A state’s pivot position is also an excellent predictor of how presidential candidates allocated time and money across states in the general elections of 2000 and 2004. Controlling for a state’s pivot position, size and electoral competitiveness have little effect on the allocation of campaign resources.

Pas de Deux: Social Networks and Network Analysis

The study of social networks and social net work analysis have come a long way since Jacob Moreno's work was the subject of a news report in the New York Times on 3 April 1933. The headline read Emotions Mapped by New Geography, with the subheadlines Colored Lines Shows Likes and Dislikes of Individuals and of Groups. MANY MISFITS REVEALED. While researchers have yet achieve Moreno's ambition to chart a map of the psychological geography of New York City, they have made many notable advances. The annual conference for the field's main professional association, the Inter national Network for Social Network Analysis, has grown from 35-50 people, when it started in the early 1980s, 550 participants in the 2008 conference. Social network analysis draws attention from economists, political sci entists, criminologists, sociologists, anthropol ogists, epidemiologists, public health officials, the management and business community, communication researchers, computer and information scientists, the military intelligence community, and, recently, physicists. Empiri cal studies range from how position in a net work can impact outcomes experienced by occupants of those positions-obesity, entre preneurship, sexual dysfunction, drug adop tion, advice seeking, high tech firm success explanations of why ties form in the first place. For certain applications, how identify subgroups in a larger network is a high prior ity research question. The state of the art in social network analysis was codified by Wasserman and Faust in their 1994 book Social Network Analysis: Methods and Appli cations (Cambridge University Press), and is still a valuable resource. Since then, a number of books have been published on network analysis with the two reviewed here among the more recent examples. The titles of the two edited books give the game away. The first book's title, Network Analysis: Methodological Foundations, does Network Analysis: Methodological Foun dations, edited by Uhrik Brandes and Thomas Erlebach. New York, NY: Springer, 2005. 471pp. $79.95 paper. ISBN: 9783540249795.

Reconsidering Judicial Supremacy: From the Counter-Majoritarian Difficulty to Constitutional Transformations

The counter-majoritarian difficulty has for many years framed constitutional scholarship for both law professors and political sci entists studying judicial review. Unfortunately, shared attention has not led to shared insights, as these scholars have remained isolated in their respective academies. Recently scholars have begun targeting this disciplinary barrier, and questioning whether developing norms of judicial supremacy have importantly raised the stakes of determining the legitimacy of courts setting policy in a democracy. This article proposes a new approach to the study of judicial review aimed at understanding systemic change rather than institutional legitimacy, using recent concerns over the drift from judicial review to judicial supremacy as a point of departure for study. I recommend, to both normative and positive scholars, a new and integrated focus on the relationship between judicial policymaking and wider transformations of the constitutional order that have previously been obscured by orienting constitutional scholarship around the counter-majoritarian difficulty. Academic discussion of judicial review has long been oriented around the counter-majoritarian diffi culty. The counter-majoritarian difficulty questions whether the unique properties of judicial decision-making, which include constitutionally prescribed insulation from public influence, are consistent with America's democratic commitments. Unfortunately this academic discussion has rarely crossed the disciplinary divide between students of constitutional theory and students of constitutional poli tics. Two separate and almost entirely independent tracks of scholarship have been established to meet the challenge of the counter-majoritarian difficulty, resulting in distinct normative and positive investigations of whether judicial review offers sufficient benefits to offset its democratic deficiencies, or whether in its practice it actually leads to undemocratic policy choices. In recent years, efforts have increased to infuse the study of law with politics and vice versa.1 At the same time, new urgency has been brought to the study of the counter majoritarian difficulty for many in the legal academy, who perceive an increase in judicial imperialism. The Supreme Court has lately ratcheted up the rhetoric of judicial supremacy and has widened the ambit of cases coming under its review. This article examines the intersection of this rising academic concern over judicial supremacy with the growing calls for interdisciplinary dialogue. Rather than treat recent concern over judicial imperialism as an amplification of the counter-majoritarian difficulty that simply raises the stakes of being lost in the thicket of

Field Research Methods in the Middle East

I n recent years, a growing chorus of voices in the political science discipline has become concerned with the balance among alternative methodological approaches in empirical re search and publications. Accordingly, these scholars have issued a call to further develop and refine rigorous methods for qualitative studies, in contrast to studies that rely on quan titative methods and formal modeling (Bennett, Barth, and Rutherford 2003; Yanow 2003; George and Bennett 2005). My own interest and reason for conducting the following survey is rooted in the observation, even frustration, that the literature on qualitative research meth ods largely focuses on democratic and not on authoritarian regimes or the East in particular.' Research in the East is clearly essential and has received increased attention since the terrorist attacks of 9-11, but given how critical this work is and will con tinue to be in coming years, what are the chal lenges? Do qualitative methodological tools by need to be adapted for Janine A. Clark, research in the University of Guelh ,East? And, if so, how? Broadly speaking, this symposium seeks to address these questions by examining the top ics, techniques, and challenges of scholars con ducting field work in the East, and to elucidate the ways in which they can contribute to the study of qualitative research methods. The experiences of political scientists research ing in the East are especially germane for discussions on qualitative methods, as re searchers must contend with political authori tarianism and violence, anti-Americanism, and presumably deep cultural differences related to religion and, as a result, gender. Given these challenges, how scholars undertake field work in the region, the qualitative methods they use, and how they overcome the obstacles they en counter are of interest and value to political scientists in general. Indeed, a second goal of this symposium is to examine the extent to which Middle Eastern exceptionalism is valid and impacts upon the field research process. Toward these ends, during the 2004-2005 academic year I conducted an email survey of political scientists conducting field research in the East. The qualitative survey had 25 open-ended questions inquiring into: the re spondents' research topics; countries in which they conducted field work; reasons for the choice of countries; types of primary sources utilized in the field; interview techniques; the use of surveys; confidentiality and ethical is sues encountered in the field; anticipated and unanticipated difficulties and the extent to which these were country or region specific; and, the degree to which respondents were well trained for field work by their political science departments (see Appendix 1). The survey was sent out to three list-servers with an exclusive or high percentage of political scientists study ing the East. The first, MESAPOLISCI, is a list run by the East Studies Association (MESA), the North American learned society for schol ars, educators, and those interested in the study of the region. As a constituent society of the American Council of Learned Societies, the National Council of Area Studies Associations, and a member of the National Humanities Alli ance, MESA is the most widely recognized association for the study of the East, with a total membership of over 2,600. Al though, on the one hand, MESA's membership is not wholly inclusive of all academics who study the region and, on the other, it includes n n-academics, MESA's membership directory serves as the most accurate representation of academics studying the East available. A search in the membership base for all mem bers who cite their discipline as political sci ence yields a count of 418. As many political scientists are engaged in research that relies on secondary data available in North America and/or Europe, the number of political scien tists who do field work in the region is smaller. MESAPOLISCI is a list specifically for MESA members who are political scientists and has 140 subscribers. The other two lists to which I sent the survey were: H-MIDEAST-POLITICS@H-NET. MSU.EDU, a network on contemporary E stern affairs based at Michigan State Univer sity with 547 subscribers; and ICAMESNET, a list for East area studies specialists, including political scientists, based at McGill University in Montreal with 157 subscribers. In addition, based on the MESA membership directory, I directly targeted political scientists by sending them the survey to ensure a broad cross-section of responses reflecting seniority (and presumably experience) and countries of research. The degree to which the memberships

Linguistic Conflict and Language Laws: Understanding the Quebec Question by Pierre Larrivée

MLR, IOI.2, 2006 533 on the uses speakers of different social groups make of words. Lemaire's book focuses on the first, i.e. on the linguistic mechanisms of semantic change or what he calls the 'intrinsic functioning of (a) language' ('De la langue', p. 7). What are these 'linguistic' factors of semantic change? Lemaire distinguishes be tween three general categories: (i) those having to do with semantic links between words, such as synonymy and borrowing; (2) those having to do with the (phonetic or graphic) form of lexical units or their 'identity' (as in the case of homonymy) or their 'parent&' (kinship) (as in the case of paronymy-words that have the same derivation); (3) and finally, those factors that have to do with the presence of aword in a syntag matic unit, which can contribute to semantic change and the loss of meaning (p. 7). Following the introduction, the rest of the book reviews these various mechanisms of semantic change and illustrates them with lists of examples. Those who share Lemaire' sobvious enthusiasm for collecting examples of semantic change will find plenty to chew on in this book. Those who want to find a theoretically more grounded overview of themechanisms of semantic change in French might find it less palatable. I have not systematically checked the whole book for printing errors, but on page 38 awhole paragraph seems to have been cut short inmid-flow. UNIVERSITYOFNOTTINGHAM BRIGITTENERLICH Linguistic Conflict and Language Laws: Understanding the Quebec Question. Ed. by PIERRE LARRIVEE. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan. 2003. x+204 pp. ?45. ISBN 0-333-96899-4. The essays in this edited volume address the complex language question inQuebec, drawing on expertise from several disciplines, including linguistics and political sci ence. Its objective is 'to tell the story behind the existence of the linguistic legislations inQuebec' (p. ix); this it does comprehensively and in away that is accessible to a wide audience. Chapter i, by Colin H. Williams, contextualizes the situation inQuebec by analys ing itwithin the general framework of language planning, making reference to awide range of examples from various international linguistic contexts. This chapter makes absorbing reading and is very valuable in terms of theorizing the subject-matter, though the section dealing with examples of language planning as an instrument of development inAfrica and Asia (pp. 26-39) seems a little lengthier than necessary in a book concerned primarily with language policy and planning inQuebec. The historical background is treated in Chapter 2 by Jean-Philippe Warren, who discusses some of the defining moments in the 400-year history of the presence of French in Quebec, with a particularly interesting analysis of the economic factors involved. A list of references and further reading would have been a useful addition. The material covered in Chapters 3 and 4, by C. Michael MacMillan and Marc Chevrier respectively, overlaps to some extent. The authors deal with the interplay between federal and provincial legislation, albeit with varying opinions on their com patibility. Both chapters are very informative on legislative provisions such as the federal Official Languages Act (I969) and the Canadian Charter of Rights and Free doms (I982), and give extensive treatment to the Quebec Charter of the French Language, Bill IOI (I977). Chevrier provides a very detailed and pertinent analysis of the impact of the Quebec Charter in areas which have been particularly controver sial, such as public signs and language of instruction. In Chapter 5 Pierre Larrivee focuses on the language concerns of the anglophone community inQuebec. On the issue of anglophone reaction to Bill 101, he draws the interesting conclusion that 'there now exists a general acceptance of the legitimacy to 534 Reviews make the language of themajority [French] the common medium of communication. I... .]This acceptance has paradoxically leftmore public space for radical discourses in certain sectors of the Anglo-Quebecois group' (p. I84). A corpus of newspaper articles collected in I999 from the Montreal anglophone newspaper The Gazette is analysed as an illustration of such public discourse. One of Larrivee's conclusions on this corpus critiques the portrayal of those who refuse to comply with legislation as 'freedom fighters' (p. i8 i). The final chapter, also by Larrivee, examines...