Political Purges Research Articles

The 1964 coup and dictatorship in opinion polls

This article analyzes opinion polls conducted by the Brazilian Institute of Public Opinion and Statistics (IBOPE) in the context of 1964, with the objective of assessing the support to the coup and to dictatorship. The data, mostly new, indicate a contrast between the support to João Goulart, registered before the coup, and after the success of the coup, which points out to the good acceptance of authoritarian measures, including political purges. The empirical data obtained from the polls are used to consider the sources of legitimation of dictatorship that especially mobilized anticommunist representations. The analysis of the records suggests that the support to the authoritarian regime was marked by instability and oscillated throughout the initial years.

Suppressed terror: history and perception of Soviet special camps in Germany

Contents Preface to the English Edition Chapter One - Introduction The Camp System Internees and SMT Prisoners Explorations Detention Measures Detention Experiences Detention Memories Chapter Two - Detention Measures Internments Mobilization and Cleansing the Rear Area between December 1944 and April 1945 The NKVD Order No. 00315 or the End of Mobilization The Primacy of the Pacification Policy Isolation as Political Prophylaxis Soviet Military Tribunals (SMTs) The Work of the SMTs Functional Changes in the Camp System The Logic of Judicial Terror Judicial Prosecution of Class Enemies Political Purges and the Struggle against Deviationists Russian Roulette Chapter Three - Detention Experiences Arrest Dawn Raids Denounced In Shock In the GPU Cellars Detention Conditions Interrogations Traitors Verdicts In Special Camp No. 7/No. 1 Sachsenhausen Parallel Worlds: Politicals and Criminals The Divided Camp Community Daily Life in the Sachsenhausen Special Camp Fragments Chapter Four - Detention Memoirs Freedom The Closure of the Special Camps, 1950 The Combat Group against Inhumanity The Price of Recognition Empty Memory Sites Second-Class Victims or Self-Imposed Isolation A Last Attempt: The Publication Offensive after 1989-1990 Gray Literature The Dependency Trap Documentarism as Style Alternate Framings and Other Narrative Templates Self-devised Traps-Memoirs after 1989 Chapter Five - The Special Camps and Their Place in History Internment Camps The POW Camps of the GUPVI The Soviet GULAG National Socialist Camps Notes Abbreviations Bibliography Index of Names Subject Index Author Note

Of ‘near pollution’ and non-linear cultural effects: Reflections on Masahiro Mori and the Uncanny Valley

Existing theories of cultural pollution take two forms. It is seen either as the product of a binary disambiguating activity that codes the problematic Other as symbolically distant, or conversely the result of ambiguity, confusion and hybridity that locates the Other as in-between. The article introduces a third option of ‘near pollution’. On the basis of the work of the roboticist Masahiro Mori this indicates the significance of classificatory proximity and similarity, extreme sensitivity to signals and non-linear cultural effects. Examples are given ranging from computer-generated images to body modification, mental incapacity, material culture, artistic and political performance, and political purges. These capture the uncanny effects originally identified by Mori but also map out a far wider range of empirical and theoretical opportunities for cultural sociology.

O golpe de 1964 e a ditadura nas pesquisas de opinião

This article analyzes opinion polls conducted by the Brazilian Institute of Public Opinion and Statistics (IBOPE) in the context of 1964, with the objective of assessing the support to the coup and to dictatorship. The data, mostly new, indicate a contrast between the support to João Goulart, registered before the coup, and after the success of the coup, which points out to the good acceptance of authoritarian measures, including political purges. The empirical data obtained from the polls are used to consider the sources of legitimation of dictatorship that especially mobilized anticommunist representations. The analysis of the records suggests that the support to the authoritarian regime was marked by instability and oscillated throughout the initial years.

Yi Jun-Gyeong’s Persecution and Perception of Bungdang Parties

In this article, the life of Yi Jun-Gyeong, who was one of the most important governmental officials in the 16th century, and his ideas on the Bungdang parties which were newly forming at the time, are examined. Also examined is the fact that he was embroiled in all the political purges(被禍). He was a prominent governmental figure, so his experiences with the Bungdang related political affairs and incidents might let us know not only his ideas of the Bungdang parties, but also new approaches that should be taken by today’s scholars who have been examining this particular time period. The time of Yi Jun-Gyeong was the time of political “Sa’hwa” purges, and was also a time of preparation for the advent of “Bungdang” parties. An entirely new situation, different from the 15th century when strong kings were exercising their leadership, was coming. Yi Jun-Gyeong came from one of the most formidable houses(“鉅族”) of the Joseon dynasty’s early half period, but his house was embroiled in all four political purges, and was put in serious plight particularly during the purge of the Gabja-year. Yi Jun-Gyeong himself was also implicated. His position was terminated and he himself was sent to exile, because of the purges in the Gi’myo-year and Eulsa-year. Before his death, he left a Yucha(遺箚, a deathbed appeal to the king) to King Seonjo, imploring that the king eliminate the Bungdang parties. His concern was that lowly, misguided figures could enter and deteriorate the government in the wake of all these Bungdang parties diverging. In essence, it was not a position contradictory to the ideas of newcomers like Yi Ih regarding the Bungdang parties. Through Yi Jun-Gyeong’s life and his thoughts upon the Bungdang parties, we can see that political purges were not only affecting Kim Jong-Jik, Jo Gwang-Jo and their disciples but also prominent political figures inside the government such as Yi Jun-Gyeong, and both the senior officials and political newcomers were sharing a certain thought concerning the formation of Bungdang parties, in the early days of king Seonjo’s reign.

The United States and the Making of Modern Greece: History and Power, 1950–1974 (review)

Reviewed by: The United States and the Making of Modern Greece: History and Power, 1950–1974 Jonathan M. House The United States and the Making of Modern Greece: History and Power, 1950–1974. By James E. Miller. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2009. ISBN 978-0-8078-3247-9. Endnotes. Index. Bibliography. Pp. xviii, 301. $45.00. Conspiracy theorists generally credit the United States government and its intelligence services with enormous and usually malevolent interference in the domestic affairs of foreign nations. In some instances, such as Guatemala, Iran, and Chile, there has been some truth to this allegation. In other cases, however, Washington was ineffectual at and indeed reluctant to attempt such interference. Diplomatic historian James Miller has given us a case study of this latter type, the frustrating interaction between the United States, Greece, and Cyprus during the Cold War. Miller repeatedly describes instances in which Greek politicians and the general public expected Washington to intervene, criticized the absence of such intervention, and yet blamed the Americans for the result. The author credits this confusion to Greece’s history of Turkish occupation, a history that not only taught Greeks to anticipate foreign involvement but led them to feel powerless and therefore to blame foreigners for any failure that occurred. On occasion, the Central Intelligence Agency did act, as in its 1958–59 psychological operations that strengthened first the political right and then the center to reduce the influence of communist-controlled unions. More frequently, however, Washington wisely recognized the difficulty of such operations, and instead tried to work with whatever government happened to be in power. This willingness to work with often right-wing regimes culminated in the widespread misconception, encouraged by opposition leader Andreas Papandreou, that the United States was the primary backer of the military junta that controlled Athens from 1967 to 1974. In fact, as Miller concludes, the Greeks themselves “drove their political system over an embankment; the Americans did nothing to help get it out of the ditch” (p. 207). As a result, the Nixon administration got the worst possible outcome, a military government that refused to cooperate with Washington, outraged leftists throughout the West, and simultaneously demoralized its own defense forces by political purges. Cyprus provided the contrapuntal plot line to the decline of Greek domestic politics. Although George Grivas led a brilliant terrorist campaign that forced Britain to grant independence to the island, that independence was accompanied by the 1959 London-Zurich agreements, a complicated constitution to protect the Turkish Cypriot minority from their Greek neighbors. Unfortunately, as Miller recounts, too many Greek and Cypriot politicians saw “enosis”—the political union of Cyprus with [End Page 1383] mainland Greece—as both a national mission and a chance to score political points. Archbishop Makarios III, the president of Cyprus, outmaneuvered Washington, London, and Athens to keep control for fifteen years of violence and vain negotiations. Finally, the frustrated junta in Athens overthrew Makarios, a coup that led to Turkish military intervention and the partition of Cyprus. The author contends that, in this as in other issues, the politicians in Washington often failed to heed the advice of State Department and CIA officials, yet Secretary of State Henry Kissinger blamed the 1974 meltdown on those professionals who had opposed his policies. Military historians will undoubtedly wish for more details on the military aspects of these events, and especially on the decline of the Greek armed forces under the junta. The absence of such details, however, does not detract from Miller’s skillful explanation of exceedingly complex political, diplomatic, and strategic issues. This study throws a clear, strong light on the confusing and confused American policies in the eastern Mediterranean, and merits serious study by anyone interested in the national security history of the Cold War. Jonathan M. House U.S. Army Command & General Staff College Fort Leavenworth, Kansas Copyright © 2009 The Society for Military History

Una triplice Vergangenheitsbewaltigung. La politica del passato in Germania

- The article discusses that specific aspect of German political culture known as Vergangenheitsbewältigung, i.e. the going over the totalitarian past through a threefold reworking: judicial (trials, convictions, political and administrative purges), economic (compensations and reparations) and cultural (a deep historical knowledge of what happened, the working out of moral and law criteria for judgment, an at least symbolic declaration of solidarity towards the victims). The German case is interesting because of its uniqueness. First of all, from the judicial point of view, the way the past was reworked has had an extraordinary impact, being at the root of present developments in international criminal law. From the political and the moral-philosophical perspectives, no other population has so thoroughly re-defined its identity with respect to its past: constitutional and post-national patriotism are a case in point. One more exceptional aspect is that, after the reunification, Germany has lived through a new Vergangenheitsbewältigung which suggests interesting comparative considerations.

Children's world: growing up in Russia, 1890-1991

A pioneering history of the experiences of children during Russia's most disrupted century How a country views its children reveals a great deal about that country. This landmark history of childhood in twentieth-century Russia presents an enthralling and detailed picture of a society where childhood was celebrated everywhere but children's real needs were often neglected by the state. Catriona Kelly, one of the foremost cultural historians of modern Russia, explores every aspect of children's lives, including the stresses and joys of ordinary family life, friendships, sports and games, first love, clothing, and schools. She examines the experiences of children in institutions, orphanages, and Stalin's camps, as well as the impact on their lives of such historical tragedies as revolution, civil and world war, and political purges. Based on unprecedented research in archives, hundreds of interviews, and the study of a huge range of newspapers, books, and pamphlets, the book has an immediacy which is startling. Over 100 illustrations sharpen the focus still more. Kelly weaves together information about the relationships between children and adults, prevailing ideas about childhood, and the actual experiences of children to create an unforgettable account of the intimate workings of Russian and Soviet society.

Political Purges and State Crisis in Portugal's Transition to Democracy, 1975—76

The Portuguese military coup of 25 April 1974 was the beginning of the 'third wave' of democratic transitions in Southern Europe. Unshackled by international pro-democratizing forces and occurring in the midst of the Cold War, the coup led to a severe crisis of the state that was aggravated by the simultaneous processes of transition to democracy and de-colonization of what was the last European colonial empire. This article analyses how Portugal's political élite and society struggled with two aspects of the authoritarian legacies of the 'Estado Novo' during the transition: the élite and the institutions associated with the dictatorship. The nature of the Portuguese transition and the consequent state crises created a 'window of opportunity' in which the 'reaction to the past' was much stronger in Portugal than in the other Southern European transitions. In fact, the transition's powerful dynamic in itself served to constitute a legacy for the consolidation of democracy.

Drama societies in the French Revolution: from Jacobin enthusiasts to royalist amateurs

During the French Revolution the network of Jacobin clubs was to an extent mirrored by the existence of drama societies. Encouraged by the militants who took part in them and by the government of the Year II, they knew how to stage patriotic theatre. They competed with the professional companies and reproduced their regulations concerning morality and charity, the individual sanctions on unmotivated artists and control over repertory by the municipalities. These formal measures were not necessarily a proof of quality, but members of their audiences were indulgent since they were used to amateur theatre and because they approved of the ideas being represented. Nevertheless, drama societies were the victims of political purges and, in the Year IV, these theatres of propaganda were taken over by moderates and royalists, a development which led to their closure by the Directory.

Digging Up Mongolia’s Past

AbstractThe process of rehabilitating the victims of Mongolia’s political purges of the 1930s and compensating their children and grandchildren continues, but from time to time more remains of victims are found. The successor of the security organisation that was the instrument of their ‘repression’ is required to assist in the process of their identification and rehabilitation, but has not been able to rid itself of all the bad practices of its past.

Las depuraciones políticas en la escuela normal nº 2 de Madrid desde el inicio de la guerra civil hasta los albores del régimen franquista

In spite of the fact that the incidence of Civil war on Spanish Teaching has been tackled in several works, we believe that its incidence is unknown in the life of “Normal” Schools; this is specially shown in political purges, that obviously have affected students and professors. In this article we explain the implication it has had in no 2 Normal School of Madrid. It is important to mention that all the used documentation belongs to the Historical File of the Faculty of Education (“Maria Diaz Jimenez” Building) of the Complutense University of Madrid.

THE RECOLLECTIONS OF A MOVEMENT: MEMORY AND HISTORY OF THE NATIONAL ORGANIZATION OF PEOPLE’S COLLEGES

Today, with the full benefit of hindsight, it would be redundant to write about the inevitability of the Stalinization of Hungary in the post World War II period. But to those who lived through this tumultuous time, it was a period replete with contradiction and uncertainty, when even the most astute political thinkers, such as István Bibó, were unable to predict what was to come. This work will explore Hungary's postwar period through the looking glass of the history and memory of NÉKOSZ, the National Organization of People's Colleges, a short-lived youth movement in postwar Hungary that fell victim to political purges but remains alive today in the memories of many of its participants.

Sopimaton lasten kasvattajaksi! Opettajiin kohdistuneet poliittiset puhdistuspyrkimykset Suomessa 1944-1948

Summary: Unsuited to educate children! : attempted political purges of teachers in Finland from 1944-1948

Deforestation and the Rule of Law in a Cross-Section of Countries

Relationships between deforestation and population pressure, income growth, and insecure property rights are examined with data from 120 countries. Insecure property rights are hypothesized to arise from two sources: government instability or inability to enforce ownership and an absence of government accountability. The former source is captured by measures of general lawlessness such as guerrilla warfare, revolution, and frequent constitutional change. The latter is proxied by variables indicating the type of government executive, frequency of political purges, and the existence of an elected legislature. General support is indicated for the property rights hypothesis and for the effects of population growth.

The Dilemma of Prisoners

Stalin's Great Terror was one of history's most massive political purges. In its form, the Terror resembled a one-shot, n-person prisoner's dilemma game. Although the Terror could not have been sustained if prisoners cooperated, most prisoners defected against one another, as the model would predict. Yet the record of the Terror also demonstrated that in a mass purge there exists a wider strategy set than that of the prisoner's dilemma game. Using an illustrative case and a generalized model of purges, it is shown that if prisoners implicate their interrogators and play what is called a “transformation” strategy, they raise the cost to the authority of conducting the purge. In fact, the authority has no consistent best response to the transformation, and the purge should not be sustainable for long thereafter. The Great Terror was apparently limited by employment of this transformation. Limitations on the formation and use of such a strategy are also considered.

Le pantouflage en France (vers 1880-vers 1980)

Les travaux sur les hommes d'affaires et sur les hauts fonctionnaires se sont multipliés au cours des dix dernières années. Ils ont permis d'enrichir et de nuancer les images monolithiques ou impressionnistes que l'on pouvait avoir sur les milieux dirigeants de la société française. Tous les auteurs ont rencontré au cours de leurs recherches un phénomène original, caractéristique des cent dernières années, donnée structurelle de la circulation des élites en France : le pantouflage. Le cadre monographique des études et leur inégal avancement selon les époques ou les groupes ont toutefois empêché d'en prendre une vue d'ensemble ou d'en proposer une interprétation qui ne caricature pas la réalité pour retomber dans les thèmes polémiques ou journalistiques habituels sur la « classe dirigeante ».

W(h)ither the Trade Unions in China?

Trade unions have figured prominently in much of the social turmoil that has erupted periodically in the Chinese communist system since its inception in 1949. Involvement in critical economic and political debates, leadership purges and struggles for sheer survival have characterized the unions whose future still remains uncertain. Some insights into their possible fate may be gleaned from an analysis of the theoretical tenets and practical experience of trade unionism in China.

Purges and Production: Soviet Economic Growth, 1928–1940

Did preparations for the Second World War account for the precipitous drop in the growth rate of Soviet industrial production from 10–12 percent per annum in the period 1928–1937 to only 2–3 percent per annum in the period 1937–1940? According to some who study the Soviet economy the answer is “yes.” This view has been succinctly expressed by Stanley Cohn: “After 1937, the rising spectre of Hitler forced the Soviet leadership to shift resources into armaments on a massive scale. As a result, the growth rate fell drastically to 3.6 percent per year between 1937 and 1940.” Such a sequence of events, however, has never been empirically demonstrated. The purpose of this paper is to investigate formally the validity of this explanation, via aggregate production functions, particularly of the CES (constant elasticity of substitution) variety, as well as to explore an alternative hypothesis, espoused, among others, by Naum Jasny, Alec Nove and Warren Nutter. This hypothesis stresses a domestic factor as the major contributor to the disruption in industrial production: namely, the impact of Stalin's terror in the form of chaos-producing political purges.

The Pattern of Political Purges

The purge is inherent in the totalitarian system but it differs in form depending on circumstances and stage of development of the system. Ob jectives of a purge are: the cleansing of the party, the restoration of its vigor and monolithic unity, the elimination of enemies, and the establishment of the correctness of its line and the primacy of the leadership. Communist purges are of two types: purges whose content is programmatic and whose form is non violent, and purges whose content might or might not be programmatic and whose form is violent. In the satellites, purges were most violent in Bulgaria, Hungary, and Czechoslovakia. After Stalin's death during the "New Course" there followed a time of "anti-purge" purges which in some countries shook the foundation of Communist control. The dramatic events of fall 1956, however, again produced pressures for further purges.—Ed.