Political Rivals Research Articles

A study exploring the adoption of cash IPSAS in the Solomon Islands: the case of the provincial governments

Purpose This study aims to examine the adoption of the cash-basis International Public Sector Accounting Standard (or for short cash IPSAS) within a problematic provincial government institution in the Solomon Islands. Design/methodology/approach An interpretive methodology that uses qualitative data techniques such as interviews and document analysis was used for this study. A total of 30 semi-structured interviews were held in 2022 at both levels of government (national and provincial). Documents included government, social media and historical or archival data. Thematic data analysis, which frames the discussions for this study, was conducted. Findings This study illustrates how the integration of the cash IPSAS with a locally designed funding framework called the Provincial Capacity Development Fund (PCDF) has successfully transformed the provincial government financial system, which has led to restoring the problematic image of the provincial government system in the Solomon Islands. Practical implications The study provides a practical example of how locally designed, neoliberal accounting tools inspired by new public management (NPM) doctrines can aid the efforts to achieve greater accountability. Policymakers, standard setters and regulators therefore, should promote and enforce an integrated approach to reform, reflecting the localities of developing countries when proposing international best practices such as IPSAS. Social implications The study contributes to the discussion on the role of accounting in its wider social context. The paper highlights how accounting as a calculative tool is instrumental in mediating conflict between political rival groups in the Solomon Islands. Originality/value This study is original and offers a unique perspective on the broader societal role of the cash IPSAS standard. Its implications are significant in addressing societal changes as a result of colonialism.

De patriotas y traidores: la odisea ideológica de José Fernando Ramírez (1804–1871) y su relevancia para reflexionar sobre el México contemporáneo

When in contemporary Mexico terms like “patriots” or “traitors,” more fitting for other eras, are used in a banal, dangerous, and irresponsible manner, it is history that must provide perspective on the dynamic events of the present. With this objective, aiming to distance itself from the dichotomies in which current Mexican society seems to be sinking, this article delves into the complex figure of José Fernando Ramírez, who lived and participated in the turbulent times of Mexico’s nation-building during the 19th century. As a historian, jurist, and politician, Ramírez had a distinguished public career, serving multiple times as a minister and even as a justice of the Supreme Court. However, his political trajectory paralleled a complex ideological journey that took José Fernando Ramírez from radical liberalism to more moderate positions, eventually leading him to collaborate with the Second Mexican Empire. Thus, this article seeks to analyze the particular circumstances of Ramírez, with the primary aim of providing an explanatory answer to the ideological odyssey undertaken by numerous Mexican liberals of his generation, which led them from being considered patriots to being labeled as traitors. Additionally, from a historical perspective and through the analysis of Ramírez’s case, it aims to contribute to a reflection that reduces the exclusionary dichotomous political practices present today, where self-proclaimed immaculate patriots deny this status to former political rivals, classifying them as enemies to be defeated or simply as traitors to the homeland.

“We can't be too saintly”: Why members of parliament in the United Kingdom are reluctant to lead by example with low-carbon behaviour

Low-carbon behaviour change from individuals is both essential for meeting climate change targets and highly politically contentious. Shifting away from activities such as flying, driving and meat eating can greatly reduce greenhouse gas emissions, yet political leaders have avoided introducing policies to stimulate this for fear of alienating voters and confronting political orthodoxies. This article examines low-carbon behaviour change through the novel lens of individual leadership and leading by example. Applying threories of credibility enhancing displays (CREDs) and embodied leadership, we present evidence from 19 interviews with UK members of parliament (MPs), exploring how they think leading by example may affect their credibility as democratic representatives. We find that MPs believe leading by example is important as a general principle but is problematic when it comes to low-carbon behaviour. While some MPs do deliberately model sustainable behaviours to maintain credibility as climate advocates, they tend to do this quietly for fear of negative reactions from the media, political rivals, and constituents. MPs say modelling low-carbon behaviour may be perceived as a threat to individual freedoms, such as flying for holidays, and risks disapproval from local business interests related to high-carbon activities, such as car manufacturers or the airline industry. Even pro-climate MPs tend to frame low-carbon behaviour as “extreme”, and position themselves in contrast to this extreme, thus perpetuating social and moral norms of high-carbon behaviour. We discuss how individual politicians form part of a systemic resistance to low-carbon behaviour change.

Angela Merkel’s journey to conviction leadership during COVID-19 pandemic

Angela Merkel has been Germany’s leader, the locomotive of the European Union, for 16 years. Cultivating a particular style, with a low profile, she was the first female chancellor in the Germanic country. Navigating tensions within her own party, the political rivals that pushed her to reach agreements on the limits and the difficult understanding with other colleagues from states such as Macron, Trump or Putin, she has been avoiding the different crises that have come to the fore. However, the crisis unleashed by the arrival of COVID-19 was different from the previous ones. She is always questioned, in the same way as the rest of the women in key positions, because the leadership traits that are required of leaders are related to those identified with masculinity. However, in managing the pandemic, Merkel was highly valued for exercising another type of profile, as an understanding, kind and fraternal mutti (‘mother’, in German). This article analyses the transition from a ‘masculinized’ leadership of the Teutonic chancellor, in the first stage prior to the pandemic, to the one ‘of convictions’. While at the beginning, she was seen as a transgressor for going beyond the expected gender stereotypes, in the second, she gave way to another feminine in managing the crisis provoked by the explosion of the pandemic. Instead of a warmongering and rational speech, Merkel resorted to a rather emotional and feminine one.

An Approach to the Rhetoric of Boebert and Díaz-Ayuso’s Political Tweets on X: A Corpus-Assisted Analysis

This article presents a corpus-assisted analysis of the rhetoric employed in the political tweets of Lauren Boebert and Isabel Díaz-Ayuso on the micro-blogging site X (formerly Twitter). This study adopts the analytical framework Appraisal Theory (Martin & White, 2005), to explore how these politicians utilize negativity as a strategic tool to discredit and weaken their adversaries. The research identifies key motifs and evaluative strategies within their tweets, illustrating the role of negativity in political discourse. Findings reveal that both politicians direct their negativity toward their political rivals, viz., presidents Joe Biden and Pedro Sánchez, while channeling it towards immigrants and independentist parties. Amongst the evaluative resources most commonly deployed, Lauren Boebert and Isabel Díaz-Ayuso utilize inscribed negative judgments of propriety and veracity to accuse their rivals based on their lack of morality and truthfulness regarding various policy issues. The qualitative study has also revealed that politicians present their stances through monoglossic formulations that leave no room for argumentation and debate. This idea reinforces that even if their negativity is not intended as a polarizing agent, it may affect the potential electorate. This study contributes to understanding the dynamics of online political communication, highlighting the implications of negativity in shaping public opinion and political narratives.

Pain, Tears and Blood: Doubts about the Concept of Revolution in Ghāʾib Ṭuʿmah Farmān’s al-Makhāḍ

ABSTRACT In 1974, Iraqi-born Ghāʾib Ṭuʿmah Farmān (1927–1990) published his novel al-Makhāḍ (Labor Pains. Baghdad: Maktabat al-Taḥrīr, 1974). Farmān had subscribed to Communist ideas since his youth, a leaning for which he was also arrested, yet in this novel, he bluntly expresses his disappointment with the 1958 Iraqi revolution’s consequences and his doubts about the concept of revolution itself. In this study, Farmān’s novel will be placed within the broader historical and cultural context in which Leftist Arab intellectuals became critical of the Iraqi revolutions of 1958, 1963 and 1968 alike. A close reading of the novel, published six years after the Baʿth revolution of 1968 and the rise of Saddam Hussein to power, reveals admonitions on possible future turns of events. To wit, the concentration of power in the hands of the state and the regime, persecution of political rivals, favoring regime allies, economic disparities, as well as the discord between the noble goals of the revolution and its contradictions in the preservation of the post-revolutionary order.

The making and taming of the veteran in 1950s Indonesia

Between 1950 and 1956, after a struggle for liberation from Dutch colonial rule, roughly half a million former freedom fighters returned to Indonesian society. Some of the freedom fighters turned into insurgents or joined politico-criminal bands; others sought recognition as veterans of the National Revolution collectively claiming material and immaterial benefits from the state. Given the militancy and political potency of former freedom fighters, the Indonesian state attempted to accommodate them through employment schemes and veteran legislation. In this co-option strategy, that was only partial successful, the central army command played a crucial political role. While the army leaders accommodated the major veteran associations, they also significantly reduced the room for formal political activity. This process of the making and taming of the veteran moved Indonesia into the direction of an authoritarian state with the army counterbalancing the President and a newly arrived political rival: the Indonesian Communist Party.

Total Control: “Black bitch” offending the offenders

Total Control (2019–2024) is a political drama that follows the story of Rachel Griffiths as the prime minister of so-called Australia and Deborah Mailman as her political rival. Available on demand on the Australian Broadcasting Corporation (ABC) iView, Total Control was initially called “Black Bitch” to draw attention to the historical racial slur but was forced to change its title due to a social media storm. Total Control demonstrates striking parallels with the treatment of real-life Indigenous women in politics. This article looks at the role of social media as a platform that provides a way for Indigenous women to engage in public politics. It discusses these technologies as providing settlers with the means to publicly malign Indigenous women. It draws from research on the use and abuse of social media in relation to Indigenous users and is underscored by the blurred boundary between fiction and non-fiction Indigenous realities.

The battle for Central: ethnicity, urbanization and citizenship in Kenya’s 2022 general elections

ABSTRACT In Kenya’s 2022 general elections, presidential candidate William Ruto did something unusual – he dominated the vote in the heartlands of one of his main political rivals, President Uhuru Kenyatta. In turn, Ruto’s ability to win power by mobilizing support outside of his own Kalenjin community has led to speculation that the political power of ethnicity is waning. Drawing on surveys, economic and demographic analysis and interviews during the campaign in Central Kenya – a predominantly Kikuyu area and Kenyatta’s supposed political homeland – we cast doubt on this argument. Evidence from the campaign trail suggests that while structural changes within Kenyan society, including the emergence of a more urban, educated and critical electorate, played an important role in Ruto’s electoral success, it was also underpinned by historic ethnic allegiances, inter-group prejudice, and the use of ethnically-rooted clientelist strategies to build political networks. In particular, past campaigns saw Odinga depicted as an unsuitable leader based on his history, personality, and Luo ethnicity, generating formidable barriers to winning support. The implications of this argument extend beyond our understanding of Kenya to recent debates about the impact of urbanization and political socialization on political subjectivities and behaviour in Africa.

A Basque Media War: Who is Ireland’s Friend, Who is Ireland’s Enemy? The Easter Rising’s Influence, Context and Development in the Basque Country

This paper examines the inner debate in Basque nationalism resulting from the Easter Rising between 1916 and 1918. Basque nationalists firmly believed that the Irish Revolution would affect the British war effort, the outcome of the Great War and hence Basque political vindication itself. The official nationalist leadership and its organ, Euzkadi, supported Great Britain, arguing a British military triumph in Ireland and in the Great War would bring a worldwide era of autonomy for national minorities. Pro-independence militants, however, not only expressed solidarity and outspoken support towards the rebels, but also associated their victory with a post-war scenario favourable to independence movements. This study focuses on the two competing Basque nationalist interpretations as presented in the media. Simultaneously, traditionalist parties (i.e. Carlists and Integrists) exacerbated nationalists’ differences in order to weaken a direct political rival.

Pattern of bioterrorism in ancient times: lessons to be learned from the microbial and toxicological aspects.

The current research aimed to analyze the history of bioterrorism in antiquity and to adapt the data to modern medical knowledge. To this end, athorough evaluation of the literature related to the ancient history of bioterrorism and modern data was done using the Web of Sciences, Science Direct, Scopus, PubMed, and Google Scholar. Results showed that knowledge of bioterrorism has existed since antiquity in different civilizations. Biological and toxicological agents were used as an instrument of legal execution, as awarfare tool in battles, or to eliminate political rivals across nations. Ancient people researched bioterrorism to apply it against enemies and at the same time provide countermeasures in favor of themselves and allies. Despite the existence of the principles of bioterrorism since ancient times, adaptation of the data to modern research can assist in planning countermeasure efforts, preventive actions, and treatments in the framework of modern counterterrorism medicine.

The Political Conflict between Polish Liberal and National Democrats over the Separation of the Polish Corps within the Russian Army (March 1917 – May 1918)

ABSTRACT The political conflict that arose in 1917 between emigrant circles of Polish liberals and national democrats regarding the separation of the Polish Corps from the Russian Army, remains relatively obscure in European historiography. Studies on this topic, mostly published in the 20th century, primarily relied on sources from archives in Warsaw, Cracow, and Moscow. It has been shown that Polish liberal democrats operating in Russia, opposing plans to segregate their compatriots into distinct corps within the Russian Army, received support from the occupying Central Powers and the Temporary Council of State established there. Conversely, their political rivals were backed by the Entente, which supported the actions of the national democrats in favor of the separation of the Polish Corps. This topic underscores the need for in-depth research into this intricate matter. Besides confirming existing findings, it is imperative to scrutinize previously untapped sources to gain a more profound understanding of the origins, progression, and repercussions of this political conflict. To achieve this, consulting Austro-Hungarian and Western European sources, as well as overlooked Polish and Russian ones, is essential. To be able to do so, official documentation, egodocuments, and contemporary press articles were used. In this instance, critical source analysis emerges as the optimal approach for the research process, complemented by historical-comparative analysis, particularly for older literature on the subject. The conclusions drawn in this article do not only address gaps in previous knowledge but also offer a launching pad for comprehensive comparative studies on the military policies of other Polish political groups during the Great War.

South African Politics and Online Electioneering Discourses in Selected Social Media Sites in Phuthaditjhaba

This study analyses electioneering discourses in selected social media sites of Phuthaditjhaba in South Africa. It focuses on political messages and images posted by political parties on selected Facebook Pages and X handles in Phuthaditjhaba. Using critical discourse analysis as a method and netnography as an instrument to collect data from selected sites, I analyse the packaging and language of political communication and highlighting socio-economic issues used by political parties to persuade voters and undermine messages of their competitors. The theoretical underpinnings of the study are drawn from Kubin and von Sikorski’s (2021) notions of ideological and affective polarisation, and Entman’s (1995) idea of social media constructions of poverty. Their ideas guide my analysis of how political rivals capitalise on existing socio-economic issues in Phuthaditjhaba to mobilise sentiment among disgruntled residents. Data was collected from ten social media sites namely, four Facebook group pages, four X group handles and two individual X handles. Ten images and accompanying texts were sampled from the selected sites. Thematic analysis was used to categorise the data. The findings of the study show that while politicians used social media for campaign purposes, residents of Phuthaditjhaba used it to contest, and challenge messages of political parties.

Corruption and its Implications for Politics in South Asian Countries

This study measures corruption using survey data, newspaper reports, court records, anti-corruption agency records, and other sources. Corruption and problems with the government have been significant problems in South Asia since the early 1980s. The Corruption Perception Index (CPI) from Transparency International is recommended because it is a "robust" indicator that looks at many different ways to measure political corruption in each country. The root causes of corruption in South Asian countries, however, are a monopoly of government-controlled institutions, excessive regulations, convoluted tax and licencing systems, numerous government departments with opaque bureaucracies and discretionary powers, and a lack of transparency in laws and procedures. Tax evasion, which helps black money accumulate and lowers public morale, has a substantial negative impact on the economies and politics of South Asian nations. Since the 1980s, Pakistan, Bangladesh, India, and Bangladesh have all been officially charged with corruption. In addition, political rivals and the media frequently accuse the prime ministers of Sri Lanka and Nepal of corruption. In Bangladesh, Pakistan, and other South Asian countries, political bribery is widespread. In 2002, General Pervez Musharraf passed stringent election laws that forbade politicians convicted of a crime from seeking office. The rule's detractors believe that applying it would prevent the civilian community's two most influential political figures from challenging the military administration in elections later this year.

Corruption and its Implications for Politics in South Asian Countries

This study measures corruption using survey data, newspaper reports, court records, anti-corruption agency records, and other sources. Corruption and problems with the government have been significant problems in South Asia since the early 1980s. The Corruption Perception Index (CPI) from Transparency International is recommended because it is a “robust” indicator that looks at many different ways to measure political corruption in each country. The root causes of corruption in South Asian countries, however, are a monopoly of government-controlled institutions, excessive regulations, convoluted tax and licensing systems, numerous government departments with opaque bureaucracies and discretionary powers, and a lack of transparency in laws and procedures. Tax evasion, which helps black money accumulate and lowers public morale, has a substantial negative impact on the economies and politics of South Asian nations. Since the 1980s, Pakistan, Bangladesh, India, and Bangladesh have all been officially charged with corruption. In addition, political rivals and the media frequently accuse the prime ministers of Sri Lanka and Nepal of corruption. In Bangladesh, Pakistan, and other South Asian countries, political bribery is widespread. In 2002, General Pervez Musharraf passed stringent election laws that forbade politicians convicted of a crime from seeking office. The rule’s detractors believe that applying it would prevent the civilian community’s two most influential political figures from challenging the military administration in elections later this year.

HISTORICAL AND SOCIAL-POLITICAL CAUSES OF THE COUP ATTEMPT FAILURE IN TURKEY ON JULY 15, 2016

This article describes the attempted military coup by Turkish army officers on July 15, 2016. It reveals the preconditions and reasons for the defeat of the rebels. It analyzes the actions of the government, media, society, pro-government structures and opposition parties on the day of the uprising and the course of events. Little is known about the culprits behind the overthrow of the government in Ankara, but the attempt has immediately sparked a debate across the international community, especially regarding those who ordered it. On the one hand, opponents of Turkey's ruling government suggest that the coup attempt was a skilful, state-directed scheme to consolidate Erdogan'spower. On the other hand, the Justice and Development Party government blames Erdogan's political rival, Fethullah Gulen, a cleric now living in the United States, and other shadowy foreign enemies and supporters of Turkey's Ataturkist secular establishment for the coup attempt. There are many theories, but one thing is certain: Erdogan won. The entire world was struck by the unity of politicians and civilians across the ideological spectrum in opposing the coup attempt. Despite the position of opposition figures on the actions of Erdogan's government, all major political parties condemned and refused to support the coup plotters.

«Конец Америки» – трансформация демократии в США

Numerous publications indicate the presence of a deep political crisis in the United States. One of the most obvious indicators of the crisis is the authoritarian tendency in the development of the political system. Polarization between the two major parties has reached its peak. Polls show, with both sides perceiving the opposing party not just as a political rival, but as an enemy of the nation. The divergence of positions between them on important issues has greatly increased, which gives rise to extreme partisanship in decision-making. This article is the fi rst in a series about the “end of America”. The topic of “the end of America” or “the death of America” has become especially relevant in the publications of the last 20 years. These phrases are used so often that many people no longer notice that they are compound metaphors. The article analyzes the framework or fi elds of meaning in which these metaphors acquire their context and content. The following meanings of “America” are identifi ed and described in the article: a sovereign country, a social and political-economic system, civilization and culture, a geopolitical player, a superpower, and, fi nally, the “American experiment,” that is, a unique political and social project for self-government in the state. The answer to the question “is America dying” (“died”) depends on what features of America, what values and principles of its structure are considered the main or system-forming ones. Most modern authors call democracy the main characteristic of the political system and understand by the “death of America” the “death of democracy,” or more precisely, the degeneration of democracy from liberal to authoritarian. The article contains examples confi rming this trend. Predictions of the “death of America” do not mean its inevitable end, since not all changes are irreversible. The current crisis in the history of the United States is far from the fi rst in the history; its political system contains opportunities and mechanisms for resolving crises and restoring the foundations of the “American project”.

The Small Wars Doctrine of the US Marine Corps and Colonial Experience of the European Powers

The rapid transformation of the current world order excites renewed interest of the expert community in the phenomenon of empire (as a form of the organization of political life). And since the United States plays a central role in this transformation, the history of the Pax Americana, its formation and development, both at the level of the idea and in the field of real politics is of particular relevance. The author argues that clarification of the role and significance of the colonial background in the projection of US military-political power in the late 19th — early 21st centuries allows for better understanding of the theory and practice of international relations both in the era of ‘high imperialism’ and world wars of the 20th century, and in the context of transition from global colonial empires to nuclear superpowers. It may also be instrumental in addressing the deepening contradictions between advocates of a ‘global leadership’ concept and proponents of a multipolar world during the post-Cold War period. In this regard, the paper examines the works of the US military theorists of the late 19th − first half of the 20th centuries that focused on the colonial experience of the leading European powers, as well as the experience gained from interventions involving the US Army and Marine Corps. Special emphasis is given to the concept of ‘small wars’. Building on a wide array of primary sources, presented both by the works of military experts, direct participants in various counterinsurgency operations in the colonies, as well as by the teaching materials and field manuals of the US Marine Corps, the author traces the evolution of this concept which implied establishment of external management and/or control through military and police measures. This allows the author to restore the historical genealogy of current models of internal security promoted in American foreign policy in conditions of proliferating, protracted, and increasingly hybrid civil conflicts. The author concludes that in the interwar period the US law enforcement agencies pragmatically implemented the relevant experience of global empires in Latin American countries within the framework of the Monroe Doctrine, while regarding European powers as political rivals. It is noted that conflicting imperatives of asymmetric and conventional threats to US national security urge researchers and practitioners to revisit after a post-Vietnam period of neglect the approaches of colonial empires to the conduct of small wars and to adapt them to modern conditions. The findings broaden the understanding of the modern leading powers’ approaches to internal security models transfer, as well as of its limits.

Civil-Military Relations in the Age of Populist Nationalism: The Case of Israel

Abstract One underplayed aspect of the current populist zeitgeist is the politicization of the military, adding to the growing list of dangers that democracies face today. Israel, which has experienced its own nationalistic populism since 2010, represents a deviant case with regard to the civil–military dimension. In contrast to the typical pattern of populist leaders enhancing the military's influence to bolster their own power, in Israel, populist politicians have sought to restrain the military top brass from the decision-making process, going as far as delegitimizing them by portraying them as part of the “leftist” out-of-touch elite. In a country in which the lines between the military and civilian spheres have traditionally been blurred and where security officials have played a significant role in decision-making, this has been a noteworthy development in the era of Benjamin Netanyahu. This article advances two causal claims pertaining to the Israeli case. First, perceived military setbacks and political-diplomatic moves associated with the military have diminished the once-hallowed reputation of the Israel Defense Forces. Second, right-wing politicians often view the military top brass as potential political rivals, given the standard practice in Israel of high-ranking generals entering politics upon retirement. The generals’ declining status in Israeli society has opened up the political space for populist nationalists to assault both active and retired security officials whose assessments often clash with the worldview of right-wing politicians.

Hate Speech on Twitter: Vox in the Catalan Parliamentary Elections

ABSTRACT The Spanish far-right Vox party ran for the first time as a candidate for the Catalan parliamentary elections in February 2021. This paper analyses the party's political discourse on Twitter during the Catalan parliamentary election campaign in order to assess whether the degree of dialectical confrontation of their messages can exceed the limits of democratic debate. The results reveal how this far-right party's inflammatory messages, which seek to insult its political opponents, ultimately foster an undemocratic environment that turns Vox's political rivals into its enemy, driving social polarisation and a discourse of hatred towards individuals defending other ideologies or parties. Ultimately, it is intended to add that political-ideological nuance for future research that surpasses traditional hate speech —such as those based on criteria such as race or sex— and the suitability of Twitter for the proliferation of the latter.