Political Process Research Articles

Enablers or deterrent? Role of street level managers in use of creativity at the frontlines

AbstractUsing qualitative data from frontline police organizations in Punjab, Pakistan, this article investigates the role of street level management on creativity and improvisation in the frontline. Our findings show that the professional identities and attitudes of the street level managers play an important role in mediating creativity by the frontline workers, especially in the hierarchal organizational structure. If the managers adopted rule‐following attitude, frontline workers often faced hindrances in the use of creativity, leading to alienation. In contrast, if managers adopted a defiant attitude, frontline workers engaged in moderated creativity as they assumed the risk of rule breaking. This shows that creativity and innovation in organizations with no formal mandate to improvize is a messy and political process. Our study indicates the need to extend the research on policy innovation to hierarchal bureaucracies and organisational contexts where team work is not encouraged.

Analisis Eksistensi Relawan Politik Peserta Pemilihan Umum pada Pemilihan Umum Presiden Indonesia 2019 di Kota Medan

This study aims to examine the existence of political volunteers participating in the 2019 Presidential Election in Medan City, Indonesia, using the theoretical approach of Huntington and Nelson's forms of political participation, along with M. Fr Voluntaire's concept of political volunteers. A qualitative method was employed, involving primary data collection through in-depth interviews (online and offline) and triangulation with secondary data from literature reviews. The results indicate a lack of regulations concerning the presence of political volunteers, highlighting the need to integrate them into a legally regulated political process. The existence of patronage politics poses a risk to the voluntarism of political volunteers, crucial instruments in the electoral process. Their roles encompass campaigning, candidate socialization, fundraising, election monitoring, and various forms of support. Appropriate regulations are necessary to prevent the misuse of power or resources by political volunteers to achieve political objectives, thereby preserving the integrity of their voluntary contributions.

Place-making and place-taking: memories from Tirana

ABSTRACT Multidisciplinary studies try to explain the complexity and the effects of political processes, such as how decision-making, and socio-political transition are connected with urbanism, and activism. Tirana has faced numerous changes over the years, from urbanism, to political landscapes, to economics, to social aspects, and to public spaces within the city (for example, squares and buildings), all of which are key points towards achieving sustainable transformation. This paper tries to explain and understand the political processes and informal placemaking (public space, buildings, activism) following three main perspectives: a) ontologies on political processes approach, the environment, and urban planning; b) activism and protest events; and c) the legal framework on urban planning and activism. Based on previous studies, experiences from the past and these three perspectives, this paper emphasizes the connection between political processes and informal placemaking by answering the questions: “What is the role of urban transformation in activism in Tirana? What are the implications of political processes on activism and urban transformation? The key studies in this paper focus on public spaces around culture heritage buildings in Tirana, such as the National Theatre building and the “Qemal Stafa” National Stadium.

Beyond ‘responsibility vs. responsiveness’: reconfigurations of EU economic governance in response to crises

ABSTRACT The Covid-19 pandemic led to an important reconfiguration of economic governance in the European Union towards deeper economic integration. This fits uneasily with predictions of an inevitable political ‘lock-in’ stemming from a responsibility–responsiveness dilemma, or an inexorably constraining politicisation. Investigating the evolution in discourses on and policies of economic governance in the EU, the papers in this collection approach the relationship between prevailing notions of responsible and responsive government as socially constructed and critically contingent upon politicisation processes. The special issue explores the reconfiguration of economic governance in the EU through multi-level analysis of politicisation, ranging from citizens’ attitudes to conflicts over central banking mandates, using a variety of methodological toolkits. As the collection shows, the shift towards investment, fiscal sharing, and green transition in the new recovery programme followed the emergence of a form of ‘responsive responsibility’ dating back to the aftermath of the euro crisis and which has led to the incorporation of responsiveness imperatives in prevailing notions of ‘responsible government’.

Debating the Voting Age: How Canadian Legislators Grapple with the Federal Voting Age

ABSTRACT Choosing a minimum voting age for an election is a decision that democratic countries make at some point in their history but remains an issue that is periodically revisited. And yet, we know too little about how legislators frame support or opposition to changing the voting age. This article uses frame analysis to explore the arguments made by Canadian legislators to support or oppose changes to its federal voting age. This article poses three research questions and examines two periods of parliamentary debates (1901–1972 and 1972–2022). The analysis finds that the arguments used by legislators in both periods changed very little and that Canadian legislators used changing the voting age as a tool to encourage young citizens to participate in formal institutions of the political process (such as voting) and to discourage youth from protesting or from taking political actions outside of formal institutions.

PANDANGAN HUKUM PIDANA TERHADAP KASUS POLITIK UANG DALAM PEMILU TAHUN 2024

Political corruption is a prominent phenomenon in modern politics, influencing political processes in various countries, including Indonesia. This article delves into the evolution of politics in Indonesia post-reform, with a focus on the role of political parties and the practice of money politics in elections. The main discussion explores the phenomenon of money politics, highlighting its correlation with political corruption and the role of political parties in society. Additionally, the article examines factors influencing the practice of money politics, such as the lack of closeness between political parties and the public, individual education levels, and low welfare standards. This analysis provides deep insights into the dynamics of money politics.By summarizing findings and implications from the analysis, this article suggests that money politics poses a serious challenge to the integrity of democracy and political justice. Therefore, efforts to prevent money politics should be a priority in strengthening a cleaner, fairer, and more transparent political system. Thus, this article makes a significant contribution to understanding money politics and efforts to address it for the sake of a healthy and sustainable democracy.

A Self-Righteous, Not a Virtuous, Circle: Proposing a New Framework for Studying Media Effects on Knowledge and Political Participation in a Social Media Environment

To explain the participatory effects of news exposure, communication scholars have long relied upon the “virtuous circle” framework of media use and civic participation. That is, news consumption makes people more knowledgeable, and trustful toward institutions and political processes, making them active and responsible citizens, which then leads them to engage in various political activities. In a social media environment, however, the applicability of the “virtuous circle” is increasingly dubious. A mounting body of empirical research indicates that news consumption via social media does not necessarily yield actual information gains. Instead, it often fosters a false perception of being well-informed and politically competent, thereby stimulating political engagement. Furthermore, selective information consumption and interaction within like-minded networks on social media frequently exacerbate animosity toward opposing political factions, which can serve as a catalyst for political involvement. In light of these findings, we propose replacing the “virtuous circle” framework for a “self-righteous” one. In this new model, social media news users develop a heightened sense of confidence in their knowledge, regardless of its accuracy, and consequently become more inclined to engage in politics by reinforcing the perception that the opposing side is inherently wrong and that achieving victory is imperative.

Trends in Theorizing Sortition

In recent years, political scientists have devoted increasing attention to sortition – the random selection of ordinary citizens for political decision-making. This has been accompanied by a number of real-world experiments in which randomly-selected bodies provide input into the political process. The result has been a large and growing literature on the topic. Recent contributions to that literature have detailed proposals for expanded use of sortition, most of which combine election and sortition in innovative and ambitious ways. The use of sortition in these proposals is justified in various ways, many of which involve the way random selection can generate bodies capable of high-quality deliberation. There is more controversy regarding the connection between sortition and democracy. Some regard sortition as a uniquely democratic selection mechanism, while others regard election and sortition as advancing competing democratic values, generating the need for a tradeoff between them. Future research on sortition will no doubt further explore both the value of sortition and its democratic credentials.

Youth and media: the impact of information technology on the political worldview

The subject of the research is the influence of information technology on the political worldview of young people. For example, young people who take an active life position or strive for it. Today's youth spend most of their time in the online space, receiving information from social networks, news portals and blogs. This makes the Internet the main source of information about politics for young people. The article examines such aspects as accessibility of information, media literacy of young people, as well as the possibility of forming public opinion through social networks and news resources. The research method includes analysis, surveys and interviews with youth representatives, as well as an overview of current news and political events. The scientific novelty of this study is to identify ways to form a political worldview among young people in the digital age. The availability of information and the ability to communicate with different people help to broaden the horizons and understanding of political processes, but you need to be careful and analytical so as not to fall under the influence of manipulation and fake news. Thanks to the Internet, youth can discuss political issues with representatives of different cultures and worldviews, which can significantly expand their horizons and help them better understand complex political processes. However, it is important to remember that distorted or one-sided data may be presented on the Internet, which can lead to the formation of incorrect or exaggerated political views. Therefore, a critical approach to information obtained from the Internet is extremely important. The main conclusions of the study are that modern information technologies have a significant impact on the political worldview of young people, however, it is important to develop media literacy and critical thinking among the younger generation for a more informed perception of information.

Social Media for Political Information: A Systematic Literature Review

Social media exerts a considerable influence on the democratic process in the modern digital age. Meanwhile, political information appears to be a precious commodity in the political process and functioning democracy. Despite the proliferation and globalization of research in these areas, lesser efforts have been made to systematically review and integrate discoveries from previous studies to assess the current state of research on social media use for political information. This article aims to systematically collect, condense, analyze and report the holistic, empirical findings from extant literature between 2010 and 2020 to offer a rich overview of research on social media use for political information. The Systematic Literature Review (SLR) integrated both the automatic and manual search strategies for data collection. Out of the 292 papers, 23 primary studies were identified to answer a defined set of research questions. Political communication and political participation were the two most popular themes. Uses and gratifications theory appeared to be the most used theory. Scholars are keen to explore the indirect variables that exist at any stage in between the process of consuming political information on social media and political participation. The review results suggested that although social media is widely used for political information, exploration on the body of knowledge of this domain is not receiving much attention and is reported roughly. An explicit analytical discussion on the review results with identified knowledge gaps that call for further exploration and conclusion is offered. Keywords: Social media, political information, systematic literature review, political communication, political participation.

The Constitutional Court’s Protection and Fulfilment of the Citizens’ Rights: Constitutional and Islamic Law Perspectives

This study aims to examine the degree to which the Constitutional Rights of Indonesian Citizens are maintained by the state, specifically focusing on democratic Public Elections (Pemilu) and Public Elections for Regional Heads (Pemilukada). This study centers on the advancement of the political democratic process, particularly concerning law enforcement and the safeguarding of human rights. This analysis focuses on the implementation of these features by the Constitutional Court (Mahkamah Konstitusi), which has the responsibility of handling post-conflict public election issues. This study utilizes empirical legal methodologies, employing a framework that combines the constitutional law and the Islamic law. The data was acquired through in-depth interviews and a meticulous examination of pertinent literature. The participants were experts in the domains of the constitutional law and the Islamic law. This paper argues that the state has successfully protected the legal rights of citizens by incorporating them into laws, so fulfilling their constitutional privileges. Constitutional rights refer to essential human rights, particularly the right to engage in the democratic process through voting or candidacy in public elections. In the Indonesian state administration system, citizens have the privilege to report any election matters to the appropriate authorities and have it lawfully resolved by the Constitutional Court Institution. The Islamic law supports the harmonization of law enforcement and the protection of citizens' rights within the context of human rights. In Aceh, a region that implements special autonomy and the Islamic law, there is no prejudice against the rights of individuals based on their gender or religion. Under the Islamic law, voting or running for office is regarded as a right rather than an obligation. However, participating in the act of voting is highly valued as it provides benefits and serves as a preventive measure against damage.

Understanding the motivations behind political engagement in Zambia: A comprehensive review

Political engagement refers to the active participation of individuals or groups in the political process, such as voting, campaigning, attending rallies or protests, contacting elected officials, or joining political organizations. It encompasses any action taken by citizens to influence public policy, government decisions, or the political landscape in general. Political engagement is crucial for a functioning democracy, as it allows citizens to voice their opinions, hold elected officials accountable, and contribute to shaping the direction of their society. Hence, this journal article explored the multifaceted motivations that drive individuals to join politics in Zambia. Drawing upon a wide range of scholarly literature, empirical studies, and expert analyses, this paper examined the various factors influencing political engagement in the country. From historical legacies to socio-economic conditions, cultural dynamics, and institutional frameworks, the motivations for entering politics in Zambia are diverse and complex. By synthesizing existing research and providing critical insights, this article contributes to a deeper understanding of the dynamics shaping political participation in the Zambian context. This study aimed to delve into the motivations driving political engagement in Zambia, seeking to provide insights that can inform policy interventions and enhance democratic practices.

Pencegahan Pelanggaran Tindak Pidana Pemilu melalui Pendaftaran dan Verifikasi Partai Politik Berdasarkan Undang-Undang Pemilu

After 24 years of reform, the people passionately anticipate direct general elections as a process of power transition and evaluation of the performance of political parties over the previous five years. Similarly, the registration and verification phases of political parties participating in the 2024 Election, which began on Friday, July 29, 2022, and ended on Tuesday, December 13, 2022, have concluded for the 2024 Election. The requirement for verification of political parties is an effort to improve the institutions of political parties to make them more professional in their management, as well as to verify the readiness and fulfillment of the requirements of political parties, both new and those that have participated in previous elections. In addition, if the registration and verification of political parties process proceeds smoothly, the subsequent stages will also go smoothly. One is to minimize or prevent violations of election criminal acts that can diminish the wisdom and efficiency of the 2024 Election process and stages. This study uses normative and empirical research methods and qualitative analysis to examine the relationship between the registration and verification of political parties and efforts to prevent election crime violations. This study demonstrates that verifying political party candidates can assist electors in selecting credible and competent public officials. However, verification provisions and procedures can increase the chance of election crimes and electoral misconduct. Therefore, the election commission (KPU) and Bawaslu must be resolute and unaffected by any interference that could harm the integrity of elections and democracy. The community is also responsible for supervising and providing aspirations so that election regulations do not diminish enthusiasm for conducting elections with integrity.

Transit access effectiveness in American metropolitan areas

This research examines transit effectiveness empirically through the lens of access to employment. The approach uses the gradual shift of mobility to access to introduce the Transit-Walk Access Gap (TWAG) as an effectiveness indicator. TWAG is evaluated in the 50 most populated American Metropolitan Areas, and the analyses offer three conclusions. First, transit access effectiveness should not be measured in isolation of spatial and temporal dimensions of the transit service. The results show that transit service is slightly effective in short travel times, but a gradual improvement in transit access effectiveness is noticed by increased travel-time thresholds. Results also indicate that the spatial coverage of effective transit rises with an increase in travel time. However, the nature of the relationship does not appear to be linear. Second, transit access effectiveness is Central Business District (CBD) centric in most American metropolitan areas. The correlation analysis declares that transit access effectiveness declines from a surfeit of effectiveness to relative scarcity as one moves out from the center. It is realized that the correlation becomes more substantial with an increase in the travel-time threshold. Third, transit access effectiveness is positively correlated with transit ridership. The magnitude of association is a function of the metropolitan area and the travel-time threshold, with Memphis as the most elastic and New York the least elastic metropolitan area. The transit access effectiveness indicator introduced here should not be viewed as final. As transit access data are becoming increasingly available and as the goal of transport is shifting from mobility to access, further research needs to be conducted to advance the understanding of access-related transit effectiveness. The adoption of the indicator is, ultimately, a political process.

Lithuanian Diaspora in Uruguay During the Beginning of the Cold War

This article studies the problems behind the involvement of the Lithuanian diaspora of Uruguay in the political processes at the beginning of the Cold War (second half of the 1940s – early 1950s). The author considers the history of the formation of the Lithuanian diaspora in the South American country starting from the later period of the Russian Empire and its status in the interwar period in the context of the development of the Lithuanian statehood. Additionally, the article describes the emergence and solution of the problem of refugees and displaced persons after World War II in the international context. It is noted that the refugees and displaced persons were mostly representatives of the Soviet Union (including the Baltic states that became part of the USSR in 1940), Poland, Yugoslavia, and other countries of Eastern Europe. The study proves that in the new historical conditions, there was a change in the social composition of the Lithuanian emigration of Uruguay, which was replenished with political opponents of the Soviet regime, collaborators fleeing retribution, and “Westerners” (defectors). Formed as a result of a global conflict and a new system of international relations, this type of diasporas was called “communities of exiles”, “exiled communities”, or “political diasporas”. The politicised nature of such diasporas, which included post-war Lithuanian emigration to Uruguay, led to its participation in the information confrontation with the USSR in the framework of the Cold War that had begun. In this regard, the author examines the attitude of the Uruguayan authorities to the “emigration governments of the Baltic countries”, and, more particularly, the so-called “Lithuanian government” headed by Mykolas Krupavičius in the USA and his “mission” headed by Kazimiro Grauzhinis in Uruguay. The specifics of the situation with the problems of repatriation in the USSR, which is revealed using materials from the Archive of Foreign Policy of the Russian Federation and emigration periodicals, showed the reaction of the Soviet leadership to the position of Uruguay in relation to Soviet displaced persons (including within the new borders). The author concludes that in the context of intra-diaspora splits, immediately after the war, the nationalist-minded part of the Lithuanian emigration was an active participant of all anti-Soviet campaigns, using finances and all possible information resources for this (primarily, the United States). Hence, the unconditional orientation towards Washington of this part of the diasporas, including the Lithuanian one, which was called upon to sow anti-Russian sentiments and support the negative image of the USSR in the public opinion of the West, becomes obvious and logical.

Трансформация политической идентичности в информационном обществе: пределы и противоречия

The article deals with the transformation of political identity and elite consciousness in the modern world. The dynamics of political identification processes in the conditions of development of information exchange of network type is problematized. The aim of the research is to study the peculiarities of the political identification process under the influence of the newest forms and practices of digital communication. Its achievement is connected with the solution of two main tasks: 1) exposition of the modern political process and its key components (identity of the political ruling “class”, its elite self-consciousness) in the context of the development of information society, multiply increased intensity of urbanization processes; 2) study of the transformation of the process of political self-determination in the conditions of involvement of political subjects and structure in the information interaction of network type, dominating at the current stage of civilizational development. The change in the practice of political thinking and political legitimization of elites is considered in the context of urbanization processes and the development of the corresponding type of network urban “chronotope”.

EXTRADITION: DIRECTIONS OF DEVELOPMENT

The study of one of the basic institutions of criminal law and international criminal law is aimed at creating a system of approaches to the development of existing law that can lead to the development of a universal approach to providing legal assistance. The purpose of the study is to determine the directions of the development of the law for providing legal assistance under the extradition process. Materials and methods. The method of analyzing sources of law made it possible to identify weaknesses when carrying out the extradition; the comparison method revealed a divergence in norms relating to the basis for extradition, which gives a forecast for solving a number of problems for both parties of the mechanism under study. Research results. The practical application of extradition rules makes it possible to achieve the desired result, but the desired effect is achieved through large and unreasonable efforts of both parties with a large bureaucratic toolkit, which leads to the idea of optimizing a number of processes. Conclusions. The institution of extradition should be considered as a flexible tool of legal assistance that allows solving the problems of justice in the spirit of the current principles of humanity and legality. The creation of an international instrument of a universal nature can fill gaps in the law and lead to a uniform extradition mechanism at the bilateral level. Due to current political international processes, the formation of such a document seems appropriate.

Euroscepticism in the Discourse of “Russian Parties” in Estonia

Introduction. The party-political system of Estonia, with traditionally Euro-optimistic elites leading it, was previously characterized by the presence of a number of so-called “Russian political parties”, which traditionally professed Euroscepticism and criticized the European Union as whole or certain areas of its activities. The purpose of the article is to determine the specific features of the Eurosceptic party discourse of “Russian parties” in Estonia. Materials and Methods. The information basis of the paper consisted of the results obtained using a combination of the comparative method (method of comparative analysis) and the method of discourse analysis. A single case study design was chosen for the paper. The data obtained as a result of using the discourse analysis method made it possible to study the indicators of the Eurosceptic discourse of “Russian parties” and process their programs, manifestos, electoral platforms, as well as statements of their high-ranking representatives. Results. It was revealed that the use of Euroscepticism by the analyzed “Russian parties” when targeting the Russian-speaking diaspora of the state in a number of cases (for example, in case of the Estonian Center Party) has shown some efficacy, allowing it to mobilize the electorate among Russian-speaking citizens. However, it was found that for small marginal “Russian parties” in Estonia this did not demonstrate productivity and benefit, since such efforts did not bring them a significant number of votes in elections at various levels. Most of them, adhering to Eurosceptic protest declarations, were never able to take part in “mainstream politics” of Estonia; thereby they failed to implement their Eurosceptic political agenda. Discussion and Conclusion. The results allow us to conclude that a specific characteristic of the Eurosceptic party discourse of the majority of “Russian parties” in Estonia is its focus on pragmatism for ethnic Russian residents living in this state in the form of concrete results that are useful for them: the desire to improve the existing discriminatory position of ethnic Russian population in Estonia through appealing to Brussels, to solve the problem of so called non-citizens, and, finally, to establish good relations between Estonia and its eastern neighbor state – Russia. The results of this study can find application in the academic activities of universities in our country, may be of interest to political and regional scientists studying political processes in the Baltic States.

Традиционализм как фактор политической стабильности в современном российском обществе

The article considers traditionalism as a positive factor contributing to the achievement of political stability in Russian society in the modern complex context of aggravating external threats. The object of the study is political stability as a unity of factors and consequences in modern society. Subject of the study – traditionalism as a factor of political stabilization and reintegration of Russian society in the modern context. The study of traditionalism is conducted in the unity of cultural-historical and modern socio-political aspects, due to which this phenomenon is a leading factor of political stability in society and the state, which proclaims traditional values as basic. The study of traditionalism as a factor of the political process in our country is based on the idea of the unity of socio-historical and political science knowledge, forming a single discursive space. Tradition as a multidimensional phenomenon of folk life, synthetically expresses everyday perceptions that influence the political climate in society. The relationship between tradition and innovation in the context of the development of digital technologies as the basis of the communicative process should reach a new level and become part of the practice of political legitimization.

Politization of Islam in Modern Iran: Autopoiesis of Shiite Tradition?

The article examines the development of politicized Shiite Islam in Iran as a type of autopoiesis (N. Luhmann) of this religious tradition. The topic arises from the actualization of the influence of religion on the life of a number of societies that have relied on technological modernization, as well as the importance that the topic of the optimal combination of modernization and traditional values is acquiring today. The purpose of the study is, based on an analysis of the activities of the Shiite clergy, to characterize the uniqueness of the revaluation of the values of Iranian society in the course of the development of modern philosophy and ideology of Shiism. The objectives of the study were: 1) to systematize the existing scientific approaches to the process of politicization of Shiism in the second half of the 20th – early 21st centuries; 2) consider the connection between political processes and the specific theology of Shiism; 3) reveal the dynamics of the relationship between the values of tradition and modernization in the teachings of Shiite religious figures; 4) clarify the specificities of the stages of influence of Imami Islam on the religious and political life of modern Iran. The research was based on theological and scientific writings of Islamic spiritual leaders, their opponents and followers. The key method used was historical-genetic, which made it possible to analyze the formation of Shiism in Iran in the historical and cultural context; and comparative, with the help of which the specifics of the various stages of the autopoietic formation of Iranian Shiism against the background of other denominations of Shiism and Islam in general were clarified. It has been proven that consideration of the path of development of the philosophical and ideological aspects of Shiism theology from the perspective of N. Luhmann's theory makes it possible to trace not only the external, but also the autochthonous foundations of the complex reverses of this religious model of self-awareness of society; as well as identify and characterize the functional specificity and dynamic characteristics of the process of politicization of Shiism in Iran. In modern Iran, theology influences the consciousness of believers, and, as a consequence, social and political processes, and not vice versa, as is commonly believed in relation to modern societies. The role of Imami Islam (Shiites) in the formation of values and behavioral attitudes during the actual structuring of relations in society turns out to be key for Iran. At the same time, however, this theology contains the potential for historical change: the very theological system changes, starting from its own concepts and transforming them. This constructivist approach turns out to be compatible with the emphasis on traditionalism. The logical possibility of such collaboration in building a new type of society is justified within the framework of the development of the theory of legal guardianship.