Political Paralysis Research Articles

Redrawing Europe’s Map

Redrawing Europe’s Map

The history of nihilism and the limits of political critique

Nihilism is commonly defined as ‘a philosophy of negation, rejection, or denial of some or all aspects of thought or life’ [Craig, Edward, ed. 1998. “Nihilism.” In Routledge Encyclopedia of Philosophy. London: Routledge]. It has been interpreted since its early days as a radical negation of all forms of authority – whether that authority be God, a human sovereign, or moral values. More specifically, the concept of nihilism has emphasized the connection between authority and interpretative competence, political sovereignty, and a hermeneutic knack. My article attempts to introduce both the history of the concept and its current theoretical implications. While introducing the key motives of nihilism – investigated in a research group under my guidance at the Jerusalem Van Leer Institute during 2010 and part of 2011 – I hope to clarify what made this concept so relevant for a younger generation of critics and scholars. As demonstrated in this article, the history of the concept has been traditionally marking the limits of legitimate critique, i.e., signifying the borders of the political discourse and marking those ‘outsiders’ of it, dissenters or those creating a supposed threat over the key assumptions of political norms. In short, nihilism is where any discussion about ‘the limits of political critique’ should begin. My article demonstrates – extending simultaneously from the broader historical perspective and the narrower reality in Israel – that nihilism is closely related to the temporality of stasis (political paralysis or a body suspending its own functions), on the one hand, and to the attempt to open a new hermeneutics of active and effective critique, from the outside of the political normative language, on the other.

Symmetrical Solutions, Asymmetrical Realities: Beyond the Politics of Paralysis?

The historic significance of the Good Friday Agreement and its role in ending organized political violence is acknowledged at the outset. The article then goes on to probe the roots of the political paralysis built into the architecture of the Agreement that are predicated on a misplaced political and cultural symmetry between the “two communities.” It is suggested that the institutionalized relationship between Northern Ireland and the rest of the U.K. facilitates a cross-party, populist, socio-economic consensus among the nationalist and unionist political parties on the welfare state, taxation and maintaining the massive British subvention to the region. This in turn allows them to concentrate on a divisive culturalist politics, i.e., on antagonistic forms of cultural and identity politics over such issues as flags, parades, and the legacy of the “Troubles” which spills over into gridlock into many areas of regional administration. The article argues for a much broader understanding of culture and identity rooted in the different, if overlapping and interdependent, material realities of both communities while challenging the idea of two cultures/identities as fixed, mutually exclusive, non-negotiable and mutually antagonistic. It then focuses on the importance of Belfast as a key arena which will determine the long-term prospects of an alternative and more constructive form of politics, and enable a fuller recognition of the fundamental asymmetries and inter-dependence between the “two communities.” In the long run, this involves re-defining and reconstructing what is meant by the “Union” and a “United Ireland.”

Shutdown hits health services, but Obamacare steams on

The political paralysis that has closed much of the United States government is delivering a blow to medical research, dampening disease detection and keeping the gravely ill out of potentially life-saving clinical trials. What it’s not doing is slowing the march of Obamacare, the sweeping health

Libya: paralysed by militias

Recent security incidents – including an oil blockade, the kidnapping of Prime Minister Ali Zeidan, and a lethal clash between a militia and civilians in Tripoli – have exposed the stranglehold that Libya's militias have over their country. Political paralysis is complicating efforts to tackle the problem.

Documentaries and celebrities, democracy and impunity: thawing the revolution in twenty-first-century Mexico

Between 1990 and 1999, Mexico produced five feature documentaries; between 2000 and 2009, it produced 64. This article examines new trends in non-fiction filmmaking in Mexico during the mid-2000s to the early 2010s, mapping a number of factors, from presidential elections to exhibition practices. It frames the surge in social documentary, especially in commercial venues, as a result of political activism and economic changes. The new connections between film production and distribution point to a renewed enthusiasm in the shaping of a space to contest Mexico's exhausted nationalism and leadership, and a thawing of political apathy and fear-induced paralysis. The essay gives special attention to the films En el hoyo (Juan Carlos Rulfo), Fraude: México 2006 (Luis Mandoki), and Presunto culpable (Roberto Hernández), as examples of documentary's changing relationship to commercial exhibition.

Offline: “Viruses don't need passports”

Singapore is on the front lines of two global crises. The first is North Korea and the regional destabilisation that might follow if the regime in Pyongyang chooses to turn its war-like rhetoric into something more. The second is H7N9. One cannot overstate the fear that epidemic infectious disease holds over Asian nations. The consequences of, and the panic precipitated by, SARS in April, 2003, is still very much felt today—initial denials, eventual acceptance that a new coronavirus was real, the masks, a mass human flight from China's capital city, political paralysis, the public's devastating loss of trust in officialdom, and a city (a nation, even a region) almost wholly quarantined from the rest of the world.

Bad Apples: Political Paralysis and the Quality of Politicians

Why do elected officials often suffer from political paralysis and fail to implement the best policies available? This paper considers a new yet intuitive explanation that focuses on the quality of the politicians competing to replace the incumbent. The key insight is that a 'good' incumbent with preferences identical to those of a representative voter will want to keep corrupt politicians out of office; she may do so by distorting her policy choices to signal her type and win re-election. The value of signalling and staying in office increases with the fraction of corrupt types in the population of politicians. Electing good types may therefore not be enough to ensure that the best policies are implemented, especially when corrupt politicians are common. This provides a new explanation for why political failure is particularly severe in corrupt democracies.

Bad Apples: Political Paralysis and the Quality of Politicians

AbstractWhy do elected officials often suffer from political paralysis and fail to implement the best policies available? This paper considers a new and intuitive explanation that focuses on the quality of the politicians competing for office. The key insight is that a “good” incumbent with preferences identical to those of a representative voter will want to keep rent‐seeking politicians out of office; he may do so by distorting his policy choices to signal his type and win reelection. The value of signaling and staying in office increases with the fraction of rent‐seeking types in the population of politicians. Electing good types may therefore not be enough to ensure that the best policies are implemented, especially when rent seeking is widespread. This provides a new explanation for why political failure is particularly severe in corrupt democracies.

The Euro Crisis: Mission Accomplished?

The Euro Crisis: Mission Accomplished?

Why has the transition to democracy led the Mexican presidential system to political instability? A proposal to enhance institutional arrangements

Over the past two decades, Mexico has gone from an authoritarian regime to an electoral democracy. Although this change is undoubtedly positive, the institutional engineering in place and the balance of power among institutions has led to increased political instability and a latent risk of political paralysis. There is substantial literature asserting that these problems may be connected to the core characteristics of presidential systems; however, I demonstrate that in the Mexican case, it is also due to the electoral rules derived from the reforms of the 1990s and the subsequent electoral results. To substantiate this claim, I present the historical conformation of the presidential, political and electoral systems, as well as the balance of power derived from later system structures and the problems that can trigger instability. Finally, in response to the vast amount of literature that asserts that presidential systems generally shift to a parliamentary or semi-presidential system to perform better, I present an original formula based on relatively simple and feasible political reforms that can enhance the Mexican presidential system and prevent political paralysis.

The Palestinian Spring That Was Not: The Youth and Political Activism in the Occupied Palestinian Territories

This article explains the current political role of the Palestinian youth by comparing the period shortly before the First and Second Intifadas with the current situation in the Occupied Palestinian Territories (OPT). It critically interrogates the oft-repeated assertion that the Palestinian youth are characterized by political anomie, showing that the political role of the youth in the OPT is constrained by three factors: Israeli occupation, oppression by Fatah and Hamas, and the political paralysis resulting from the split between these two dominant political organizations. However, the present youth activism challenges the policies of both Fatah and Hamas, and draws strength from its utilization of international cooperation and its popular practices. While it is still small, this youthful activism displays a determination, clearheadedness and independence that contrast with the political culture in the dominant factions of Palestinian politics.

Humanity & National Security: The Law of Mass Atrocity Response Operations

As the world watches civilian slaughter in Syria, the United States is refining a whole of government approach to prevent and respond to genocide and other atrocity crimes. Military intervention under the recently developed concept of Mass Atrocity Response Operations (MARO) will certainly be included as part of any planning contingency, following diplomatic, economic, and multilateral actions. The current state of international law, however, only permits the use of force, to prevent atrocity crimes or for any other reason, if authorized by the UN Security Council (UNSC) or in self-defense. When the UNSC fails to act — as it has so often in the past — any MARO action taken by a State or group of States without a self-defense justification will be highly contentious and likely unlawful. As a result, political paralysis ensues and mass atrocities continue apace. Witness Assad’s massacre. This article argues that individual States or groups of States must have the authority to intervene to halt atrocity crimes, even without UNSC approval. Initially, the historical State-centric legal regime, including the UN framework, has proven incapable of effectively dealing with widespread human rights violations. As a result, the international community is embarking on a civilian centric approach, including the concept of Responsibility to Protect (R2P), which has contributed to the erosion of State sovereignty and fostered the legitimacy — if not legality — of unilateral action. In order to overcome legal obstacles to protecting civilians from slaughter, U.S. decision-makers must take the lead in developing norms that will effectively halt ongoing atrocities through a discursive process at the international and domestic level, and, if necessary, through transgression of existing law. Besides outlining steps to develop a positive or customary legal norm, this article prescribes a principled threshold for MARO application, which will lead to greater international acceptance of this strategy and, ultimately, the effective arrest of ongoing atrocities.

THE CHANGING POLITICS OF THAILAND'S BUDDHIST ORDER

Thailand's monastic politics are in turmoil. No longer can the sangha be written off as a political force and viewed simply as a fount of legitimacy for the nation and the monarchy. The role played by a few hundred pro-Thaksin “redshirt” monks in the March to May 2010 mass demonstrations testified to growing unease within the rank-and-file monkhood, which is drawn from the same regions and segments of society as the redshirt movement more generally. But beyond these overt displays of dissatisfaction, the sangha faces a range of serious challenges. While long-standing tensions between the rival Thammayut and Mahanikai orders have apparently declined, a dearth of moral and administrative leadership has paralyzed the Thai monkhood and rendered it seemingly incapable of reforming itself. Competing power groups linked to secular politics are vying for influence within the Supreme Sangha Council, while there is no widely supported successor ready to replace the current supreme patriarch, himself nearly a hundred years old. In many respects, the political paralysis of the monkhood mirrors the wider crisis confronting the body politic of the Thai nation itself.

Critical Performance Studies : A practical response to the celebration of new modes of work in performing arts

In the article I discuss the work in and of theory, performance studies in particular, which is not sheltered from the general change of modes of work in performing arts. The reason for taking such a perspective lies in my claim that while ‘contemporary theory’ emerged in the social and intellectual context of the 1960s as a politically laden discourse, in the current context of cognitive capitalism and immaterial production more and more often appears as a cognitive commodity. In contemporary international Artworld, the use of theory is greatly expanding, from the academy to the independent scene. Curricula, bookstores, artists’ websites, programme booklets, festivals’ brochures and conversations among scholars, artists and curators all reverberate with theoretical references. On the other hand, many still resist theory, contesting its scientific and philosophical validity or relevance to artistic practice. I find it an intense ‘time of theory’ and therefore the right moment to reflect it critically. I start my discussion with a critical analysis of the transformation of ‘theoretical practice’ into ‘theoretical production’ in humanities, whereby it went through the process of decontextualisation. Speaking about performance studies in particular, I identify lack of methodology as a negative outcome of that process, which results in the situation where the notion of performance is used as metaphor and where theory looses its interpretative and interventive capability. My request for methodology doesn't have much to do with a ‘scientific puritanism’, but with my wish to challenge the state of political paralysis of performance studies. Therefore I try to outline a proposition for ‘critical performance studies’. I envisage it as a theoretical practice that associates interest in performance and critical social theory, asking both performance and performance theory sharp political questions, whereby rendering performing arts a relevant space for discussing current socio-political issues.

Humanity & National Security: The Law of Mass Atrocity Response Operations

As the world watches civilian slaughter in Syria, the United States is refining a whole of government approach to prevent and respond to genocide and other atrocity crimes. Military intervention under the recently developed concept of Mass Atrocity Response Operations (MARO) will certainly be included as part of any planning contingency, following diplomatic, economic, and multilateral actions. The current state of international law, however, only permits the use of force, to prevent atrocity crimes or for any other reason, if authorized by the UN Security Council (UNSC) or in self-defense. When the UNSC fails to act — as it has so often in the past — any MARO action taken by a State or group of States without a self-defense justification will be highly contentious and likely unlawful. As a result, political paralysis ensues and mass atrocities continue apace. Witness Assad’s massacre. This article argues that individual States or groups of States must have the authority to intervene to halt atrocity crimes, even without UNSC approval. Initially, the historical State-centric legal regime, including the UN framework, has proven incapable of effectively dealing with widespread human rights violations. As a result, the international community is embarking on a civilian centric approach, including the concept of Responsibility to Protect (R2P), which has contributed to the erosion of State sovereignty and fostered the legitimacy — if not legality — of unilateral action. In order to overcome legal obstacles to protecting civilians from slaughter, U.S. decision-makers must take the lead in developing norms that will effectively halt ongoing atrocities through a discursive process at the international and domestic level, and, if necessary, through transgression of existing law. Besides outlining steps to develop a positive or customary legal norm, this article prescribes a principled threshold for MARO application, which will lead to greater international acceptance of this strategy and, ultimately, the effective arrest of ongoing atrocities.

Psychiatrist Urges Physician Unity as He Takes Helm of AMA

Psychiatrist Urges Physician Unity as He Takes Helm of AMA

Getting It Right: Japan and Trans-Pacific Partnership

This paper explores the opportunities presented by the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) to Japan to revitalize its trade policy, bolster economic growth, and increase participation in regional multilateral fora for the 21st century. Despite its strengths, Japan has continued to face problems caused by its economic, political, and strategic policies. The Japanese economy has been stagnant for the last several decades, and Japan needs to take bold steps to ameliorate this situation. Politically, domestic political paralysis has had a negative impact on Japan's alliances and partnerships and eroded Tokyo's ability to act as a major player in the increasing vital and important Indo-Pacific region. Connected to this, it is imperative for Japan to engage itself deeply in Asia in ways that increase strategic trust. This paper will also highlight the necessary reforms Japan must undertake to take full advantage of the benefits of the TPP, as well as what the TPP might mean for its relationship with both the US and other regional partners.

Reincarnation of winds of change in Africa: an African Union impotence?

The emergence of African states as independent by 1970 had brought hope and expectations to nationals that the winds of change were to be equated with good life and freedom. Yet, no sooner had political freedom been gained than expectations turned elusive. The causes were bad political governance that soon burdened many states, military interventions of one-party states, abuse of rule of law, mass corruption and nations disintegrating. Also, the quest for freedom and dignity was not helped by a continental union that focused solely on political liberation of Africa and ignored any concerted effort towards integration and promotion of socio-economic lives of people.This article examines the political tremors that had engulfed some states in Africa and the resultant intervention by foreign powers. It is argued, that a major cause of the political ruffle in Tunisia, the Cote D’Ivoire, Egypt and Libya had been the inability of the African Union to be pro-active in enforcing norms of good governance among member-states through its inspecting agency, the African Peer Review. The apparent political paralysis is therefore a function of an African Union impotence that needs to be resolved Underlying the tremors are issues of democracy, good governance, and public service reform for which a theoretical discourse is engaged.Keywords: African Union, democracy, governance, revolution, impotence. APRM, civil warDisciplines: Public Management, African Studies, Political Studies

Political paralysis in contemporary Canada

Political paralysis in contemporary Canada