Political Functions Research Articles

Collaboration in Space and the Search for Peace on Earth by Andrew L. Jenks (review).

Reviewed by: Collaboration in Space and the Search for Peace on Earth by Andrew L. Jenks Darina Volf (bio) Collaboration in Space and the Search for Peace on Earth By Andrew L. Jenks. London: Anthem Press, 2021. Pp. 180. The birth and advancement of space technology at the height of the Cold War might explain why the history of the first four decades of physical exploration of outer space is usually told as a story driven by competition and national interest, in which there was hardly any place for transnational and collaborative efforts. Andrew Jenks's Collaboration in Space and the Search for Peace on Earth challenges the dominance of the competitive paradigm in the history of early spaceflight and turns our attention to international collaboration in space. This alone makes the book a long overdue and important contribution to Cold War space history. What is more, Jenks's analysis does not end in the deeps of outer space but returns to Earth in order to shed light on political and societal implications resulting from the internationalization of efforts in space. The introduction focuses on the tension between the ideal of science and technology that is by its very nature transnational and collaborative, and the reality of political limitations to knowledge flows and technology transfers motivated by national interest. As becomes clear, this tension was particularly manifest in the realm of space technology and space exploration, which were perceived as both an instrument of national power and a universal task transcending national boundaries. The latter idea gained importance in the 1970s, which Jenks argues led to a new era of space collaboration introduced by the Soviet-American joint flight and docking experiment known as the Apollo-Soyuz Test Project. The initial two chapters explain the general shift toward space collaboration in the 1970s. Jenks identifies ideas that inspired a more collaborative approach to space exploration, as well as political and societal developments that were central in facilitating rapprochement, negotiations, and the subsequent agreement on the ASTP between the two space powers. Moreover, the ASTP is embedded into a broader context of transnational utopias and visions of global peace associated with exploration of outer space, and Jenks discusses its role in creating an alternative to the images of mutual destruction and in working against Cold War anxieties. But the following reflections also demonstrate the limits of collaborative efforts in space, which often fell victim to bureaucratic and political hurdles. The third chapter of the book shifts the perspective from the origins and legacies of the ASTP to the actual work on the compatible rendezvous and docking mechanism developed in preparation for the joint mission. Here, Jenks presents a fascinating story linking the technological innovation process with its political and symbolic functions. Based on the belief [End Page 885] that technological fixes can also address political and societal problems, the androgynous docking mechanism was loaded with meanings beyond the realm of technology. It became a symbol of cooperation, hybridity, and peaceful coexistence of different systems. The fourth chapter looks closely at the two partners cooperating in the ASTP and suggests the rather surprising conclusion that, over the course of the changes that occurred in the 1960s and 1970s, the United States and the Soviet Union reversed their roles regarding openness and secrecy. From the 1960s on, the Soviet Union started to gradually open its initially secretive space program toward partners from abroad, while in the U.S. space program—which was for a long time perceived as open and transparent—fears of technology transfer reinforced the regime of secrecy and hindered international cooperation, especially during the Reagan administration. The conclusion elaborates on the legacy of the ASTP and persuasively argues that the ASTP was more than an expensive handshake in space. Overall, the book is well written and thoroughly researched. Occasionally Jenks seems to overemphasize the extent of Soviet openness and cooperativeness, which might appear enormous given the previous degree of secrecy in the Soviet space program, but which still had considerable limits. The internal Soviet opposition against every step toward greater openness and the refusal to provide the United States with any information going beyond the scope of the ASTP are...

The ties that bind: geopolitical motivations for economic integration

Economic determinants of economic integration agreements have received ample attention in the economic literature. Political motivations for such agreements have been mostly studied as functions of domestic politics or in the context of conflict. In this paper the author suggests a different narrative. Economic integration may be used as an instrument of foreign policy, where political considerations influence the choice of contracting partners. He sketches a simple model that exhibits the proposed mechanism in which a big country chooses between alternatives for integration in terms of economic and political welfare gains, while a small country is indifferent between possible partners for integration. In the empirical part the author uses a novel dataset on political events to test the predictions of the model and finds evidence for the hypothesis that there is more to economic integration than “just trade”. Geopolitical considerations play a determining role in the choice of the contracting partner country and the depth of economic integration.

Psychological perspectives on participatory culture: Core motives for the use of political internet memes

Political Internet memes significantly contribute to discourse around contemporary events. By studying memes, scholars understand these ‘units of culture’ as forms of participatory content that can fulfill political functions. To explore whether users ascribe memes a political role and consider them an alternative to or supplement of traditional political participation, this study provides a user-centered perspective focusing on core motives of meme use. Via a Delphi method interview approach, participants discuss uses and gratifications of memes in political contexts. A qualitative content analysis provides insight into the role and impact of memes in social movements and everyday politics. The findings show that users perceive memes as a tool for easy, effortless engagement in the public sphere driven by the interplay of self-expression, social identity, and entertainment motives. Participants also discuss potentials and limitations of memes in political contexts, concluding that political memes can only support other efforts. The study contributes to our understanding of memes from a psychological perspective and establishes a basis for further research on deliberative political practices from a user perspective.

Three Faces of Leviathan: Rationality, Institutions, Ideas Koktysh К.Е. The Discourse of Rationalism, Freedom and Democracy. Мoscow: MGIMO-University, 2021 _

The monograph written by Kirill Koktysh is devoted to the issues of constructing languages of Political Science. These languages are diverse, but the author analyzes them through three basic concepts — rationalism, institutions and ideas. Masterfully combining a limited number of concepts, he builds a large-scale construction, showing in detail how one can study languages for describing politics. According to Koktysh, the rational is constructed by specific institutions. He identifies three institutions that go back to the three functions of the Indo-European gods, highlighted by Georges Dumézil. These institutions correspond to the three functions of politics — “leader” (makes decisions), “priest” (forms and maintains norms) and “merchant” (is engaged in economic reproduction). These institutions seek to extend their rationality to the society at large, using for this purpose three “big ideas” — order, justice, and freedom. According to the author’s conclusion, the institutions of the leader and the priest form the basis of stable social conditions — “political architectures”, and it is the relations between them that determine the specifics of such “architectures”. At the same time, the book pays attention not only to statics, but also to dynamics. The cognitive-structural method used by the author allows him to explore the transformations of the societies through the analysis of changes in rationalism, institutions and ideas. Koktysh’s book is valuable not only due to the novelty of its research question and fundamental nature, but also because it outlines important directions for further discussion. One of these directions concerns the popular criticism of the Enlightenment, with which the author agrees, as well as the justification for reducing rationality to mere derivatives of certain social contexts. Another direction for a discussion is about the evaluation of the Anglo-American model of democracy, which is denied the ability to produce generally valid meanings. In many ways, this book per se represents a significant contribution to a rational discussion of politics, convincingly demonstrating how complex and elusive the concepts of Political Science are.

Уголовно-правовые категории и институты: соотношение понятий и функции

The article deals with such concepts of criminal law as crime, punishment, and responsibility, their distinctive features, and their correlation with criminal law institutions. The authors believe that the categories of criminal law express its political foundations. However, without criminal law institutions, these categories would remain only legal symbols, and the political foundations would be empty declarations with no practical significance for each specific case of crime and punishment. The institutions of criminal law serve as criteria for assessing the legal significance of various factual circumstances and implement the provisions reflected in the main criminal law categories. Criminal law institutions can be classified depending on the category, e.g., crime, punishment, or responsibility, as well as on the political function, e.g., service institutions and intermediary institutions. Service institutes include belong to the following categories: Crime – a) guilt; b) stages of crime; c) multiplicity of crimes; Punishment – a) the system of punishments (Articles 44, 45, 88 of the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation); b) sentencing; c) exemption from punishment; Responsibility – a) the composition of the crime; b) circumstances excluding the criminality of the act; c) complicity; d) exemption from criminal liability. Intermediary institutions provide a link between the categories of crime and punishment: a) the imposition of punishment (including unfinished crime, complicity, multiplicity of crimes, i.e. institutions that serve particular categories); b) subsystems of punishments provided for in articles of the Special Part of the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation.

Legal protection of democracy in the Czech Republic: functions constitutional jurisprudence

The article is devoted to the study of the mechanism of lustration in the Czech Republic. To this end, the relevant legislation was analyzed, which imposed restrictions on access to positions for certain categories of persons due to their behavior during the totalitarian regime.
 Particular attention was paid to the analysis of the decision of the Constitutional Court of the Czech Republic, which resolved the issue of constitutionality of lustration laws. It was emphasized that the Constitutional Court recognized the nature of lustration as the exclusion of citizens from access to public office, which is carried out directly on the basis of formal, categorical criteria, and not by individual conviction of persons according to the criteria established by law. principles. Each state has the right to determine the conditions of access to participation in governance, and one such condition is loyalty to democracy. At the same time, no person is restricted in access to a political function (deputies, senators). Lustration laws do not establish guilt and punishment. Instead, the implementation of lustration procedures is subject to judicial review. The new generation of politicians and civil servants (with a relatively young middle age) did not know the experience of the previous system, were guided by other values and this could not but affect the intensity of the reform. The political elite has consolidated around public policy priorities based on European values. In addition, lustration legislation has solved another problem - the protection of the rights of those concerned.
 It is concluded that the application of lustration legislation in the Czech Republic has had an undeniable impact on the direction, sequence and pace of systemic reforms. In addition, lustration legislation has solved another problem - the protection of the rights of those concerned. These individuals were protected from the misuse of archival material against them.

The power of slogans: using protest writings in social movement research

ABSTRACT This article explores the theoretical and empirical interest of protest slogans and writings for social movement research. It shows how this material can contribute to a better understanding of collective identities, emotions, and claims made in contemporary demonstrations. Theoretically, it invites researchers to go beyond the actual ‘words’ to invest these slogans as political performances: increasingly individualized and diversified, these writings carry a public staging and a political discourse that can address multiple audiences. Therefore, they give access to the individual and collective voices expressed within contemporary social movements – and the way they interplay. To take into account their diversity, the article proposes a typology of the main political functions of these writings – whether they aim to lay claims, to proclaim, to mobilize or to witness, which will determine their very form and their favored support. Secondly, the article revisits the ethical and methodological issues raised by the collection and analysis of protest writings for the empirical study of social movements. It examines different ways of mining their potential for comparison and mixed method device, through either textual, visual or qualitative analysis. To do so, it draws on the experience and results of an international study of youth social movements in the second decade of the twenty-first century, to which this method was widely applied to identify and compare the fundamental rhetorics of these post-2008 protests.

The transcendent function in politics: YES!

This paper is a response to Andrew Samuels's 'The transcendent function in politics: NO!' (2010). In that paper he makes a number of criticisms to support his argument that the transcendent function is not appropriate for political and social development. Whilst a number of his criticisms are valid, they are misdirected because they are against one-sidedness or identification with a single position, which are not features of the transcendent function but problems that it overcomes. To make the counter argument, this paper draws on oft-overlooked aspects of Jung's book Psychological Types, empirical research, contemporary leadership theory, and practical examples to show that the transcendent function's omission from political debate can maintain and exacerbate social inequity and the political divisions that might otherwise be bridged. The transcendent function is highly relevant to politics and can help achieve deeper and longer-lasting change than a one-sided approach. It is one of the core aspects of analytical psychology that has the potential to make innovative and transformational contributions to political discourse.

Stories Said and Not: Patience and Accommodation in the Clerk’s Tale

ABSTRACT Griselda’s face appears three times as often in the Clerk’s Tale as it does in Chaucer’s sources. With this change, Chaucer represents the scrutiny that Griselda’s comportment receives from her diegetic community and encourages similar scrutiny from readers. Yet, in examining this increased attention to Griselda’s outward appearance, the scholarship on the tale has neglected Chaucer’s corresponding attention to Griselda’s interiority, which contextualizes and explains her patience, a virtue whose opacity has vexed both contemporary and medieval commentators. From laboring for her father to collecting herself after being reunited with her children, Chaucer’s Griselda presents a tranquil exterior that depends upon hidden, intentional management. Her patience takes on a political function in the broader social system of Saluzzo, managing the Saluzzians’ dreads and desires, as Griselda navigates the narratives the Saluzzians generate to explain Walter’s bewildering and violent behavior. The Clerk’s Tale ultimately counters the traditional hermeneutic challenges of patience by uncovering the stories that Griselda tells herself.

Economy Hall: The Hidden History of a Free Black Brotherhood

Economy Hall: The Hidden History of a Free Black Brotherhood

Citizens of Scandal: Journalism, Secrecy, and the Politics of Reckoning in Mexico by Vanessa Freije

Reviewed by: Citizens of Scandal: Journalism, Secrecy, and the Politics of Reckoning in Mexico by Vanessa Freije Stephen D. Morris Citizens of Scandal: Journalism, Secrecy, and the Politics of Reckoning in Mexico. By Vanessa Freije. Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2020, p. 286, $27.95. In Citizens of Scandal, Vanessa Freije explores how Mexico City's print media shaped the narratives and the changing political landscape during the period stretching from the 1960s through the 1980s: a turbulent and critical period in Mexico's political and democratic development. Freije accomplishes this by focusing on a series of "citizen scandals:" the mediated spectacles that through a variety of interpretations contributed to the "meaning-making practice of urban citizenship" (p. 3). The scandals examined in the book include: the embezzlement scheme in agrarian lending institutions in the early 1960s and the government censorship of Los hijos de Sánchez, the controversial book about urban poverty (chapter 1); the scandalous rumors in Nezahualcóyotl in 1974 that vaccines were sterilizing children (chapter 2); the debates surrounding the discoveries of huge oil reserves under López Portillo to the eventual denunciation (and jailing) of Pemex director Jorge Díaz Serrano (chapter 3); the Rio Tula murders and the explosive case of "El Negro" Durazo, Mexico City´s corrupt and murderous police chief during the López Portillo (federal) and Carlos Hank Gonzalez (Mexico City) administrations in 1982 (chapter 4); the 1985 earthquake, with particular attention on the collapsed sweatshops (chapter 5); the coverage and narratives surrounding electoral fraud against the PAN in the 1986 state elections in Chihuahua (Chapter 6); and briefly, the publication of the book Un asesino en la presidencia? in 1987 that accused the PRI´s presidential candidate, Carlos Salinas de Gortari, of involvement in the killing of a young servant as a child and its subsequent relationship to the denunciation and jailing of the leader of the oil workers union, Joaquín "La Quina" Hernández Galicia (epilogue). Throughout, Freije leverages the concept of "mediated citizenship" as the process by which urban Mexicans developed their perspectives and understandings of the political system through everyday interactions with the mass media. For students of Mexican history and Mexican journalism in particular, the account provides an in-depth look at the evolution of modern Mexican media. Discussion centers on the major institutional actors (Excelsior, Unomasuno, La Jornada and other Mexico City newspapers), particularly the rise of the news weekly Proceso in the wake of the government´s forcing out the editors of Excelsior; major personalities and opinionmakers like Manuel Buendia, Heberto Castillo, Agular Camin, Carlos Monsivais, Elena Poniatowska; and the influence of radio, television, flyers, comics and political cartoons, and urban graffiti. [End Page 234] Interwoven throughout the analysis is the dynamic and evolving relationship between the state and the media that parallels the democratic changes taking place during these years. Through various methods, the Mexican state had long controlled and censored the Mexican press. Debates and coverage during the scandals, however, effectively pushed the limits on what was permitted, ever so slightly forcing open the political system. At times, coverage simply escaped government controls. Following the 1985 earthquake, for example, media revealed deep-seated corruption and a state incapable of responding to the destruction and providing basic human services. Here, as in other examples, the government felt threatened by what it saw as uncontrolled organizations and demands from below, demands that they saw as being pursued outside the scope (and controls) of the government and the party´s (PRI) corporatist structures. Thanks largely to the narrative of Carlos Monsivais, the public came to see the experience as an illustration of the ability of civil society and the people to surpass and assume the role of the state. The mediated traumatic event proved critical to the rise of civil society organizations and gains by political opposition, putting Mexico on the road to greater political opening. Part of this dynamic involved the way the government sought to shape the narrative and counter those produced by journalists and opposition politicians. Under such circumstances, the government employed its allies within the media, offering an elite and cosmopolitan perspective, as in the reaction to the widespread rumors...

The Function of Politeness of Teacher Language In Implementing Character Values To The Primary School Students

This research aims to identify the function of the language politeness of the teacher in implanting character values to students in the primary school. The research was carried out at the primary school of SD Muhammadiyah Pahandut, Kota Palangka Raya. A qualitative method was used in this research with a pragmatics research design. The pragmatics design used to analyze the data was based on the principle of politeness which included six maxims and five components of speech situation. The data were obtained from conversational discourse between teachers and students containing language politeness in teaching and learning activities at the school. Then the data were also supported by doing interviews with involved teachers and by reviewing assessment report documents of students to relate the function of the teacher's language politeness with student character values of being attained. The data obtained using the triangulation technique were analyzed and presented by the qualitative descriptive technique. The results showed that there were 150 items of teacher language politeness which provided very good functions in implanting character values to students as an effort to build character for primary school students

Revisiting the notion of critical thinking in higher education: theorizing the thinking-feeling entanglement using affect theory

ABSTRACT This article argues that paying attention to affect offers new theoretical insights into critical thinking and reflexivity that deepen scholarly understandings of the entanglement between ‘thinking-feeling’ in higher education pedagogies. In particular, this article brings together the literatures on affect theory and critical thinking in higher education to make a contribution to the analysis and sorting through of various conceptions about critical thinking in higher education, and to figure out how those conceptions operate in affective ways. It is suggested that a more refined understanding of the role of affective thinking in higher education can provide new political openings for negotiating sensitive and controversial socio-political issues in universities. To illustrate the potential of this theoretical contribution, this article discusses a concrete example that concerns how students may engage in and respond to political activism involving the colonial legacies of western universities.

U.S. Gun Culture as a Martial Culture Within a Weberian Framework: Disrupting the State’s Monopoly on Force

This article proposes a new analytical framework to understand U.S. gun culture and its attendant cultural identifiers. It uses the Weberian concept of the state, in which the state’s monopoly on force is the basis of its legitimacy. Using this theory of the state, my key theoretical contribution is that gun culture is a contestation of the state’s monopoly on force. Relatedly, I argue that the system of cultural identifiers attached to gun culture competes with state power. In this way, gun culture asserts a devolved, local and patrimonial system of social power. I use this synthetic context of U.S. gun culture to understand theoretical issues of citizen–state relations and the role of identification in envisaging local power while offering narcissistic compensations to disenfranchised people. This descriptive theory argues that the state monopoly on force constitutes a central clause of the social contract between state and citizen, and the breach of this monopoly within gun culture challenges the contract itself. Identity and its conceptual markers, then, have a political end as a surrogate for social authority and personal-local power. This political function is hinted at but not adequately theorized in gun culture literature, certainly not using a Weberian, ‘monopoly on force’ framework. I propose that gun culture signals an antagonism within the social contract, in which citizens cede use of force to the state. This antagonism is activated in this case but theoretically latent in citizen–state relations. This article builds on the Hobbesian–Weberian premise to propose a model of Martial Culture Theory (MCT) to describe U.S. gun culture and those political movements that seek to reduce through force the state monopoly on power by diminishing its legitimacy and claiming theirs as a legitimate exercise of force.Through this process occurs a renegotiation of socio-political power distribution with the state. I submit this insight has valuable implications for state theory and citizen–state relations. In addition, it offers the most complete theory of how small government conservatism aligns with identity politics in U.S. gun culture, and how the prevailing mode of identitarian politics can manifest and be harnessed toward contestations of state power in Hobbesian-Weberian thought.

Talking Heads? Guillotined Women in the Revolutionary Afterlife

Abstract During the early months of the Terror, five notable women were guillotined within months of one another. Charlotte Corday, Marie-Antoinette, Olympe de Gouges, Marie-Jeanne Roland, and Jeanne Du Barry are also among the handful of female voices featured in two turn-of-the-century collections of dialogues des morts (one anonymous; one by François Pagès); a genre which came to serve a commemorative and political function in the period, providing its authors with a means to articulate their vision of French history and national identity in the turbulent revolutionary years. This article examines the presence of women in these collections, considering what is at stake in giving them (imagined) voice and adopting (and adapting) their names and histories. It argues that these texts play on the trope of the silent or speaking woman to explore the notion of existence in posterity, and that it is through lost bodies, rather than attributed words, that these women ultimately come to signify most of all.

The hidden boundaries of public space: Awareness of civil rights restrictions in privatized urban squares in Poland

The article presents a multidisciplinary study investigating to what extent users are aware of occupying urban areas with limited functionality where civil rights, such as free expression of political beliefs or practice of religious rituals, are hindered. Using a mixed-methods approach combining a comparative case study with a survey in a multi-level manner, we show that boundaries between actual public spaces and their privatized and commodified equivalents can be successfully hidden from users. Most respondents in public, recently privatized and private spaces were convinced that they enjoyed full-fledged public space. Furthermore, individuals shared misconceptions about awarded civil rights, especially with respect to overestimating the ability to freely express political and religious beliefs in private spaces. The study serves as a warning about the elusive consequences of privatization. It highlights differences between private and public spaces crucial for political, social, and religious functions in the creation of democratic, sustainable communities. Moreover, it shows the weakness of urban policies in developing countries, where shadow privatization masks the boundaries separating public spaces from privatized ones. The findings, pointing to the need to ensure civil liberties, are of particular value to practitioners, especially urban planners, city managers, architects and sociologists.

The public library as public sphere: a longitudinal analysis

PurposeThe research was undertaken to explore the role of the UK public library as a public sphere and the ways in which this role relates to the epistemic, community and political functions of public libraries.Design/methodology/approachA longitudinal, multi-location focus group approach was developed and deployed in three phases. Data were collected from 53 active public library users in a total of 24 focus groups conducted in eight different public library services in England and Scotland in 2015–2016 (Phase 1), 2016–17 (Phase 2) and 2017–18 (Phase 3). Data collected were transcribed and coded using NVivo 10- for thematic analysis.FindingsThe public library's role as public sphere aligns closely with its epistemic functions, adding a dimension to information services provision beyond access to “traditional” print and online sources. New information and knowledge emerge through the person-to-person interactions in public library space. Through such exchanges, the community function of public libraries is made evident, notably as a platform for citizens to participate actively in society, including its democratic processes.Originality/valueUnlike much extant prior work on public library value dominated with accounts of societal and/or economic impact, w hich is frequently based on the analysis of quantitative data, here the fundamental epistemic value of public library services is demonstrated. This research also adds an important perspective to the domain of Information Society Studies where, to date, the place of the public library as public sphere has been treated as peripheral.

CURRENT ISSUES IN THE STUDY OF THE ACTIVITIES OF FORMAL AND INFORMAL POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS

The article analyzes the important factors of political institutions in improving the efficiency of state policy, analyzes the processes of formation, development and improvement of political institutions, functions and aspects of the activities of political institutions. In particular, the study of the genesis and development of the methodology of institutional analysis remains one of the most important tasks, which in turn allows us to show the epistemological and theoretical possibilities of new methodological principles for studying political institutions, ways to overcome their advantages and disadvantages. In addition to solving specific theoretical problems, this is also reflected in the practical significance of the work done in the framework of neo-institutional analysis. Understanding the genesis and development of the methodology for analyzing political institutions, highlighting the existing methodological problems has not lost its relevance today. Methodological principles of studying political and social realities, their theoretical and practical significance for political, sociological and other social sciences are studied by scientists with great interest. Issues such as political institutions, their origin, development and implementation, development and crisis have always been studied by scientists with great interest, which was reflected in the level of knowledge of the subject. The two main components that make up the content of a political institution are, firstly, the ideal model of the system of relations and, secondly, the organizational structures developed in collective political practice in accordance with the matrix of stereotypes and model structures. The presence of a clear system of relations that are stable and cohesive is emphasized.

La Paz's Colonial Specters: Urbanization, Migration, and Indigenous Political Participation, 1900–52

La Paz's Colonial Specters: Urbanization, Migration, and Indigenous Political Participation, 1900–52

The Role Of Political Parties With The Worker Movement Rejecting The Omnibus Job Creation Law

This study aims to determine the role of political parties in the worker's movement to reject the ratification of the omnibus law on Job Creation. The approach used is qualitative. This research relies on primary data collection mainly obtained through interviews with resource persons or key informants. Data were collected in two ways. The first is to conduct a literature study and content analysis of various literature and reports in the print media related to research problems, and secondly, by conducting interviews with resource persons. The role of political parties in the rejection of the Job Creation Law must straighten out the functions first, rights, and obligations of political parties according to the provisions of the current political law in Indonesia. Political parties' functions, rights, and obligations have been outlined in Law Number 2 of 2011 concerning Political Parties. The function of political parties is regulated in 11. One of the functions related to the context that we are talking about is Article 11, point 2 subpoint (a), which states that political parties function as a means of: "Increasing the political participation of members and the community to organize political and governmental activities." In addition, the role of the community, especially the laborers, in rejecting Indonesia's Omnibus Law (Law No. 11 of 2020 on Job Creation) is important for the suitability of government policies. It is stated in Presidential Regulation Number 68 of 2005 concerning Procedures for Preparing Draft Laws, Draft Government Regulations in Lieu of Laws, Draft Government Regulations, and Draft Presidential Regulations, particularly in Chapter VIII Article 41.