Political Objectives Research Articles

Political marketing mix and the influence of social media promotion on voting decision through perceived value: a study of the 2020 South Tangerang city election

This research aims to examine the influence of Marketing Mix (4P) variables consisting of product, price, place, and promotion, perceived value, and vote decision. The approach used in this research is a quantitative approach. The sample used in this research is the community in South Tangerang City registered in the Permanent Voter List in the 2020 South Tangerang City Regional Election, totaling 175 respondents. Research data was obtained from the result of filling out a questionnaire and analyzed using Structural Equation Modeling analysis techniques with the help of the Smart PLS program. The results of this research show that (i) Political Product affects the voting decision; the higher the political product possessed by the political candidate, the higher the voting decision, and vice versa; (ii) Political Price affects the voting decision; the higher the Political Price, the higher the voting decision, and vice versa; (iii) Political Place does not have a significant effect on voting decision, which means that people in South Tangerang City prefer promotion through social media; (iv) Political Promotion affects the Voting Decision; the higher the Political Promotion, the higher the Voting Decision, and vice versa; (v) Political Promotion affects perceived value; the higher the political promotion, the higher the perceived value in the community, and vice versa; (vi) Perceived Value affects the Voting Decision; the higher the Perceived Value, the higher the Voting Decision, and vice versa; (vii) Perceived Value positively mediates the relationship between Political Promotion and Voting Decision. The promotion variable has the highest value and the strongest influence on voting decision. In general, the conclusion drawn from this research is that the implementation of Marketing Mix (4P) is important in influencing the voting decision of the community in South Tangerang City. Political candidates can pay attention to these aspects to strengthen their advantage in future political contests.

Wysiłki polityczne Somalii o przyjęcie do Wspólnoty Wschodnioafrykańskiej (EAC) jako znaczący krok na rzecz procesu stabilizacji państwa i regionu

SOMALIA’S POLITICAL EFFORTS TO JOIN THE EAST AFRICAN COMMUNITY (EAC) AS A SIGNIFICANT STEP IN THE PROCESS OF STABILIZING THE STATE AND THE REGIONOn 31 May 2023, the Extraordinary Summit of Heads of State of the East African Community (EAC) adopted the report on the verification of the accession application of the Federal Republic of Somalia, while deciding to start accession negotiations with immediate effect. The purpose of this article is to attempt to assess this decision, in the context of the admission of one of the world’s most unstable states to a sub-regional organisation that is considered the most advanced in achieving integration goals across the African continent. Due to the fact that Somalia became a member of the Community on 15 December 2023 – almost simultaneously with the submission of this text – an objective assessment of the impact of this decision is not yet possible, but it is possible to attempt to answer questions concerning the political and economic objectives of the accession process undertaken, as well as the potential consequences of its positive implementation.

Collective Memory as Sedimentations of Collective Experience: Phenomenological Analysis of Post-Soviet Europe

ABSTRACT In this essay, I argue that describing collective memory as a historical collective experience involving the sedimentation of experiences can help us understand the complexities in empirical cases. To demonstrate the explanatory power of this approach, I discuss actual cases of collective memory in post-Soviet European societies and communities, mainly in Estonia and among Ingrian Finns, using the concepts of collective experience and sedimentation. By combining these two concepts, I suggest that the same historical and contemporary political objects may appear very differently to different societies and communities. Therefore, to understand the social and political landscape of our continent, we need to understand the unique experiential nature of collective memory. While phenomenology has allegedly had difficulties in addressing collective memory, rather focusing on individual memory and time consciousness, my analysis demonstrates its potential to clarify the experiential patterns of collective memory and its relevance to historical and political studies.

National ideologies and community awareness in propaganda slogans: A critical discourse analysis in the context of Vietnam

Slogans have long been an essential instrument of mobilization and propaganda in Vietnamese politics, and propaganda slogans have historically been regarded as significant instruments that can be utilized effectively to spread information in virtually every country on earth. Furthermore, it is supposed that these slogans can mirror various facets of society. Utilized by institutions and organizations as a form of discourse, propaganda slogans are nearly encountered by the general public and are intended to promote political campaigns or objectives. In view of critical discourse analysis, the objectives of the present study are to delineate, examine, and identify the sense of national ideologies and community consciousness that are intrinsic to the slogans' language. The study employed the mixed method of document and descriptive analysis. The sample included 900 Vietnamese slogans randomly collected from social networking sites on the internet; from guidelines and propaganda work directions of several ministries, sociopolitical organizations, and associations; and from the process of observing, recording, and photographing slogans on streets, offices, schools or other public places in many different localities. The findings of the study indicated that propaganda slogans can be regarded as both a discourse and a social entity. The language employed in propaganda slogans is regarded not only as a reflection of societal norms and values but also as a social convention encompassing various linguistic aspects, such as the use of vocabulary, grammar and speech acts. Furthermore, propaganda slogans serve as conduits through which various facets of society can be observed, as they are interconnected with the institutional framework and the systems of human perspectives and values.

When legitimacy becomes the object of politics: the politicization of political support in European democracies

Democratic legitimacy is essential for democratic stability, as democracies rely on citizen support to survive. However, perceived legitimacy gaps can also be an important catalyst for change and potential democratic renewal, begging the question when challenges to legitimacy become problematic for democratic survival. Easton distinguished between citizen support for political authorities and the political system, and argued that if support for political authorities declined, such declining support could either be resolved by the current political authorities changing course, or by citizens electing new political authorities at the next elections. However, if dissatisfaction with political authorities would not be resolved, lacking support had the potential to eventually “spill-over” and undermine support for the political system as a whole. In most empirical research on legitimacy, the assumption is that such “spill-over” is visible only if declining levels of political trust and satisfaction with democracy start to undermine support for democracy as a political system. In this paper, we argue that “spill-over” can also manifest in a different way: through the politicization of political support. When politics is no longer (only) about substantive policy decisions, but rather (increasingly) about the system itself, agreement on the rules of the game, or even on democracy as “the only game in town”, is no longer self-evident. In this paper we further develop our theoretical argument about the connection between legitimacy and politicisation, and argue that European democracies appear to experience growing politicization of political support, in terms of the association of political support with citizens’ substantive issue positions and voting behaviour. The paper demonstrates empirical evidence of such politicization of political support in 17 European democracies with European Social Survey data from 2002–2022. The paper concludes by reflecting on the implications of the politicization of political support for democratic stability and renewal.

Nationalism in the Judicialization and Culturalization of Religion: The Case of Religious Education in Greece

Religious education (RE) is frequently a topic of intense political debate and a focal point of party politics in the Greek context. This article presents the latest chapter in political contestation over the teaching of religion in Greek public schools, one which entails a new dimension—that of intense judicialization. Since 2015, the issue of religious education in Greek public schools has been the subject of multiple court cases addressed by the Greek high court, the Council of State, with one case addressed by and one case pending before the European Court of Human Rights. Beyond teasing out links between Greek Orthodoxy and nationalism underpinning each of these cases, this article also seeks to locate this example of judicialization of politics and religion in a broader theoretical context. It engages with another phenomenon at play in the Greek case as in many other cases globally, the culturalization of religion. Through the example of the Greek legal battles over religious education, we see how the judicialization of a particular political question on religion (policy on RE) rests on a culturalization of religion, which, in the legal domain, entails a rebranding of ‘religion’ as ‘culture’ so as to protect ‘religion’ from limitations placed on it by expectations of liberal state neutrality. The inherent difficulties in defining religion and culture, both individually and in relation to one another, are fundamental to both the theoretical and the practical, socio-legal challenges arising from such developments.

"É nossa, é Do Brasil Inteiro” (It’s Ours, It’s for the Whole of Brazil”): Football, The Yellow Shirt, National Politics, and Conjunctural Contestation

From a resonant and highly mythologized symbol of an imagined national coherence in the 1950s, today the iconic yellow Brazilian football (soccer) shirt–the amarelinha–is an emotive site for political contestation and struggle between the forces of the Brazilian right and left. Within a contemporary Brazilian conjuncture fraught by conjoined political, economic, and cultural schisms, the shirt has become what Stuart Hall (p. 354) referred to as a “constant battlefield” upon which warring national political ideologies and imaginaries have fought for ascendancy. In contextually mapping the shifting and increasingly contentious relationship between the amarelinha and the Brazilian national imaginary, we utilize a critical conjuncturalism in critically explicating three indicative moments: 1) the shirt’s historical articulation, and initial relative stasis, as a symbol of a modern Brazilian national unity, pride, and optimism in the period from the 1950s to 2010s; 2) the disarticulation and hijacking of the shirt by an emergent right-wing populist movement during the mid-2010s, vanguarded by future President Jair Bolsonaro, and visibly supported by many popular athletes (i.e. Neymar, Nelson Piquet); and 3) the subsequent rearticulation of the shirt, and indeed the national political imaginary, by the countervailing forces of the Brazilian political left including leading journalists and athletes (i.e. Richarlison, Walter Casagrande). As such, our aim is to contextually examine how the shirt has, in a dialectical sense, become both a product and producer of the ideological and affective schisms responsible for the fraying (yet also potentially rebuilding) of Brazilian national identity and society.

Abortion Stigma as a Barrier to Mifepristone Use among Obstetrician-Gynecologists in Alabama for Early Pregnancy Loss.

The objective of our study was to identify and characterize barriers to mifepristone use among obstetrician-gynecologists (OB-GYNs) for early pregnancy loss in a southern US state. In this qualitative study, we conducted semistructured interviews with 19 OB-GYNs in Alabama who manage early pregnancy loss. The interviews explored participants' knowledge of and experience with mifepristone use for miscarriage management and abortion, along with barriers to and facilitators of clinical mifepristone use. The interviews were coded by multiple study staff using inductive and deductive thematic coding. Nearly all of the interviewees identified abortion-related stigma as a barrier to mifepristone use. Interviewees often attributed stigma to a lack of knowledge about the clinical use of mifepristone for early pregnancy loss. The stigmatization of mifepristone due to its association with abortion was related to religious and political objections. Many interviewees also described stigma associated with misoprostol use. Although providers believed that mifepristone use for abortion would not be accepted in their practice, most believed that mifepristone could be used successfully for miscarriage management after practice-wide education on its use. Mifepristone is strongly associated with abortion stigma among OB-GYNs in Alabama, which is a barrier to its use for miscarriage management. Interventions to decrease abortion stigma and associated stigma surrounding mifepristone are needed to optimize early pregnancy loss care.

REGULASI DAN SWA-REGULASI INDONESIA DALAM PENYELENGGARAAN MEDIA TERKAIT PERAN MNC GROUP TERHADAP PARTAI PERINDO

In political contestation, the perpetrators are plural in taking various ways so that their political goals can be practically achieved. One of them is the use of mass media as a mouthpiece in increasing self-electability and political vehicles. Media has a role as the fourth pillar of the state after the Executive, Legislative, and Judicial powers. Because of its vital role, the media and the people behind it are required to be able to convey honest and useful information to the wider community. The existence of media owners who are involved and involved in the world of practical politics makes a preliminary indication of the increasing interest of a particular group. Indonesia, which upholds the rule of law, has established regulations and self-regulation for cases like this. Meanwhile, in the regulation and self-regulation of the media, it has been stipulated that the media must be neutral and not take sides with any party and not benefit the interests of individuals or groups. The government has the right and obligation to take action against the products produced by the media if a violation is found. Because the channels used by the media, especially public frequencies, do not belong to the media, but must be used for the greatest prosperity of the people.

Liars know they are lying: differentiating disinformation from disagreement

Mis- and disinformation pose substantial societal challenges, and have thus become the focus of a substantive field of research. However, the field of misinformation research has recently come under scrutiny on two fronts. First, a political response has emerged, claiming that misinformation research aims to censor conservative voices. Second, some scholars have questioned the utility of misinformation research altogether, arguing that misinformation is not sufficiently identifiable or widespread to warrant much concern or action. Here, we rebut these claims. We contend that the spread of misinformation—and in particular willful disinformation—is demonstrably harmful to public health, evidence-informed policymaking, and democratic processes. We also show that disinformation and outright lies can often be identified and differ from good-faith political contestation. We conclude by showing how misinformation and disinformation can be at least partially mitigated using a variety of empirically validated, rights-preserving methods that do not involve censorship.

Tweeting the academic resistance in Turkey and Hungary: from cultural crisis to defending the nation

ABSTRACT This paper explores the reemergence of universities as spaces for the contestation of government policies in an era of illiberalism, rising nationalism and populism. We focus on high-profile contestations occurring at two public universities in Turkey and Hungary: Boğaziçi University and the University of Theatre and Film Arts, respectively. At both universities, attacks on democratic governance and liberal-democratic values have resulted in academic resistance that have played out on physical campuses and in online spaces. We conceptualise a virtual space as a space of contestation and analyse social media data to identify the dominant narratives of governments and their supporters on one side and resistance supporters on the other that gives the way to two major narratives: while right-wing imaginaries and pro-government actors frame the liberal and pro-freedom inclinations of universities as a ‘threat’ to the nation, students and faculty portray the government as the true threat to their rights and freedoms and knowledge production within what was once a ‘safe space’ in universities, thus framing themselves as the ‘true guardians’ of their institutions. Our analysis shows how universities have become contemporary flashpoints in and upon which broader political contestations over national culture play out.

No Justice, No Police? The Politics of Protest and Social Change. Edited by Matt Clement (Zero Books, 2023, 356pp. £17.99 pbk)

No Justice, No Police? The Politics of Protest and Social Change. Edited by Matt Clement (Zero Books, 2023, 356pp. £17.99 pbk)

From ‘wanghong’ to ‘wanghong thinking’: New research agenda and critical reflection

This essay critically reviews the existing research on wanghong studies in China. It advocates that wanghong studies should go beyond its dominant disciplines in ‘platform studies’ and ‘(digital) labour studies’ to embrace ‘celebrity studies’ and ‘China studies’. It proposes the innovative concept of ‘wanghong thinking’, which refers to the mindset that guides the experiments of the Chinese Communist Party in incorporating the popular wanghong culture, logic and economic model to achieve various social, political and economic objectives. Finally, the essay offers critical reflection on the ‘online-traffic-enabled’ social governance and economic development in China’s wanghong era.

Demokrasi, Governance, dan Oligarki: Konglomerasi Media MNC Group Keterlibatannya Melancarkan Capres Ganjar Pranowo Pada Pemilu 2024

This article discusses the issue of the MNC group as oligarchic media and the news it displays only appears to be based on political interests. The media oligarchy influences political contestation, the latest political reality shows that the Perindo Party supports presidential candidate Ganjar Pranowo in the 2024 presidential election and also utilizes television media as a political capital and political campaign infrastructure in the 2024 presidential election. This research aims to explore the phenomenon of the MNC Group media conglomeration which siding with the coalition of presidential candidate Ganjar Pranowo to form an oligarchy that can influence the governance system. This research adopted a qualitative research design and data collection was carried out through literature reviews from various journals and online publications of articles related to this issue. Research findings show that the MNC Group as the media broadcaster broadcasts broadcasts on television only for political purposes, this has resulted in a democratic crisis because the media no longer has independence, and this phenomenon states that there is a media oligarchy in Indonesia which makes Indonesia bad governance. The research results contribute to a better understanding of democracy, media oligarchy, and cultural hegemony in political media.

Research on the Path and Practice of Ideological and Political Construction in the Course of Water Resources and Hydropower Planning

Through the construction path of courses’ ideological and political teaching objectives, education goals, teaching methods, assessment systems, etc., the corresponding knowledge points of course ideological and political education are constructed in this course, and ideological and political elements are integrated into the teaching module. Find the right entry point for ideological and political education based on the course content and infiltrate ideological and political education in a targeted manner. Integrating ideological and political practice cases of comprehensive utilization of water resources, regulation of benefits, flood regulation, and water energy calculation into the entire teaching process. Fully utilize the advantages of professional course resources and combine them with the needs and development resources of the country, transforming them into unique advantages in ideological and political education through courses. At the same time, we will deeply explore and extract the core values and concepts of patriotism, social responsibility, and cultural confidence contained in professional courses, ensuring that ideological and political education can be fully integrated into all aspects of this course teaching. By integrating the connotation of teaching and educating people into the main aspects of classroom teaching, we can enhance the attractiveness of ideological and political education in the Water Resources and Hydropower Planning professional course and effectively promote the construction and development of this professional course.

A Cautionary Tale for Polycentric Climate Governance: Sweden’s Roles in Orchestrating Decarbonization

Abstract The Paris Agreement ushered in an era of climate governance underpinned by a polycentric theory of change, emphasizing experimentation, collaboration, and innovation while downplaying political contestation, power asymmetries, and the need for regulatory action by the state. This article explores the roles the state plays in polycentric climate governance, focusing on the tension between the regulatory state, where authorities set, monitor, and enforce rules, and the orchestrating state, which facilitates collaboration with nonstate actors to induce behavioral change. Using decarbonization in Sweden as an illustrative case study, the article synthesizes the results of two research projects evaluating the promises and limits of polycentric climate governance. The results problematize the view that Sweden is a forerunner in climate governance, suggesting that while the Swedish government has mobilized support from important industries and cities in favor of decarbonization, that support may be insufficient to achieve necessary societal transformation for deep decarbonization. Finally, the study reflects on the conditions necessary for polycentric governance to effectively decarbonize society, highlighting the pivotal role of the regulatory state.

Sustainable solutions: using MCDM to choose the best location for green energy projects

Purpose This study aims to find the best location for constructing green energy facilities in India and reducing CO2 emissions. Incorporating green energy is a priority for many countries under the Paris Agreement. This task is challenging due to factors that affect implementation, and making the wrong decision wastes resources. India’s goals are net-zero emissions by 2070 and 50% renewable electricity by 2030. Other developing nations should emulate India’s renewable energy strategy. India ranks fourth in renewable energy and wind power, and fifth in solar power capacity. This research aims to identify the best locations in India for implementing green energy projects. Design/methodology/approach To identify the optimal green energy implementation sites in India, this research uses the hybrid multicriteria decision analysis (MCDA) in an uncertain environment. This research uses the Delphi method to identify the most suitable green energy implementation sites in India. It adapts the elements for this investigation. In addition, the utilization of the Fermatean fuzzy weighted aggregated sum product assessment technique is implemented to effectively prioritize the factors that impact the selection of these sites. This study used the MEREC method (method based on the removal effects of criteria) to identify the most suitable areas in India for implementing green energy. The highest accuracy is attained through the amalgamation of these hybrid methods. Findings Following the computation data by hybrid MCDA in uncertainty environment, NP Kunta in Andhra Pradesh emerges as the recommended green energy site among the 11 considered. Also among the factors political strategies and objectives hold the highest priority among them. Originality/value This study is pioneering in its efforts to provide a comprehensive perspective on the development and management of green energy operations in India. The study proves advantageous for diverse sites in the successful adoption and management of green energy. The study is additionally valuable in informing policy development aimed at promoting the use of green energy by employees through the utilization of MCDA methods in uncertain environments.

Political protest landscapes in Catalonia: language choice, utopian/dystopian discourse and “Catalans”-“Spaniards” identities

ABSTRACT Catalonia has become a rich site to investigate minorised-language identity, with the reemergence of a movement calling for independence. Our case study analyses how pro-/anti-secessionist protests are (counter)-fought in urban Linguistic Landscapes. We approach LLs as identity-markers and place-makers delivering messages of political subversion/dominance where majority/minorised-language choice and utopian/dystopian discourse become crucial for understanding their meanings during social upheaval, with renewed nationalist protests linked to an independence Referendum. We employed a content analysis based on a semiotic/semantic interpretation and thematic categorisation of the data. We show that two antithetical “Catalans”/“Spaniards” identities reemerge which mobilise either utopian projects written in Catalan or dystopian visions in Spanish, through intertextuality. The former, categorised as pro-independence “political resistance LLs,” project a hopeful impossible to extend a liberating possible. The latter, pro-unionist “threats to Catalan protesters LLs,” reinstate order, enforcing the suppression of dissent. This reveals that ethnolinguistic identities are newly reconfigured/resignified, unpacking how a social-semiotics focus on language choice and utopia/dystopia can prefigure social conflict development.

Are Cities Doing the Same? Local Policies on Immigrant Integration in Catalonia Since the Great Recession

This article analyzes the extent to which the councils of five Catalan cities have modified their integration policies. The structural transformations of contemporary societies have had a great impact on city councils and local integration policies, especially from the point of view of planning and policy orientation. The article studies the policies developed in five Catalan cities in the last four mandates, specifically between 2007 and 2023, based on in-depth interviews and analysis of political and technical documentation. Although the strategies used in the five cities analyzed are not identical, the results show that during these years there has been a tendency to limit the approval of plans for the integration of immigrants, although this does not mean that the councils do not have explicit political priorities and objectives. The cities also tend to speak less specifically about integration and, on the contrary, resort to two different orientations: some councils design and implement policies related to security, mediation, and community work in neighborhoods, while others tend to broaden the focus of their policies, opting for more holistic approaches focused on multiple forms of diversity, intersectionality, and anti-racism.

Protesting Power-Sharing: Placing the Thawra in Recent Waves of Contentious Politics

Abstract This article places the Thawra within recent waves of protest politics in so-called divided societies, particularly the Plenum (Bosnia 2014) and Tishreen (Iraq 2019) protests. It examines the thematic connections between protest waves in relation to contesting consociational power-sharing governance, which has been deployed in Lebanon, Iraq, and Bosnia in the aftermath of civil war or political violence. While protests have addressed a range of issues – corruption, weak and failing public services, and rising unemployment levels – these various strands have been successfully distilled into powerful critiques of the ethnosectarian elites who perpetuate polarization and of the system itself. Towards this, I identify three significant frames developed by protestors in relation to power-sharing: The “People” versus the “Elites”, Trans-sectarian Belonging, and Participatory Citizenship.