Members Of Political Parties Research Articles

Asian invisibility/Asian threat: Australians talking about Asia

Members of a marginal Australian political party recently sparked controversy by claiming China wants to ‘take over’ Australia. While apparently the opinion of a minority fringe, little is known about how Australians actually feel about Asia. This article explores the ways in which Asia is constructed in the Australian imagination, arguing it is both ‘invisible’, yet also a source of deep anxiety. Data from 26 focus groups conducted across Australia offer evidence of this invisibility, with Australians preferring to discuss domestic issues over international ones. But Asia is simultaneously a source of anxiety, in that when Australians do talk about Asia, it is in relation to a perceived threat from Asia’s economic power, its large population, its polluting practices, its military might, and its pursuit of mineral and agricultural resources. Such concerns mask fears of a cultural threat. Discursive analysis reveals how the threat from Asia is articulated, and implications for national and post-national identities.

Young people and intentional informal voting in Australia

ABSTRACTCompared to most other advanced democracies, Australia experiences fairly high levels of both intentional and unintentional informal (or invalid) voting. Using survey data obtained predominantly from the Australian Election Study and aggregate-level data derived mainly from the Australian Census, we explore whether young people are more likely to cast intentional informal votes. We also reflect on why they might do so. We find that young people are strongly implicated in the rising intentional informal vote rate. We also find that their motivations are linked to the following factors: the young are less likely to be members of political parties, less interested in electoral politics and tend to value voting less than the average citizen. Young people also report higher than average levels of cynicism about politics and lower levels of satisfaction with Australian democracy.

La partecipazione associativa in Italia: un confronto tra diverse surveys

Social participation is considered not only an important resource for society, but also an indicator of social capital. Thus, bearing in mind these features, this paper analyses the trend of the associative participation in Italy. The data used come from different international surveys, such as Eurobarometer, ESS and EVS, and also data from the Italian survey Istat (Aspects of daily life). Particular attention is paid to people who are more than 50 years old in the SHARE survey. The results confirm previous studies: a reduction of participation in trade union and political party membership, and a stable situation with regard to the participation in voluntary associations. The conclusions point out some possible pathways to follow in order to develop the analysis of the social participation.

FARMERS’ DECISION TO PARTICIPATE IN GOVERNMENT AGRICULTURAL PROGRAMMES IN A VOLATILE POLITICAL ENVIRONMENT: A CASE STUDY OF FARMERS IN THE SOUTH-SOUTH REGION OF NIGERIA

Most g overnment agricultural programmes in developing countries are designed following the political ideology of the ruling class and farmers have mixed responses regarding participation . The top – bottom approach adopted in designing these programmes further created dissatisfaction among farmers. Achieving the objectives of these programmes will depend on the level of farmers’ participation . Premised on this, the study determined factors that influence farmers’ participation in government agricultural programme s in the Southern region of Nigeria. Data were collected from 3 9 0 farmers in the study area. Combinations of sampling methods were used to collect data . The Logit model estimates revealed that , household size, dependent ratio, farming experience, years in social organization, land ownership, awareness index, membership in political party, non - farm income, visit by extension agent, male composition in farming population and level of formal education were positive determin ants of farmers’ participation in government agricultural programmes in the study area. On the contrary, farm income and bureaucracy bottleneck involved in these p rogrammes were negative determinants. Perceived constraints to farmers’ participation w ere; b ureaucracy involve; insufficient land for implementation, high transport cost and low awareness . In order to increase farmers’ participation in agricultural based programme in the region, it is recommended that, g overnment should reclaim marginal land and create a policy that will increase land ownership by resource poor farmers in the region. Farmers should be encouraged to form social groups. Massive awareness campaign should be mounted to sensitize farmers on government agricultural programmes in the region . Also, such programmes should be p olitical ly neutral and design following bottom - up approach.

Transnational activities of Colombians in the US

Purpose This paper aims to analyse the transnational activities of Colombian migrants in the USA; the reasons why migrants engage, or not, in these activities; and the impact of migrants’ transnational activities at the household, community and national levels. Design/methodology/approach This paper analyses data obtained from focus groups with migrant families and interviews with government officials and an expert researcher, as well as secondary data sources. Findings The main transnational activities in which Colombian migrants engage in are individually oriented, while participation in collective actions such as philanthropy or membership of political parties and hometown associations is limited. The impact of those activities varies when analysed at different levels. Overall, transnational activities of Colombian migrants can be seen as contributing to the perpetuation of south–north dependency, even if they help improve the socioeconomic situation of migrants and their families. Originality/value This paper contributes to the migration–development nexus debate by pointing to the significance of distinguishing the level of analysis (micro, meso and macro) when studying the impacts of transnationalism on development.

Collective members in West European political parties

This article focuses on the collective members of political parties. Collective members can be defined as organizations having both full self-government rights and entitlements to decision-making processes in the political parties in which they are embedded. This article proposes a basic descriptive typology of collective members that takes into consideration their sociopolitical nature (party political or functional) and their pattern of articulation within the party in which they are embedded (whether they help to articulate the whole party structure or not). It also illustrates these subtypes by examining European organizations that meet (or are close to meeting) the main defining characteristics of collective members. This examination is based on the analysis of all parties that attained at least 4% of the votes in the last national parliamentary elections in 10 European countries. The article concludes with an analysis of the determinants and prospects of this type of party structure.

Relationship between political discrimination level perceived by teachers and teachers' organizational cynicism levels

Problem Statement: Political discrimination is directed against individuals on the basis of their political party membership and views, including their sociopolitical and moral attitudes. People subjected to discrimination have a high level of professional exhaustion, slow upward career mobility, low morale and performance, less initiative, psychological problems, low job satisfaction and physical health problems. Political discrimination and cynicism, an unfavored attitude within an organization, were seen to possibly have a relationship, and an empirical test was, therefore believed to contribute to the literature. Aim of the study: This study aims to reveal the relationship between the political discrimination level perceived by teachers in school and their organizational cynicism level. Method of the study: This research utilizes a correlational screening format. The study group consists of 280 elementary school teachers serving in central district of Kirsehir province. The Political Discrimination Scale for Teachers and the Organizational Cynicism Scale for Teachers were used to determine political discrimination levels perceived by teachers and their organizational cynicism level respectively. Results of the study: Findings of the research revealed a medium level of significant relationship between political discrimination perceived by teachers and their organizational cynicism. Additionally, discrimination in social relationships and discrimination in administrative affairs were found to affect organizational cynicism. Accordingly, discrimination in social relationships and administrative affairs was found to be a significant predictor of organizational cynicism. Conclusion and Recommendations: Results of the study demonstrate a relationship between political discrimination and organizational cynicism, and teachers’ perceptions of political discrimination play a significant role in promoting cynical behavior. The study recommends that to decrease teachers’ cynicism, school principals should assure that teachers are not experiencing political discrimination in school. Keywords: Organizational behavior, school administration, unethical behavior

Muslim welfare bodies: New avenues of representation?

ABSTRACTA lot of ink has flown over the issue of political under-representation of Muslims in India and over affirmative action measures needed to redress this imbalance. However, a minimal amount of attention has been paid to how Muslims are finding new ways to counter this under-representation. The Ministry for Minority Welfare and subsequent creation of the Minority Welfare Department seem to have expanded the locus of representation for Muslims beyond elections, legislatures, and membership of political parties. Consequently, the number of “Muslim representatives” has increased, in addition to MPs and MLAs who strictly speaking are supposed to be “people’s representatives.” Focusing on two Muslim groups’ engagement with the minority welfare bodies, the article contends that the success or failure of Muslim appointments to state bodies is based not so much on religious differentiation as on the ruling party’s electoral strategies, and their inclusion in these bodies only reinforces their minority status without integrating them entirely in the political process.

MODEL PENYELESAIAN PERSELISIHAN PARTAI POLITIK SECARA INTERNAL MAUPUN EKSTERNAL

Political parties act stipulates that a political party dispute resolved internally by the Mahkamah Partai or other designation of that and externally resolved by the District Court and the Supreme Court. The dispute substance in Mahkamah Partai which is final and binding is about organization dispute, the other can be settled in District Court and the Supreme Court. In practice, that arrangement makes the decision apart from the sense of justice, legal certainty and utility. Therefore, these rules should be revised so that the regulation of PAW, violations of the rights of members of political parties, abuse of authority, financial liability, or an objection to the decision of political parties (including the decision not to decide on something) is final and binding through Mahkamah Partai decision. While the organization disputes can be submitted to the Constitutional Court for legal action.Keywords : political party dispute, Mahkamah Partai, Supreme Court,Constitutional Court

Party Identity and the Evaluation of Political Candidates

Party Identity and the Evaluation of Political Candidates

In iron light: Eeriness, decomposition and social movements

In the UK, the recent flourishing of organised resistance against austerity and the dominance of the free market over all aspects of life has done little to buck an overall trend of decreasing membership in political parties and similar organisations. Few informal organisational forms on the Left have fared better. However, these diminishing structures have certain key characteristics in common and there are suggestions of alternative political forms emerging in their stead. This article argues that such periods of decomposition, far from being an indication of failure, are an important and desirable element of social movement that can and should be deliberately factored in to political organising. Building from the notion that the basis of social change is the ability to move out of existing institutions, the article explores three methodologies of decomposition that bridge the divides between mythology, poetry, and political theory: Negative Capability, Eeriness, and the surrealist game.

Названия членов русских политических партий и их отражение в польской прессе

The aim of this paper is to present the word formation strategies that areused to create the names of the members of Russian political parties. In the second part of the article the author focuses on difficulties associated with introducing these names into the Polish press with regard to their cultural connotations.

New members as party modernisers: The case of the Democratic Unionist Party in Northern Ireland

Amid the literature on members of political parties, surprisingly little has been written on the potential or actual impacts that can be made upon party strategy or policies by a rapid influx of new members. New joiners may have different outlooks and desires than long-standing members. Although already sympathetic to the party they are joining, new arrivals, if signing up in large numbers, may hold sufficiently revisionist views to be able to re-orientate a political party in a direction not previously taken. Using data from the first-ever membership survey of the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) in Northern Ireland, the largest party in the Northern Ireland Assembly since 2003 and the fourth largest UK parliamentary party since 2005, this article analyses whether more recent joiners of the Party have brought greater pragmatism and moderation to an organisation previously dominated by hardline political, religious and ethnic attitudes. Modernisation from outsiders who become insiders can be a key aspect of party development. The DUP offers one of the stiffest tests of modernisation, given its history of opposition to moderation. This article shows that newer members have tempered beliefs in one of the most robustly ethno-religious parties in Europe.

Career politicians a dozen years after regionalisation of the Czech Republic (2000–13)

ABSTRACTThis study compares three groups of full-time politicians in the Czech Republic. Two of these – MPs and mayors – came into existence in the early 1990s immediately after the fall of the communist regime, and the third, here referred to as county full-time politicians, appeared only at the turn of the millennium. To investigate their profiles and careers, a database was created from a wide range of sources, such as election results, county council meeting reports, county and personal websites, media databases and similar. Analysis of the database showed that establishing a second tier of local government (counties) opened up career opportunities primarily for members of the main political parties who had ambitions to become full-time politicians but did not want to disengage from the local network on which their political capital often rested. Like other politicians, those in the counties are predominantly middle-aged men with higher education. Furthermore, the party selectorates prefer candidates with experience in other elected positions. However, the ‘professional’ political career frequently starts at the county level. So far, the most typical have been county politicians who hold paid positions for one or two election terms. Transitions from or to other levels of government are often discrete. With the exception of the entry of municipal professionals into county politics, these transitions involve a small circle of people. The most visible part of county politicians is formed of the county presidents and those related with national politics. Moreover, these people often serve as the regional officials of political parties and play an important role in the recruitment of parliamentary politicians. Therefore, the effect of the newly established regional political elite on party politics should be examined in more depth. It is argued that the ‘invisible majority’ of full-time county politicians deserves scientific interest too, because it can have a major influence on shaping the policies and specific features of each region.

การมีส่วนร่วมทางการเมืองของประชาชนในเขตอำเภอบางคนที จังหวัดสมุทรสงคราม (The Political Participation of the People in Bang Khonthi District, Samut Songkram Province)

Thai Abstract: การศกษาวจย เรอง การมสวนรวมทางการเมองของประชาชนในเขตอาเภอบางคนท จงหวดสมทรสงคราม มวตถประสงคเพอศกษา 1) ระดบการมสวนรวมทางการเมองของประชาชน 2) เปรยบเทยบระดบการมสวนรวมทางการเมองของประชาชนจาแนกตามปจจยทางสงคม 3) เปรยบเทยบระดบการมสวนรวมทางการเมองของประชาชนจาแนกตามปจจยสวนบคคล และ 4) ปญหาอปสรรคของการมสวนรวมทางการเมอง กลมตวอยางทใชในการวจยครงน คอ ประชาชนทมสทธเลอกตงในอาเภอบางคนท จงหวดสมทรสงคราม จานวน 394 คน โดยใชแบบสอบถามเปนเครองมอในการวจย ขอมลทไดจากการตอบแบบสอบถามของประชากรนามาประมวลผลดวยโปรแกรมคอมพวเตอรสาเรจรป สาหรบคาสถตทใชในการวเคราะหขอมลประกอบดวย คาสถต รอยละ คาเฉลย คาเบยงเบนมาตรฐาน t-test และ F-test สรปผลการวจย ดงน การมสวนรวมทางการเมองของประชาชนในอาเภอบางคนท จงหวดสมทรสงคราม พบวา ในภาพรวมประชาชนมสวนรวมทางการเมองอยในระดบปานกลาง (คาเฉลย = 3.43) เมอเรยงลาดบคาเฉลยจากมากไปหานอยพบวา มระดบการมสวนรวมอยในระดบมากทสดในดานการลงคะแนนเสยงเลอกตง (คาเฉลย = 3.60) รองลงมา ดานการเปนนกกจกรรมในชมชน (คาเฉลย = 3.49) ดานการเปนผสอสารทางการเมอง (คาเฉลย = 3.48) ดานการเปนผรณรงคหาเสยงเลอกตง (คาเฉลย = 3.37) ดานการเปนผประทวง (คาเฉลย = 3.33) และดานการตดตอกบทางราชการ (คาเฉลย =3.30) ปจ จยทางสงคมไดแก อาย และอาชพของประชาชนทแตกตางกนมสวนรวมทางการเมองแตกตางกน ยกเวน เพศ ตางกนมสวนรวมทางการเมองไมแตกตางกน สวนปจ จยสวนบคคลไดแก รายไดตอเดอน ระดบการศกษา ระยะเวลาทอาศยอยในชมชน และและประสบการณเปนกรรมการในการจดการเลอกตงแตกตางกน ยกเวน ตาแหนงทางสงคมตางกนมสวนรวมทางการเมองไมแตกตางกน ปญหาอปสรรคของการมสวนรวมทางการเมองของประชาชนในอาเภอบางคนท จงหวดสมทรสงคราม พบวารอยละ 45.1 กลมตวอยางประสบปญหาในเรอง ผนาทองถนไมไดแนะนาใหประชาชนไดรและเขาใจหนาทในทางการเมองและไตรตรองถงบทบาทหนาทในการใชสทธอยางถกตอง ขอเสนอแนะการมสวนรวมทางการเมองของประชาชนในอาเภอบางคนท จงหวดสมทรสงคราม พบวา กลมตวอยางรอยละ 39.7 ใหขอเสนอแนะวา ผนาทองถนควรใหคาแนะนาแกประชาชนถงบทบาทหนาทในการใชสทธอยางถกตอง English Abstract: The objectives of the research were 1) to study the level of people’s political participation, 2) to compare the level of people’s political participation classified by social factors, 3) to compare level of people’s political participation classified by personal factors and 4) to identify problems and obstacles of the political participation. The sample group was 394 eligible voters who live in Bang Khonthi District, Samut Songkhram Province. Data was collected by using questionnaire and then analyzed by using statistical software. Statistical tools used for data analysis included the percentages, the arithmetic mean, the standard deviation, t-test and F-test. The result of the research were as follow: As for people’s political participation in Bang Khonthi District, Samut Songkhram Province, the research found that people had overall political participation at moderate level (mean = 3.42). The level could be ranged from the highest to the lowest level as follow: people had highest level of political participation in voting part (mean = 3.58); following by being community activists part (3.49); being political communicators part (mean = 3.48), being political campaigner part (mean = 3.32), governmental agencies coordination part (mean = 3.30), and being protester part (mean = 3.23). About political factors, the research found that people who were different in age and career, had political participation, while people who were different in gender, did not have different level of political participation. As for personal factors, the research found that people who were different in monthly income, level of education, living in community duration and being political party members, did not have different level of political participation, while people who were different in social position and whose relatives ever been local and national politician, did not have different level of political participation. About problems and obstacles, the research found that 45.1% of sample group have faced some problems that encourage/inform local citizen to increase their knowledge and understanding on their political role and the right way to exercise their political. About suggestions, the research found rights that 39.7% of sample group suggested that local leaders should suggest to the people about the right way to exercise their political rights.

Political Marketing: Exploring the Nexus between Theory and Practice in Ethiopia (Comparative Study between Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front and Coalition for Unity and Democratic Party)

The main purpose of the study was to explore the Nexus between Theory and Practice of political marketing in Ethiopia by examining the perceptions of members of EPRDF and CUDP political party. A mixed approach with 248 and 304 usable samples were collected from top members of two political parties randomly and relevant data were gathered, presented and analyzed using descriptive and inferential statistical techniques. The findings revealed that there was no formal marketing practice used by both parties and no department responsible for establishment of political marketing mix elements rather they seldom undertook conventionally by simply stand for what they believe, or focused on persuading voters to agree with their preplan ideas and policies which were relating with the selling concept and product concept.

Joining a Political Party: Paths to Membership and Activism in Contemporary Brazil

In August 2015, there were over 15 million party members in Brazil, aggregating nearly 11% of the electorate, which places the Brazilian democracy among the most significant in this aspect. It is surprising that millions of individuals integrate organizations that are pointed out by part of the literature as weak, deprived of internal life and without strong linkages with civil society. Regardless of the diagnosis, factors such as the fluidity of the party system, the relative ideological undifferentiation among most parties, and the distrust of much of the population in relation to political institutions do not avoid many Brazilians from joining a political party. The first survey in the country which interviewed directly (and exclusively) members of political parties was carried out in 2013 in the state of Sao Paulo, covering the members of the ten major Brazilian parties. Using these unpublished data, this paper explores two main points: 1) the reasons and paths that lead individuals to join a political party; 2) the activities performed within the party and the perceptions of members about this participation. The text presents some preliminary findings and data of this research, which is funded by the State of Sao Paulo Research Foundation (FAPESP, Research Project n. 2012/19330-8).

The Political Development of Women in Albania

The issue of women’s representation and participation in politics and decision-making is not anymore an unknown or un-discussed issue in Albanian. This paper attempts to investigate the conceptual and material bases of women’s participation in the politics in Albania. It will be bringing facts and arguments regarding the participation of women not only in political life and decision making but also is going to investigate in detail in membership of political parties. Further investigation will be on how much weight women have on media coverage of different aspects of their life. Politic cannot be done properly, if the vision and the concepts of the woman’s in general would not be brought up by their women representatives in the political arena. Despite the increase number of women in parliament, many advocate that the women until now had been only a decoration on the back ground of the political life and these needed to be changed. It seems that this change now taking place in Albania that would take some time. The study tries to provide information and analyses on this regard. Then the paper reaches a conclusion that there is still a long way to go in Albania for convincing more women to participate in politics, because without of them the politic would not be addressing whole problems of the country. Key words Politic, Women, Participation, Parliament, Parties, Election

Pathways into Political Party Membership: Case Studies of Hong Kong Youth

This article explores and conceptualizes the individual mobilization processes into political party membership of a sample of young people in Hong Kong, a semi-autonomous and semi-democratic region under Chinese sovereignty where political parties are relatively underdeveloped. Based on life history interviews with 23 young party members, I found that the mobilization of young people into party membership comprises three different steps. I also found that not all young party members went through the same order of steps. In total, three orders of steps are identified, which create three different paths into party membership. Lastly, this article found that each mobilization path is shaped by a specific set of macro-, meso-, and individual level influences.

Activist model of political party growth

The membership of British political parties has a direct influence on their political effectiveness. This paper applies the mathematics of epidemiology to the analysis of the growth and decline of such memberships. The party members are divided into activists and inactive members, where all activists influence the quality of party recruitment, but only a subset of activists recruit and thus govern numerical growth. The activists recruit for only a limited period, which acts as a restriction on further party growth. This Limited Activist model is applied to post-war and recent memberships of the Labour, Scottish National and Conservative parties. The model reproduces data trends, and relates realistically to historical narratives. It is concluded that the political parties analysed are not in danger of extinction but experience repeated periods of growth and decline in membership, albeit at lower numbers than in the past.