Candidates Of Political Parties Research Articles

Digital literacy and strategic (dis)engagement: examining how functional and critical digital literacy shapes participation

ABSTRACT Employing semi-structured interviews enhanced by think aloud and diary methods, this article explores how digital experts (e.g., information/IT/media professionals) and civic advocates (e.g., political party candidates, activists) deploy digital literacy to participate in society. These groups – who are digitally savvy and civically active, respectively – are ideal for exploring the intersection of digital literacy and participation in public, community, and/or political life. This study found that their practices (e.g., reading news, sharing political content, campaigning) are informed by a wealth of functional and critical digital skills and knowledge. These enable them to strategically overcome bias, misinformation, and their own privacy concerns, and to navigate both the potentials and limitations of the internet in line with different ideologies. Their practices, furthermore, often involve what this article refers to as strategic disengagement (i.e., the deliberate withdrawal from engaging with online content and/or platforms). This article shows how functional and critical dimensions of digital literacy can be deployed in tandem to make strategic decisions to participate. In doing so, it problematises the assumption that critical digital literacy is inherently progressive and that online disengagement results necessarily from poor functional digital literacy. The implications of these findings for research and practice are discussed.

Inter-Candidate Agenda Setting Effect of the 2018 Mexican Presidential Election: Political Party Candidates Vs. an Inde-pendent Candidate

The 2018 Mexican presidential election marked the initiation of a new political communication dynamic in which traditional electoral communication strategies of political parties were challenged by an independent candidate. This study evaluated this innovative electoral setting by examining Telemundo’s electoral coverage of party-affiliated candidates —Anaya Cortés, Meade Kuribreña, and López Obrador— and the independent candidate —Rodríguez Calderón— through agenda setting theory. The data was collected from Telemundo’s national newscast “Noticias Telemundo” with José Díaz Balart during INE’s official 90-day electoral campaign period. The inter-candidate agenda setting effect regarding the horse race topics was strong among the contenders suggesting that Telemundo’s journalists were disseminating the same information regarding party candidates, but the journalists’ reporting differed when covering the independent candidate. Outcomes indicate that there were two dominant political discussions in Telemundo regarding horse race topics, one emerging from all party candidates and the other one from the independent candidate. The inter-candidate agenda setting effect of issues presented strong correlations among all contenders, suggesting that their policy issues news agendas in Telemundo were nearly identical, which could have made it difficult for voters to distinguish among the candidates’ campaign messages. Overall, Rodríguez Calderón challenged parties’ political communication strategies in terms of horse race topics for his ability to disseminate a distinct campaign message in Telemundo despite having acquired the most negative coverage from journalists. But the independent candidate did not represent an opposition for parties regarding issues because his political rhetoric was not dissimilar from the other contenders.

РЕЗУЛЬТАТЫ ВСЕОБЩИХ ВЫБОРОВ 2024 ГОДА В ИНДОНЕЗИИ

Статья посвящена итогам состоявшихся 14 февраля 2024 г. президентских и парламентских выборов в Индонезии, формированию коалиций по выдвижению претендентов на высшие посты в государстве и политическим перипетиям, связанным с этим выдвижением. Анализируются предпосылки уверенной победы Прабово Субьянто и его напарника Гибрана Ракабуминга Рака, а также новый расклад сил в парламенте Индонезии в связи с успехом на выборах и поддерживающей их коалиции политических партий. Раскрываются итоги и механизм избрания кандидатов от политических партий в парламент Индонезии по избирательным округам. The article is devoted to the results of the presidential and parliamentary elections in Indonesia held on February 14, 2024, the formation of coalitions to nominate candidates for the highest positions in the state and the political vicissitudes associated with this nomination. The author gives a brief description of the participants in the presidential campaign and notes the role of the current President Joko Widodo in preparing and achieving the results of the presidential elections. The prerequisites for the confident victory of Prabowo Subianto and his running mate Gibran Rakabuming Raka are analyzed, as well as the new balance of power in the Indonesian parliament in connection with the success of the elections and the coalition of political parties supporting them. The author also analyzes the regional aspect of Prabowo Subianto’s victory in the presidential elections, noting that this victory was achieved in 36 of Indonesia’s 38 provinces, and in a number of provinces more than 70% of the votes were cast for Prabowo-Gibran. The results and mechanism for electing candidates from political parties to the Indonesian parliament by constituency are revealed. The article also touches on the financial aspect of the election campaign of political party candidates for election to parliament, indicating the specific amounts required to conduct the campaign and enter parliament. At the same time, it is noted that the presence of large financial resources among some oligarchs does not at all guarantee them a seat in parliament, which is due to the inability of their political parties to obtain the required minimum of 4% of the votes on a national scale to allow party representatives to enter parliament.

Pencegahan Pelanggaran Tindak Pidana Pemilu melalui Pendaftaran dan Verifikasi Partai Politik Berdasarkan Undang-Undang Pemilu

After 24 years of reform, the people passionately anticipate direct general elections as a process of power transition and evaluation of the performance of political parties over the previous five years. Similarly, the registration and verification phases of political parties participating in the 2024 Election, which began on Friday, July 29, 2022, and ended on Tuesday, December 13, 2022, have concluded for the 2024 Election. The requirement for verification of political parties is an effort to improve the institutions of political parties to make them more professional in their management, as well as to verify the readiness and fulfillment of the requirements of political parties, both new and those that have participated in previous elections. In addition, if the registration and verification of political parties process proceeds smoothly, the subsequent stages will also go smoothly. One is to minimize or prevent violations of election criminal acts that can diminish the wisdom and efficiency of the 2024 Election process and stages. This study uses normative and empirical research methods and qualitative analysis to examine the relationship between the registration and verification of political parties and efforts to prevent election crime violations. This study demonstrates that verifying political party candidates can assist electors in selecting credible and competent public officials. However, verification provisions and procedures can increase the chance of election crimes and electoral misconduct. Therefore, the election commission (KPU) and Bawaslu must be resolute and unaffected by any interference that could harm the integrity of elections and democracy. The community is also responsible for supervising and providing aspirations so that election regulations do not diminish enthusiasm for conducting elections with integrity.

The effect of regime change on entrepreneurship: A real options approach with evidence from US gubernatorial elections

Although political turnover is said to be a healthy component of the business environment, the literature is equivocal about the effects of regime change on early-stage entrepreneurial activity. I present incumbent displacement—the electoral defeat of an incumbent political party's candidate—as a source of regime change, and I analyze how this affects business formation through the lens of real options theory. I test my theory using US gubernatorial elections from 2004 to 2022, leveraging a Regression Discontinuity design to compare changes in business formation trends following elections where a challenger party candidate wins or loses by a close margin. I find that regime change reduces venture creation activity for growth-oriented ventures specifically. I also find evidence of a partial rebound in subsequent months—suggestive that some entrepreneurs delay entry while others permanently abandon their ventures.

Bawaslu's Authority to Resolve Disputes on Elected Candidates Internal to Political Parties in the 2024 Legislative Election

The open proportional system used in the 2024 Legislative Election with the determination of elected legislative candidates within political parties based on the majority of votes has resulted in disputes over elected candidates within political parties. This research aims to determine the provisions governing procedures for resolving disputes between internal political party candidates and institutions authorized to resolve disputes. The research method used is normative with descriptive analysis looking at Bawaslu's authority in resolving cases based on reports from fellow legislative candidate members within the party. The authority to determine elected candidates as legislative members is in the hands of the KPU/KPUD in stages. Thus, political parties cannot intervene in this authority in any form. The research results found that Bawaslu as the institution responsible for supervising the stages or process of elections as attributed to the Election Law, should be able to handle or resolve disputes between internal legislative candidates of political parties because it is explicitly stated in the academic text of Law no. 7 of 2017 that Bawaslu received and reviewed reports regarding alleged violations of Election Administration Provisions because disputes over elected candidates within political parties were included in the election dispute regime and not the political party dispute regime. The conclusion of this research is that this type of dispute can occur in the election process, especially in the process of determining elected legislative candidates by the KPU, provincial KPU, district/city KPU.

HAMBATAN KOMUNIKASI INTERAKSIONAL PADA DPAC PDIP DI KECAMATAN BATU AJI KOTA BATAM

Indonesia is a country that uses a democratic system, so political communication is one of the main keys to the establishment of politics in this democratic country. Communication can be in the form of conveying information to the public by political party candidates to convey their goals to become a politician. Political communication is also intended as a vessel for channeling people's aspirations to prospective political members who will advance as power holders in a democratic country like Indonesia. Therefore the purpose of this study is to find out how the communication barriers that occur in the Batu Aji sub-district community are carried out by the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle and to find out what causes the delay in the political communication process. This study used descriptive research with qualitative research methods located in Batu Aji District. Data collection techniques used were observation and interview techniques and continued with documentation. The results of the discussion obtained are that the success achieved by political actors depends on how political communication goes well and smoothly without any obstacles, by building relationships with the community and building trust so that there is no miscommunication that occurs in politics.
 
 Keywords: Obstacles, Politic, Communication, Democratic

KEWENANGAN PENGADILAN NEGERI MEMUTUS SENGKETA ANTARA PARTAI POLITIK DAN KOMISI PEMILIHAN UMUM

The District Court is a general court institution that handles criminal and civil cases which is domiciled at the district or city level, while a state institution is a body that has the authority and duties for certain matters and is specific in nature, such as the KPU which functions as an organizer of general elections that cannot be separated from conflicts or disputes in the stages of holding elections, in this case there are issues that cause dynamics, namely the result of a lawsuit filed by the just and prosperous people's party in suing the KPU because the Prima party did not pass as a political party candidate for the 2024 election. This type of research is normative research. (legal research), namely placing law into a system of norms. This research uses a statutory approach (statute approach) and an analytical approach (analitycal approach). The authority of the district court in deciding disputes over the general election process that occurred as a result of the failure of political parties participating in the election with the KPU is beyond the competence of the general court and claims cannot be accepted. The election law regulates three matters relating to election dispute resolution: first, settlement Election process disputes are conducted through the election supervisory body (Bawaslu). Second, the settlement of election disputes is carried out by legal means through the State Administrative Court (PTUN) because every decision issued by the KPU is a State Administrative decision. Third, the settlement of disputes over the results of general elections is carried out through the Constitutional Court as regulated by the 1945 Constitution.

Screening political party candidates and the implications for electoral performance

The formation of the Revolution for Prosperity (RFP) party in March 2022 has radically altered Lesotho’s political landscape. Apart from the new calibre of political leadership, the party has, in line with its name, revolutionised some of the traditions long held by Lesotho’s political parties. Contrary to the closed primary elections that most parties use, the RFP introduced a combination of centralised and technocratic approaches in determining the list of party candidates for the October 2022 elections. With the former, the party reserved candidateship in eleven constituencies for persons appointed by the leader. Four front runners in the primary elections in the remaining constituencies would be subjected to various screening methods with the final determination to be made by the party leadership. The detractors have mocked the RFP’s approach as undemocratic and undermining the will of the people. The party also experienced internal resistance that led to it being taken to the law courts where some decisions were reversed. Using various data collection methods, this paper discusses the strategies used by the RFP and shows that much as they are not common in Lesotho, these strategies are not entirely new in politics as they are used in other democratic systems. An examination of the October 2022 elections results shows that despite the court challenges, the RFP’s candidate selection strategies had a positive impact on the party’s performance as well as on the profile of the resultant National Assembly.

PERSEPSI MASYARAKAT KELURAHAN MAMBORO BARAT TERHADAP PARTAI POLITIK BARU PADA PEMILU 2019

This study aimed to determine the Mamboro Village community's perception of the New Political Party in the 2019 legislative election. The method used in this research is descriptive qualitative where interviews and documentation as instruments to collect data. This study aims to determine the political perception of the people in the West Mamboro sub-district towards the new political parties in the 2019 legislative elections. The results show that the political perception (political attitude) of the people of the West Mamboro sub-district towards the presence of new political parties, both from the level of introduction of political parties, the level of the introduction of political party candidates, the level of introduction to political party programs, and the level of knowledge and media introducing these new political parties is very low. This political attitude (political perception) will greatly influence the political preferences of the people in the West Mamboro Village, whose socio-political structure is more likely to be influenced by factors in the social environment where they live. Parents, husbands, mothers and families have a very strong influence in determining political preferences in the 2019 election. Thus, the tendency of West Mamboro people's political preferences towards political parties, one of which is strongly influenced by the acceptability of political figures or figures who are considered to have strong social ties ( sociological approach) with most of the people of West Mamboro.

Reducing Ableism and the Social Exclusion of People With Disabilities: Positive Impacts of Openness and Education

Research has shown that people with disabilities (PWD) face ableism, which is associated with their social exclusion. Based on the existing literature regarding the social exclusion of PWD, we hypothesized for the current study that higher education levels, personal experiences with PWD, and openness would reduce ableism and negative attitudes of PWD and increase the social inclusion of PWD. Additionally, we hypothesized that a negative correlation would exist between social inclusion of PWD and ableism and negative attitudes of PWD, moderated by the personality trait openness. Participants consisted of adults (N = 364) who identified as mostly White, female, and nondisabled, and were asked to complete an electronic survey consisting of 4 pre-existing scales measuring ableism, negative attitudes of PWD, social inclusion, and openness. The data were analyzed using regression analyses, t tests, ANOVAs, and moderation analyses. The results showed that higher education levels (R2 = .02) and personal experiences with PWD (d = –0.35) predicted lower ableism. Additionally, more openness predicted more social inclusion (R2 = .03), less ableism (R2 = .14), and higher completed levels of education (R2 = .06). Further, voting for conservative political party candidates predicted higher levels of ableism (R2 = .11), and voting for liberal political party candidates predicted lower levels of ableism (R2 = .13). Although this study had some limitations, it highlights the importance of education and openness in reducing ableism and increasing the social inclusion of PWD.

Women and the Politics of Incivility and Discrimination: Introduction

Women and the Politics of Incivility and Discrimination: Introduction

Party nominee or independent candidate? Examining Electoral Reforms and the Use of Digital Technologies for Voter Participation in South Africa

This article discusses electoral reforms and the use of digital technologies for voter participation in South Africa. The study employed focus group discussions and in-depth interviews through semi-structured questions to engage with voters and politicians. Informed by theories on politics and technology, the articles notes that the current electoral system has advantages and disadvantages, though it can be enhanced by the inclusion of a mixed proportional or constituency-based electoral system whereby voters elect political party candidates or independent candidates to represent their constituencies. The article argues that digital technologies alone cannot enhance voter participation without electoral policies that promote voter participation in the candidate selection processes for provincial and national elections. The article further highlights the fact that the use of digital technologies and a mixed electoral system are desirable for maximum citizen participation in national and provincial elections. However, some political parties enjoying dominance in the multi-party democracy might perceive reform as unfavourable. The article concludes that consensus and political will are fundamental to harness all progressive electoral reforms and digital tools for sustainable democracy.

PENEGAKAN HUKUM PEMILU LEGISLATIF 2019 PADA DAERAH PEMILIHAN (DAPIL) SURABAYA-4

That there was a shift in the results of the vote acquisition of political party candidates in the Suarabay-4 Electoral District due to an error in recording the vote acquisition from DAA-1 Plano to DAA-1 which was printed for the votes acquired by TPS 30 and TPS 31, Putat Jaya Sub-district, Sawahan District, and TPS 50 Sub-district. Simomulyo Baru, Sukomanunggal Sub-district, revealed the fact that the Surabaya City Bawaslu Decision Number 53/LP/PL/KOTA/16.01/V/2019, which stated that PPK Sawahan and PPS Kelurahan Putat Jaya were proven to have violated the procedures and procedures for the recapitulation of votes.
 In the trial the Constitutional Court canceled the General Election Commission Decision Number 987/PL.01.8-Kpt/06/KPU/V/2019 concerning Determination of the Results of the General Election of the President and Vice President, Members of the People's Representative Council, Regional Representatives Council, Provincial Regional People's Representative Council and the National Regency/City Regional People's Representative Council in the 2019 General Election, dated May 21, 2019, as long as it concerns the vote acquisition for Candidates for Members of the Surabaya City Regional People's Representative Council, Surabaya-4 Electoral District;
 Ordered the General Election Commission in casu, the General Elections Commission of Surabaya City to recount ballots at TPS 30 and TPS 31, Putat Jaya Sub-district, Sawahan District, and TPS 50 Simomulyo Baru Sub-District, Sukomanunggal Sub-district, Surabaya City on the Golkar Party's vote acquisition for this type of vote. election of candidates for members of the Surabaya City DPRD for the Surabaya electoral district 4

Partai Politik Sebagai Political Brand

Nowadays, political parties need a political marketing strategy that is considered to be able to increase the number of votes, especially for certain candidates of political parties. Marketing elements can be adopted in political parties, especially when doing branding. Therefore, the objective of this research is to determine the influence of brand elements in politics such as brand communication, brand image, brand trust, and brand loyalty to political parties, namely Partai Amanat Nasional (PAN). The research shows that there is no effect of brand communication on brand image and brand trust. And there is no influence of brand image on brand trust. As for the element of trust, there is an effect of brand trust on PAN brand loyalty with a low percentage of 14.7%. When someone has given confidence in a certain political party, they have guaranteed that the program given by that party is the best for the public, so that someone will be consistent in choosing the same party in the future during the election or loyal to political parties.

The desire of power: Candidate ambiguity and incumbent monopoly in local leaders’ election

This study explores and discusses the phenomenon of a single candidate in the local leaders’ election or Pemilihan Kepala Daerah (Pilkada) in Deli Serdang Regency, North Sumatra Province, in 2018. The study is motivated by the phenomenon of a single candidate in the local leaders’ election. In Deli Serdang, the local leaders’ election should have a multi-candidate pattern, either independent or 3-4 political party candidates. This study has focused on the mechanism of the emergence of a single candidate. According to Dahl, the theoretical approach is the candidacy mechanism, and according to Norris, the significance of the right to vote. The study was conducted qualitatively with an ongoing explorative, independent, and case-oriented study approach. The data collected through in-depth interviews with nine key informants consisting of the Political Party Branch Management Board or Dewan Pimpinan Cabang (DPC), the General Elections Commission or Komisi Pemilihan Umum (KPU), the Election Supervisory Committee or Panitia Pengawas Pemilihan (Panwaslih), independent, failed, and incumbent candidates. The sixteen secondary informants consisted of eight voting behaviors and eight non-voting behaviors randomly selected and interviewed to determine their perception of a single candidate. The study found that a single candidate is the logical consequence of ambiguity in an internal political party candidacy. The study’s novelty is the exclusion of incumbent ruling candidates incentivizing a political party monopoly to ensure victory in contestation. The study concluded that the dysfunction of the candidacy and exclusion in power has implications for a single candidate in the local leaders’ election. Contestation with a single candidate’s presence is an uncontested election, and it is contrary to the theoretical paradigm referred to in this study.

Legal aspects of formation and development of electoral systems in Ukraine

Introduction. The history of the Ukrainian Parliament functioning counts many electoral systems. The constant change of one kind or another was supposed to eliminate the shortcomings that were revealed during the preparation and carrying out the last elections. For a long time elections were holding under a mixed electoral system, but the combination of proportional and majoritarian components in it did not allow to provide the real expression of the citizens’ will and the effective parliament functioning. Therefore the legislator has been tasked with introducing a more optimal voting model. The result in this area was the adoption the Electoral Code of Ukraine in 2019. The purpose of the paper is to identify the main disadvantages of a mixed electoral system. to carry out the comparative analysis of the activity of deputies, which elected by different components of the mixed electoral system, to investigate the key points of the Electoral Code of Ukraine that will form the basis of legal regulation of the preparation and holding the elections to the Ukrainian Parliament and to compare them with the previous electoral system features. Results. Despite the combination of proportional and majoritarian electoral systems, theirinherent negative features remained relevant. We are talking about the lack of opportunity to select specific candidates from the electoral lists of parties, whose votes were not supported by another candidate in the single-member district etc. At the same time there was a pronounced preference for the proportional system over the majority one, because thanks to the popularity of the political party candidates could obtain a mandate without “special” effort. It is determined, that the points of the new Electoral Code of Ukraine provide the introduction of a new electoral system that will allow citizens to independently determine the priority of a candidate on the list during the distribution of mandates. At the same time the analysis of the Electoral Code shows that in some cases it will still be possible to keep "closed" lists. Conclusion. The Electoral Code of Ukraine, approved by the People's Deputies, is another testimony to the prudence of their political will and readiness to take into account the demands of society. During the analysis of the codified act it was found out that it will promote the political will of the citizens in the elections and ensure the efficiency of the deputies themselves.

Under what conditions do ethnic minority candidates attract the ethnic minority vote? How neighbourhood and candidate characteristics affected ethnic affinity voting in the Dutch 2017 parliamentary elections

Ethnic affinity voting is the term for when political party candidates with an ethnic minority background receive a larger share of the vote in ethnically dense neighbourhoods. This study is one of the first to provide a detailed test for ethnic affinity voting during a national election in an open-list proportional representation system, with the same ballots in every polling station. It tests the conditions under which ethnic affinity voting is greater, studying the proportion of votes for ethnic minority candidates at neighbourhood level in the Netherlands in 2017, when a minority-interest party entered parliament and the traditional ethnic vote for the social democratic party (PvdA) imploded. This study disentangles party and candidate effects and finds evidence for (general and specific) ethnic affinity voting at candidate level. Even though ethnic minority candidates attract fewer votes, they perform better in neighbourhoods where more minorities live, especially when the group size of co-ethnics is larger. Ethnic affinity effects are relatively strong for candidates affiliated with minority-oriented and left-wing parties, and absent or negative for ethnic candidates of right-wing parties. Moreover, whether male or female ethnic candidates are more likely to attract the ethnic vote also depends on the ethnic background and party affiliation of the candidate.

Spitzenkandidaten beyond Westminster: Comparing Chancellor Candidates in Germany and Austria

Abstract Top candidates of political parties are increasingly identified as a preeminent factor in electoral campaigns and with regard to winning governmental office; yet they have always been important to a deeper understanding of party competition. This article looks into German and Austrian post-war chancellor candidates, that is, the parties’ lead candidates reaching out for the top job in the executive branch. The more particular focus is on the political profiles and track records of non-incumbent candidates challenging a sitting chancellor. The study proceeds from a brief discussion of German and Austrian ‘peculiarities’, judged against the established parameters of Westminster-style politics, to a comparative empirical assessment. Of the four hypotheses developed (relating to constitutional features, parties and party families, opportunity structures for female candidates and ‘personalisation’), only one is supported by our empirical findings. However, the notable problems of relating empirical patterns to theoretical propositions may not all be caused by political contingency. To some extent, it seems, they rather reflect the strategic choices of challenging parties specifically designed to generate the impression of ‘freshness’, and to take incumbents by surprise.

Im dłużej tym „bezpartyjniej”? Włodarze dużych miast w wyborach 2002–2018

Przedmiotem badań podjętych w artykule jest rywalizacja prezydencka w 19. polskich miastach w latach 2002–2018. Ich celem było sprawdzenie czy afiliacja partyjna częściej towarzyszyła prezydentom miast, którzy dokonywali reelekcji, czy też raczej sprzyjała alternacji władzy. Pozycję partii politycznych badano na podstawie dwóch kryteriów: liczby reelekcji prezydentów afiliowanych z partiami oraz liczby pretendentów partyjnych, którzy uzyskiwali drugi wynik po zwycięzcach. W badanych miastach odnotowano 60 przypadków reelekcji – dominowali w nich inkumbenci pozapartyjni. W 16. przypadkach alternacji władzy dominowali natomiast kandydaci partii politycznych. Na 95 przypadków elekcji lat 2002–2018 w aż 74. z nich głównymi rywalami zwycięzców byli kandydaci partii politycznych. Badanie wykazało zatem, że wielokadencyjności prezydentów sprzyja pozapartyjność, a partie polityczne odgrywają większą rolę w alternacjach władzy.