Political Realities Research Articles

ATANAS DALCHEV’S SILENCE AS A LITERARY-HISTORICAL TOPOS

The paper argues that the period of limited poetic activity of the prominent Bulgarian author Atanas Dalchev in the years 1945–1965, should be regarded not only as a biographical, but rather a significant literary-historical topos. This period, most often described as “Dalchev’s silence” by literary historians and critics, is often discussed in relation to the author’s works, and inspires comparisons to other Bulgarian writers, such as Nikolay Liliev. The paper outlines the origin of the concept, its development and interpretations in the years 1966–1990, as well as its transformation into a metaphor for civil dignity. It refers to comments made by, among others, Panteley Zarev, Atanas Lazovski, Boris Delchev, Milena Tsaneva, Svetlozar Igov, Georgi Markov, Edvin Sugarev, Bozhidar Kunchev, Roman Hadzhikosev, Angel Igov, Noemi Stoichkova, Yordan Efftimov and Toni Nikolov. It is revealed that the notion of “silence” in regard to Dalchev’s post-war works can only be used conditionally. The analysis allows to conclude that while in the years of totalitarianism the breaking of Dalchev’s silence was willingly interpreted as a manifestation of a public (and politically correct) position, or even a kind of enlightenment of the poet about the radically changed political reality, after 1990, conversely, the concept became a sign of non-conformism expressed by creative and civil bravery.

IVAN FRANKO’S POEM “TSAR’S WORDS” IN THE CONTEXT OF THE WRITER’S ANTI-IMPERIAL DISCOURSE

The paper analyzes Ivan Franko’s poem “Tsar’s words” in the context of the anti-imperial discourse presented in the writer’s journalism and poetry. It also uncovers allusions and reminiscences of the poetic texts by T. Shevchenko and P. Kulish within the poetic framework of Franko’s work. Additionally, the study directs attention towards the facts of Franko’s life during the Russian occupation of Lviv from 1914 to 1915, a period when this particular poem was written.
 In terms of content, the poem 'Tsar's Words' represents Franko's satirical reflection on the manifesto addressed by the supreme commander-in-chief of the Russian army, Nikolai Romanov, to Galician Muscophiles and the people of Galicia. The title-allusion “Tsar’s words” decodes the real political and historical meaning of this monarchical message, essentially revealing the aggressive and conquering plan of Russia’s anti-Ukrainian project for Galicia. Under the pretext of “collecting Russian lands,” its true aim was to undermine the core of Ukrainian life in the region. Therefore, the poetics of this piece is defined by the simultaneous presence of literary imagery and topical journalism. The poem contains genre features of political satire with elements of invective, political parody, and biting sarcasm. It is characterised by an angry denunciative pathos, the presence of an implicit addressee, a combination of high and vernacular vocabulary, hyperbolism, and polemicism.
 As a far-sighted political analyst with the foresight of a national prophet, Franko saw deeper historical processes and consequences in this war, interpreting it in the spectrum of a historically consistent, existential confrontation between the national aspiration of Ukrainians for their own statehood and centuries of Russian enslavement. The political sarcasm of the poem further develops into a prophetic vision and national warning by Franko against the bloody consequences of an uncertain peace with Muscovy, exposing the real essence of the colonialist policy of russification, savage conquest, and obscurantism.

Healing the Hauntings: A Discourse Analysis of Grief in Two-Spirit Poetry

This paper provides a discourse analysis of two poems selected from the book Sovereign Erotics: A Collection of Two-Spirit Literature (Driskill et al., 2011b) to explore the concept of grief in Two-Spirit/Queer Indigenous poetry. It analyzes the diction, voice, formality, themes, metaphors, similes, personification, and the use of repetition the authors utilize to represent grief and discover the social, cultural, and political realities and discursive practices behind the poems. It concludes that through their expression of grief, the poets highlight the emergence and endurance of a community and people who will continue to fight for survival and the right to live in peace and harmony outside of colonial gender and sexual binaries. Both poems engage with a continuing sense of Two-Spirit identity that call forth new generations of Queer Indigenous/Two-Spirit people while remembering their history and the Elders who came before to heal personal and historical trauma often through connection with nature, their ancestors, and spirituality.

Zero Tolerance for Coercion? Historical, Cultural and Organisational Contexts for Effective Implementation of Coercion-Free Mental Health Services around the World.

Coercion of service users/patients when receiving care and treatment has been a serious dilemma for mental health services since at least the 18th century, and the debate about how best to minimise or even eradicate compulsion remains intense. Coercion is now, once again and rightly, at the top of the international policy agenda and the COST Action 'FOSTREN' is one example of a renewed commitment by service user advocates, practitioners and researchers to move forward in seriously addressing this problem. The focus of service improvement efforts has moved from pure innovation to practical implementation of effective interventions based on an understanding of the historical, cultural and political realities in which mental health services operate. These realities and their impact on the potential for change vary between countries across Europe and beyond. This article provides a novel overview by focusing on the historical, cultural and political contexts which relate to successful implementation primarily in Europe, North America and Australasia so that policy and practice in these and other regions can be adopted with an awareness of these potentially relevant factors. It also outlines some key aspects of current knowledge about the leading coercion-reduction interventions which might be considered when redesigning mental health services.

Ученый, муфтий и политик – три «жизни» Якуба Шинкевича

The article deals with the biography of the outstanding representative of the Polish-Lithuanian-Belarusian Tatar community – Jakub Szynkiewicz, whose life path fell on the first half of the 20th century, full of political upheavals and turning points. Being endowed by nature with great abilities, he left a significant mark in all areas and affairs in which he happened to be engaged. Both in the area of science and in the religious and administrative field, he achieved great success, leaving behind a significant legacy and a good memory. Perhaps only his political activity causes censure and various interpretations in modern literature, since it was based on the dubious basis of cooperation with a totalitarian, criminal regime. At the same time, this choice was partly predetermined by the political realities that dominated Eastern Europe at the turn of the 1930s and 1940s.
 In this article, the main attention is paid to the scholarly component of Jakub Szynkiewicz’s biography, which fell on the Berlin period of his life in the first half-mid-1920s. At the same time, it is reasonable to make a complete review of the main stages of his life, which allows one to enter the “scholarly” part in a broader historical context and show what caused this or that strategic choice of life trajectory, in which extremely sharp and fateful turns were sometimes made. Although Jakub Szynkiewicz never acted as an “armchair” scholar engaged in “pure science”, but rather was a quite politicized person. Nevertheless, his contribution to the world of Oriental studies is very significant and is associated both with the study of “kitabistics” and Turkological studies of the writings of Rabghuzi and other medieval texts. In general, scholarly activity should not be obscured by the religious-administrative or political actions of Jacub Szynkiewicz. Keywords: Jakub Szynkiewicz (Jakub Schinkewitsch), Polish-Lithuanian Tatars, University of Berlin, Oriental studies, Turkology, Rabghuzi’s work, Rzeczpospolita (The Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth), Vilna, muftiate.

An Intertextual Approach to the Political Poetry of Griselda Alvarez

The political poetry of Griselda Álvarez has played a fundamental role in the history of Mexico by highlighting silenced voices and social struggles through her verses. As the first female governor in Mexico, Álvarez paved the way for women in politics, and her poetry reflects her commitment to social justice and women's rights. Her poems, including Canto a las barbas, address pressing issues such as gender inequality, political oppression, and the fight for freedom, offering a critical and poetic perspective on the political reality of her time. Griselda Álvarez's work reveals the complex nature of art, which allows for connections between the ineffable essence of being and historical social issues. In this study, we use an intertextual analysis to approach her literary creation from a critical perspective, through which we observe that poetry constructs feelings, sensations, and beauty, while also serving as a tool for resistance and denunciation.

The communicative functions of epitaphs in the linguistic landscape of Libingan ng mga Bayani (Heroes’ Cemetery), Philippines

ABSTRACT The study of Philippine cemeteries has been traditionally placed within the purview of archaeology, which, broadly speaking, places importance in its material cultures. To further broaden our knowledge about these sites, this paper explores how Philippine cemeteries, particularly Libingan ng mga Bayani (LNMB), generate meaning through their linguistic landscape (LL). Using place semiotics approach and indexicality, this study identifies seven communicative functions used in LNMB epitaphs: (1) affective, (2) associative, (3) celebrative, (4) memorative, (6) desiderative, and (7) summative. In doing so, this study not only treats public signs as communicative ‘actors’ which convey meaning and pragmatic function but it also analyzes the act of ‘engaging’ with epitaphs as a highly contextualised speech event. Finally, this study argues that epitaphs signify discourses of memory, remembrance, and patriotism and index sociocultural and political realities, all of which contribute to the creation of LNMB not only as a cemetery per se but also as a place of experience and embodiment.

Book review: all through the town: the school bus as educational technology

Book review: all through the town: the school bus as educational technology

Access to gender-affirming hormonal therapy in Russia: perspectives of trans people and endocrinologists

Purpose Worldwide, trans people are known to take hormones without prescription or take higher or lower doses than prescribed. The study’s goal was examination of the social context behind provision and receiving of gender-affirming hormonal therapy (GAHT) in Russia, as well as collection of opinions on the organization of healthcare. Methods Semi-structured interviews with 20 trans individuals and 6 endocrinologists. Results Trans respondents started GAHT between 2004 and 2022. Over that period, the number of trans-competent endocrinologists increased and it became easier to receive the diagnosis F64.0 “transsexualism” (ICD-10), which qualifies one to obtain GAHT. However, the majority still took hormones without supervision. The reasons for self-medication included: the lack of the diagnosis, high cost of appointments and tests, age under 18, and self-perceived understanding of principles of GAHT. Most endocrinologists learnt about GAHT after being approached by a trans patient. They received information from advanced training courses and academic literature. The specialists had diverse opinions on the ideal policy of providing GAHT to trans people, but all claimed that in Russian political realities they found the diagnosis “transsexualism” a necessary prerequisite for initiating GAHT to safeguard both doctors and patients. Conclusions The lack of strict law enforcement in the pharmacological sphere in Russia enabled many trans people to initiate GAHT without supervision. Trans-competent endocrinologists were available for those who needed them. Under current political circumstances it is unlikely that the informed consent model (prescription without a psychiatric diagnosis) can be implemented in Russia.

Ideal Theory and Real Politics: The Politics in Political Liberalism

Abstract Realist thinkers in political philosophy often criticize ideal theorists for neglecting or eliminating the fact of politics in their work. This is supposed to be problematic because we should never expect to overcome politics. Any theory that attempts to do so is said to be unrealistic, naïve, and impractical. Although much has been said in the dispute between realists and ideal theorists in recent years, this particular line of criticism, which should be distinguished from other criticisms of ideal theory, has not been clearly or explicitly addressed by ideal theorists in the literature. I deal with this issue by examining the ideal theory of John Rawls, which has been a prominent target of realist criticisms. My aim is to see where politics exists, or might exist, in Rawls’s theory, and whether this politics satisfactorily answers to the various aspects of the realist’s critique. My analysis suggests that there may be no inherent or necessary conflict between ideal theory and real politics, after all.

Political realities and subjugation of minority community in Rohinton Mistry’s “such a long journey”

Political realities and subjugation of minority community in Rohinton Mistry’s “such a long journey”

İsrail-Türkiye İlişkileri: Geçmişten Günümüze Siyasal Gerçeklik Kuramı ve Tehdit Algılamaları

In order to understand the relations between the two countries, it is important to refer to the theory of political reality in international relations. According to this theory, states determine their foreign policies in order to cope with existential threats. In this context, Israel's security approach is shaped by threat perceptions. Israel's political structure, political system, leading parties, leaders and the dynamics of political life play a decisive role in foreign policy decisions. The dynamics of the Israeli Parliament (Knesset), public opinion and coalition governments are important factors affecting the country's foreign policy preferences. Relations between the two countries have a deep-rooted history with political, military and economic dimensions. However, the occasional tensions in these relations stem from the political and sociocultural dynamics of the two countries. Factors such as Israel's Palestinian policy and the growing anti-Israel stance in Turkey have led to tensions in the relations between the two countries from time to time. One of the peaks of these tensions was the Mavi Marmara incident. The intervention of the western states was effective in reestablishing relations between the two countries. At the same time, the realization of the limits of hardline foreign policy approaches in both countries played a role in the resumption of relations. Turkish-Israeli relations have a multidimensional structure shaped by regional dynamics and international politics. In order to understand these relations from past to present, the internal dynamics and foreign policy preferences of both countries should be analyzed well. Key Words: Israel, Turkey, Political Reality Theory, Threat Perceptions

Kang Youwei and Italy in the beginning of the 20th century: comprehension of the politics of the west by the traditional confucian thinker

The article deals with the theoretical treatises written by Kang Youwei (1858 — 1927) in exile and devoted to the understanding of Western social and political reality from the standpoint of a bearer of traditional Chinese culture and Neo-Confucian philosophy. First of all, these are “Travelogue to Italy” (Yidali youji, 1904) and “Impartial Words on Republicanism” (Gonghe pingyi, 1918). Kang Yuwei’s thinking is characterized by attention to the Confucian binary opposition si — gong (private — general), which he transferred to both civilizational development and international politics. In other words, the Western path of development, which consist national imperialist states based on economic, social and foreign policy competition and individualism (“private”), was opposed to the monolithic ancient China, whose society and politics are based on the principles of “community” and unity. Kang Youwei perceived the political reality of Western countries from the standpoint of traditional Chinese historiography, which was intended to serve as a base of positive and negative precedents for use by the ruler in the name of the common good and the harmonization of society. In Kang Youwei’s system of historical views, modern Italy and Germany were very important for illustrating the principle of consolidation of political entities and the merging of small and weak states into large empires. Methodologically, this was formalized as the assignment of Germany, Italy and China to the same ontological category (tong lei).

Cumhuriyetin Yüzüncü Yılında Türkiye'nin İnsani Diplomasisinin Evrimi : Sosyal İnşacı Perspektif

Turkish foreign policy is well known with its special emphasis on humanitarian diplomacy as increasingly witnessed in recent years not only in formal discourses, but also in practice. Türkiye stands today among the leading humanitarian states in the world. The article aims, on the occasion of the centenary of the Turkish Republic, to provide an analysis of the evolution of this humanitarian diplomacy with emphasis on a social constructivist perspective. The constructivist approach, in its conventional form, does not provide an alternative, but a complementary explanation to world affairs where political realism is dominant, without rejecting the latter. This approach helps to better explain how states' foreign policies are constructed, and how states can perceive the external material world, where states are required to act rationally
 
 Methodologically, the article follows an interpretive and descriptive analysis of the policy outputs through constructivist tools, such as discourse analysis, historical and ideational studies. In the article several relevant data is analysed as shown in the tables and charts therein.
 
 Foreign policy is all about pursuing, attaining, preserving and improving the defined national interests of a state. The article argues in this context that Turkish humanitarian diplomacy based on the balance between conscience and power can be seen as a good example to test the role and importance of humanitarian approaches in pursuing such interests. Having started to deploy soft power elements more effectively by diversifying its foreign policy options, Türkiye has expanded the geography of its humanitarian assistance and developed a humanitarian diplomacy perspective that transcends the realist-idealist dichotomy in discourses. with its emphasis on the above-mentioned factors, social constructivism acts as a complementary tool to the realist ones for a better analysis of Türkiye’s humanitarian diplomacy to make it more comprehensive and holistic.

FACTORS THAT DETERMINE THE SPECIFICS OF FORMING THE POLITICAL CONSCIOUSNESS OF MILITARY PERSONNEL

The article examines the main factors that determine the specifics of the formation of the political consciousness of military personnel. It is proved that the political consciousness of military personnel is one of the main components of forms of public consciousness, which, as a rule, arises together with the emergence of statehood and political power and is the most general category that characterizes the subjective side of politics as a whole. The stages of formation of political consciousness of military personnel are defined: as obtaining socio-political knowledge in the process of critical understanding of political reality, gradual rationalization of sensory representations, generalization of available information about the political life of society; transformation of acquired knowledge into beliefs, which occurs in the process of socio-political practice; determination based on political beliefs and analysis of one's own experience of the political orientation of the subject, which largely determines political behavior. The factors that determine the specifics of the formation of political consciousness in military personnel are identified and systematized. First of all, an important component of political consciousness is such a moral and ethical category as "defense of the Fatherland"; the next factor is the status of military personnel; the specifics of military labor; high requirements for the professional status of military personnel in combination with the regulated nature of their work; the isolation of the social and professional group of military personnel; material factors; mass media; the desire to obtain information. It is proved that a serviceman is a citizen of his country, a member of a military collective, so he is more or less involved in socio-political activities: participation in elections, in the discussion of the most important documents of the state, personnel fees, etc. This is an important area of military service, where the process of forming the political consciousness of military personnel, especially his socio-political qualities, takes place.

The US/India Civil Nuclear Agreement of 2008: A Two-Level Game?

Nuclear power relationships between states have historically determined global power structures in a wider context. Following India’s maiden nuclear test in 1974, the international community sidelined the country for a long time. However, within the next three decades, international opinions about the India significantly improved and paved the way forthe country’s first civilian nuclear deal. That said, the circumstances behind this deal and the United States of America (US)’ objectives involved therein merit a review, considering changes in the US’ domestic situation and changing political realities around the world. Did the US make an objective foreign policy decision by pivoting its nuclear policy towards India? Or was the US playing a strategic two-level game with both domestic interests as well as its international agenda at stake? This paper seeks to analyze the different layers of interests that were involved in the US’ decision-making process resulting in the Agreement. It also aims to apply Robert Putnam’s Two-Level Game Theory to understand these interests in a better way.

Department of Institutions of Empress Maria and Preparation of Fundamental State Laws on April 23, 1906

The article examines the reform of the state system of the Russian Empire in 1905—1906, which culminated in the publication of the Fundamental State Laws on April 23, 1906, which summed up the previous reforms and became the first domestic constitution. It is noted that at the final stage of the preparation of the Fundamental Laws, there was a problem of integrating the Guardianship Council of the Empress Maria’s Institutions into the new political reality. It is emphasized that legislative measures related to this institution were passed through the Guardianship Council, while according to the new Fundamental Laws, all legislative measures were supposed to go through the State Duma and the State Council. For the first time in scientific historiography, based on previously unknown archival materials, the article examines how representatives of the highest imperial bureaucracy, directly involved in preparing the draft Fundamental Laws, solved this problem. Bureaucratic practices and strategies are analyzed. The author concludes that these representatives acted as defenders of the principles of separation of powers and unity of the legislative path, opposing the inclusion of the Guardianship Council’s legislative nature in the Fundamental Laws. It is shown that a similar position was taken by Nicholas II, which predetermined the exclusion of an article about the Guardianship Council from the final version of the Fundamental Laws.

Interetnické vzťahy v prostredí Rusínov a Slovákov (na Slovensku a na Dolnej zemi) v 19. storočí

Rusyns and Slovaks, members of two culturally close ethnic groups, had lived for centuries in one state unit and in immediate neighbour contact. Complex socio-economic situation of the Rusyn settlement area in Slovakia had conditioned the poor development of both cultural and national needs. Rusyn intelligentsia from Greek-Catholic church circles had tended towards Hungarian culture or a broader Slavic consciousness. From the beginning of the 19th century and during the spread of pan-Slavism with the development of national movements and the formation of modern nations, Rusyns became the object of interest in Slovak intellectual circles. The Rusyn elite, inspired by Slavic and nonSlavic national movements, revived nationally in the revolutionary period of the 1840s. It was also the merit of Slovaks who supported the national awakening of Rusyns as their closest allies in the Kingdom of Hungary during the peak period of the Slovak national revival movement (1836–1848). The mutuality of RusynSlovak political cooperation had been manifested in the revolutionary years of 1948–1949 in the Habsburg Monarchy. Even though the revolution in the Kingdom of Hungary had failed, it had brought some significant changes in the sphere of social development, civil principles and the weakening of the influence of the state and the church. These new conditions had enabled the emergence and development of Rusyn national revival movement and the so-calledrevivalistic generation of Rusyns. Mutual contacts between the two national movements, especially in the post-revolutionary period, had symbolized social, political and literary activities of several nationalities. Even in the second half of the 19th century, Slovak elites had a positive influence on the development of the Rusyn national movement. Slovak environment had an inspiring effect on Rusyns. Of course, this relationship had not only worked from the side of Slovaks to Rusyns, but also in the opposite direction (in a lesser extent), i.e. from Rusyns to Slovaks. Finally, during the period of dualism (1867–1918), the reflection of Rusyn issue in Slovak literature was not as intense as before the revolution, which was related to strong national oppression of minorities by the Hungarian governments. The national movements of Rusyns and Slovaks had to cope with a very complicated political and social reality, so there was much less scope for wider cooperation and mutual reflection than before. Complex socio-economic situation of northern and northeastern Kingdom of Hungary at the end of the 19th century together with the rapidly increasing Slovak and Rusyn emigration had a significant influence on this.

‘We are Scottish nationalist and Catholic’: Death’s Bright Shadow and Catholic literary nationalism

ABSTRACT This article contends that although the ‘golden age’ of the English Catholic novel has received (and continues to attract) ample critical attention, there is much still to be gleaned about contemporaneous Scottish Catholic literary works. In presenting George Scott-Moncrieff’s Death’s Bright Shadow (1948) as a case study, the article identifies a distinctively Scottish Catholic and nationalist imagination, which nonetheless owes much to the conventions of the French Catholic Literary Revival, as well as celebrated works by Greene and Waugh. Ultimately, the article suggests that political nationalism is a key feature of work produced by Scottish converts of the early to mid-twentieth century. It proposes that the geographical, cultural and political realities of place which inform the twentieth-century Catholic novel are a notable, if relatively under-explored, part of Scottish Catholic fiction.

Post-colonial development in Africa – Samir Amin’s lens

ABSTRACT The paper is an attempt at applying Samir Amin’s lens in the analysis of socio-economic development in Africa. Social and economic development in Africa has been substandard, largely because of the economic system followed and because effective structural transformation has not taken place – Samir Amin’s works explained what needed to be done to transform Africa (and the broader global south). It is in this context that the paper posits that post-colonial Africa has had to contend with disruptive socio-economic and political realities instituted by European colonialism, slave trade and inappropriate integration of Africa to the so-called global economy. The fundamental explanation for the poor socio-economic development in Africa is global capitalism, and one of the possible solutions is in Samir Amin’s delinking proposal as well as the restructuring of the African economies.