Political Opportunity Structure Theory Research Articles

Factors Contributing to Citizens’ Participation in COVID-19 Prevention and Control in China: An Integrated Model Based on Theory of Planned Behavior, Norm Activation Model, and Political Opportunity Structure Theory

Chinese citizens' participation in COVID-19 prevention and control has made great contributions to the successful fight against the pandemic. The factors that have impacted citizens' participation have rarely been reported based on both social-psychological and political environmental theories. This paper presented a study to explore the determinants of Chinese citizens' participation in COVID-19 prevention and control based on a combined model of the theory of planned behavior, the norm activation model, and political opportunity structure theory. A dataset involving 463 respondents from Harbin in northeast China was acquired and analyzed. The results showed that the comprehensive model explained 62.9% of the total variance in citizens' participation behavior. The openness to public participation not only significantly directly influenced citizens' participation but also indirectly affected participation behaviors through attitude and perceived behavioral control, both of which were important mediators and had the greatest overall impacts. The awareness of consequences and subjective norms were crucial antecedents to the activation of other influencing factors. Personal norms indirectly affected participation behavior through the mediation of attitude. The empirical results showed the comprehensiveness, effectiveness, and high explanatory power of the postulated model. The study also provides both new theoretical perspectives for explaining public participation and useful practical implications for future policy development in promoting citizens' participation in public health emergency management.

Revisiting the nexus of Internet and political participation: a longitudinal study of environmental petition in China

ABSTRACT The political implications of the Internet remain as a long-debated question. To clarify this puzzle, this study draws on insights from political opportunity structure theory and three prompts for political action in the digital media environment to examine how the development of the Internet is related to environmental petition, a type of citizen-initiated political activity in the state realm in China. Using government statistics from multiple sources, we conducted time-series cross-sectional analyses to estimate the impacts of Internet penetration on environmental petition in China’s 31 provinces over a 13-year period (2003–2015). The findings show that Internet penetration had a long-term negative effect on visit petition but a positive one on letter petition. Implications of the findings and future research directions are discussed.

Nepal: Tarai/Madhesh Movements and Political Elites

The purpose of this article is to compare Nepal’s two Tarai/Madhesh Movements using the political opportunity structure theory of social movements. Tarai/Madhesh Movement I launched by the Forum for Madheshi People’s Rights in 2007 became successful as Nepal became a federal state. Tarai/Madhesh Movement II launched by the United Democratic Madheshi Front of the Tarai/Madheshi parties and the Tharuhat Joint Struggle Committee of the Tharu organizations failed as political elites disagreed about the need to create two provinces in the Tarai/Madhesh. While Tarai/Madhesh Movement II confirms that a social movement is more likely to fail when political elites align against it, Tarai/Madhesh Movement II refutes the theoretical proposition. Tarai/Madhesh Movement I suggests that the sucess of a social movement is more likely despite the alignment of political elites against it if its central demand consistently sustains the support of its constituents.

Black Sun Rising: Political Opportunity Structure Perceptions and Institutionalization of the Azov Movement in Post-Euromaidan Ukraine

AbstractThis article explores the rise of the Azov movement and explains the process through the political opportunity structure theory. We argue that a loosely coherent winning coalition of the post-Euromaidan ruling elites enabled Azov’s participation in conventional politics. As a result, Azov launched the ongoing institutionalization process which is largely responsible for Azov’s success as compared to other far-right movements. We show that two movement entrepreneurs’ profiles, namelypolitical activistandradical, dominated the Azov leadership structure and managed to promote their strategic vision on cooperation with state officials effectively combined with contentious action. We find thatpolitical activistentrepreneurs tend to push institutionalization alongside particular institutionalization axes, namely adaptability, reification, and systemness, whereasradicalentrepreneurs are responsible for Azov’s transformation into an intense policy demander.

How government coalition affects demonstration composition. Comparing twin austerity demonstrations in Belgium

Does the composition of a government affect the beliefs, motivations, and mobilization trajectories of protest participants addressing the government? We make use of a straightforward research design to test how the loss of a left-wing ally in power affected the individual-level characteristics of participants in two ‘twin’ demonstrations. Both demonstrations were staged by the same organizers (trade unions) who launched identical campaigns on the same issue (austerities) in the same country (Belgium) forwarding the same demands (fair taxation). The first demonstration was staged in 2011 against a newly formed center-left government. The second demonstration was staged in 2014 against a newly formed center-right government. Relying on protest survey evidence, campaign material and insights of political opportunity structure theory (POS), we mount evidence that the loss of a left-wing ally produced a threat that resulted in (1) bleaker perceptions of participants (effectiveness, personal situation, trust), (2) the activation of informal mobilizing networks, and (3) different motivational dynamics (less instrumental). As such, this study contributes to a better understanding of macro–micro dynamics in contentious politics. Conclusion and discussion center on ways of studying the macro–micro link in protest participation research.

การเคลื่อนไหวของเครือข่ายประชาชนในลุ่มแม่น้ำแม่กลองในการต่อต้านนโยบายบริหารจัดการน้ำของรัฐบาลยิ่งลักษณ์ ชินวัตร (The Movement of the Mea Klong River People’s Network Against the Water Management Policies of the Yingluck Shinawatra Government)

Thai Abstract: งานวจยชนนไดอธบายถงการเคลอนไหวของเครอขายประชาชนในลมแมนาแมกลอง (จงหวดสมทรสงคราม จงหวดกาญจนบร จงหวดราชบร) ในการตอตานนโยบายบรหารจดการนาของรฐบาลยง ลกษณ ชนวตร โดยศกษาถงการกอเกด การจดตงองคกร วธการระดมทรพยากร ยทธวธการตอส การสรางวาทกรรมและพฒนาการของขบวนการเคลอนไหวภายใตเครอขายประชาชนในลมแมนาแมกลอง ทการรวมตวกนเพอตอตานนโยบายบรหารจดการนาตามงบประมาณ 3.5 แสนลานบาทในชวงรฐบาลยง ลกษณ ชนวตร เพอใหเหนถงความสมพนธและความเชอมโยงของเครอขายในพนทลมแมนาแมกลอง และมงเนนรายละเอยดในพนทจงหวดสมทรสงครามซงเปนพนทหลกของงานวจยในสวนการเลอกผลตชดวาทกรรมตางๆเพอใหเปนจดรวมของขบวนการเคลอนไหว พรอมทงใหเหนภาพความเชอมโยงทงเครอขายทมอยภายในและภายนอกจงหวด เพอแสดงใหเหนถงความเชอมโยงจากในพนทจงหวดสมทรสงครามไปสภาพรวมของการเคลอนไหวทงลมแมนาแมกลอง โดยงานวจยชนนจะเลอกใชทฤษฎการระดมทรพยากรและทฤษฎโครงสรางทางโอกาสทางการเมอง มาผนวกกบทฤษฎกระบวนการสรางกรอบวาทกรรมมาเปนเครองมอในวเคราะห เพอทจะทาใหเขาใจถงฐานวธคดและพลวตของการตอสของขบวนการดงกลาวไดอยางเปนรปธรรมมากยง ขน การศกษาแสดงใหเหนวา ขบวนการเคลอนไหวในการตอตานนโยบายบรหารจดการนาในพนทลมแมนาแมกลองนน ถอวาเปนเครอขายทมความเขมแขงและประสบความสา เรจขบวนการหนง ทเกดจากความสามารถในการขยายเครอขายเพอใชเปนพลงในการตอรองกบรฐบาลไดและนาไปสความเขมแขงขององคกรโดยมฐานแนวคดอยทปญหาความเดอดรอนซงเปนเงอนไขทสา คญและจา เปนทง น การกอตวและเตบโตของขบวนการเคลอนไหวในอยบนเงอนไขทสา คญ 3 ประการ คอ 1. การเกดขนทามกลางบรบททางการเมองทมความขดแยง 2. ความสามารถเชอมโยงกบเครอขายทง ภายในและภายนอกจงหวด โดยเครอขายเหลานเคยมปฏสมพนธรวมกน 3. ความสามารถใน การระดมพลงมวลชน การขยายเครอขาย ทงจากการตอสดวยนยามหรอวาทกรรม และสง ทเกยวของกบการระดมทรพยากรไดแก คน เงน แรงงาน กจกรรมตางๆในการเคลอน การกา หนดยทธศาสตร เพอใชเปนเครองมอในการตอสกบรฐบาลและฝายตรงขาม English Abstract: This research describes the movement of the people network in The Mea Klong river (Samut Songkram, Kanchanaburi and Ratchaburi) against The Yingluck Shinawatra government’s water management policy. To study the establishment of the organization, acquire the resources, battle strategy, creation of discourse and the development of movement process under the people network in Mae Klong river basin to unite to resist water management policy under budget 3.5 trillion baht. In addition to overview the relationship and connection of the people network in The Mea Klong river and focus on the details in Samut Songkram which is a major area of this research as well in selecting any discourses to be center of the movement. As well as to visualize the connection inside and outside of Samut Songkram into the overall movement of The Mea Klong river. This research will use the resource mobilization theory and the political opportunity structure theory combine with the theoretical framework of discourse analysis as a tool to understand the mindset and the dynamic of the struggle of the movement. This research reveal the movement against water management policy in The Mea Klong river is a strong and successful movement resulting from the ability to expand the network to use as leverage in negotiation with the government and lead to the strengthening of the organization under concept of troubles which is a critical and necessary. The formation and growth of the movement in a crucial condition on three reasons. 1. The emergence among the political conflict. 2. The ability to link to the network both inside and outside the province that has interacting together. 3. The ability to enforce the people power, expand the network from fight with the definition or discourse and things related to acquire the resources including people, money, labour, activities in the movement and strategic planning to be used as a tool to fight against the government and its opponents.

Beyond opportunity structures: explaining migrant protest in Western Europe, 1975–2005

The dominance of the political opportunity structure approach has led to an emphasis of institutional variables in the field of migrant mobilization. This paper critically discusses political opportunity structure theory and defends alternative explanations for variance in levels of ethnic protest among migrants. In particular, it is argued that cultural distance, social stratification, and transnational bonds might be the driving forces behind the political mobilization of migrants. The theories are tested with protest event data for seven European countries between 1975 and 2005.

戦争する国家，たたかう人々

Charles Tilly (1929-2008) was a boundary-less scholar, who liked to think of his own approach as akin to Mozart. His works cover a wide range of topics, such as state-formation, revolution, collective violence, social movements, urban history, and sociological methods. However, as Sidney Tarrow posits, “even Tilly never completely integrated his work on war and state-building with his work on revolutions and contentious politics.” Did Tilly's two major topics, state-formation and contentious politics, remain disjunct ad finem? This article discusses the various aspects of his work, and ascertains whether his works on (de-)democratization and regime-contention interactions successfully integrate state-formation and contentious politics. The books Tilly wrote in his final years provide systematic accounts on how trust networks can be connected with public politics, and how low/high capacity regimes can be changed in interaction with contentious politics. Thus, to conclude, Tilly did not fail to integrate state and contention in his innovative historical political sociology. Moreover, his latest works are based on political opportunity structure theory and methodological nationalism, which make his arguments more innocuous than his arguments in his earliest work, The Vendée (1964) (this work drew a lively picture of state institutions and political actors, all in the making).

Theories of the State Accommodation of Islamic Religious Practices in Western Europe

In their work on Muslims in Western Europe, social scientists often employ four theories to explain the state accommodation of Muslim minorities’ religious practices: resource mobilisation theory, political opportunity structure theory, ideological theories, and approaches highlighting the influence of church–state relations. In this article, I propose a dynamic-compound framework which outlines the interactions between these four theories, and argue that it is necessary to include a fifth independent variable to account for the religious traditions characteristic of a particular group. In analysing the state accommodation of the religious practices of Muslim minorities, taking the institutional framework of Islam into account clarifies the impact of church–state structures, based on Christianity and a history of conflict between church and state in Europe.

Subject to Negotiation: The Mechanisms Behind Co-Optation and Corporate Reform

While political opportunity structure theory details how social movement organization (SMO) campaigns focus on the state and political processes, a shift toward neoliberal policies prompts those actors to target corporations directly in order to achieve their goals. This shift creates new challenges for social movements. Unlike the state, corporations are not guided by a democratic ethos, which limits movement organizations' access to decision makers. To achieve access, challenging groups often adopt institutionalized structures and tactics, which can also increase the risk of co-optation. Despite previous research, both the process of co-optation and the distinction between co-optation and other movement outcomes remain unclear. Here, applying event structure analysis to a specific case separates these outcomes: the international campaign the environmental organization Greenpeace waged to change Coca-Cola's refrigeration practices between 1998 and 2005. This analysis suggests that framing is an important strategy for SMOs to utilize, but may not be effective unless frames are backed by action. The combination of framing, institutional tactics, and noninstitutional tactics may be most effective in movement-firm interactions. Overall, this analysis contributes to a broader understanding of social movement tactics, outcomes, and framing in an age of increased corporate power.

International comparison on the occurrence of social movements

This article examines what factors increased social movements from the 1960s to the 1970s in advanced capitalist nations, by the Boolean algebra approach where the unit of analysis is a nation. The article verifies three powerful theories (political opportunity structure theory, relative deprivation theory, and resource mobilization theory) that describe the occurrence of the social movement of advanced capitalist nations. The analysis clearly shows the following: (1) each theory partially influenced the occurrence of social movement; and (2) the factors of social movement occurrence are not so different at each period of the protest cycle.

The French Fifth Republic as an Opportunity Structure: A Neo-institutional and Cultural Approach to the Study of Leadership Politics

The Gaullist settlement of 1958 reconfigured the political institutions of France, introducing into the republican mainstream a new form of leadership politics. Adapting the literature on political opportunity structure (POS) theory, and using the French left as a case study, can help us understand how political parties, ideology and leadership adapt to political institutions and norms. It also illuminates what the consequences are of such adaptation in the contemporary period, particularly as regards the institutionally bound roles of political ‘character’, protocol and discourse. The paper appraises the relevance and appropriateness of POS theory to leadership politics in France.

Bringing nonviolence back into the study of contentious politics

This article criticizes synthetic political opportunity structure theory (SPOT) formulated by McAdam, Tarrow and Tilly for insufficiently incorporating a research tradition called the technique approach to nonviolent action (TAN). My purpose is to bring nonviolence back into the study of contentious politics in two steps. First, by sketching the perspectives and comparing them to reveal undiscovered overlaps and differences in inquiry at the micro and macro levels of analysis. Second, I formulate a synthesis of TAN and SPOT with sometimes competing hypotheses structured around SPOT's key explanandum: the cycle of contention. I conclude that McAdam et al. are required to advance more explicit hypotheses to establish the stages, scope and shape of the cycle of contention and explain the conditions under which cycles of contention lead to revolutions.