Political Mobilization Research Articles

Social media and political protest mobilization: unveiling the dynamics of the Arab Spring 2.0

Social media and political protest mobilization: unveiling the dynamics of the Arab Spring 2.0

Undocumented migrant workers as activist citizens: resisting citizenship exclusion through photovoice

ABSTRACT This article discusses the foregrounding of migrant activism through a photovoice project that emerged organically from groups of undocumented South Asian migrant men in Greece. It argues that this collective creative action against the criminalization of migrant ‘illegality’ constitutes an active act of citizenship that contests, from below, exclusionary citizenship rights and formal modes of inclusion into the body politic of a nation state. Isin’s concept of ‘activist citizen’ (2008) allows us to interpret migrant participation as a creative political mobilization that challenged their formal citizenship exclusion. The act of becoming intentionally visible through photo-taking and the multimedia installation allowed them to undertake constructive resistance against their forced invisibility and migrant abjectness. By representing themselves as empowered activist-citizens, and by using their photos, videos, and texts as evidentiary material, the undocumented migrant workers sought to destabilize dominant imaginaries and discourses that present them as fearful, deviant masculine others.

False Narratives and Political Mobilization

Abstract We present an equilibrium model of politics in which political platforms compete over public opinion. A platform consists of a policy, a coalition of social groups with diverse intrinsic attitudes to policies, and a narrative. We conceptualize narratives as subjective models that attribute a commonly valued outcome to (potentially spurious) postulated causes. When quantified against empirical observations, these models generate a shared belief among coalition members over the outcome as a function of its postulated causes. The intensity of this belief and the members’ intrinsic attitudes to the platform’s policy determine the extent to which the coalition is mobilized. Only platforms that generate maximal mobilization prevail in equilibrium. Our equilibrium characterization demonstrates how false narratives can be detrimental to the commonly valued outcome, and how political fragmentation leads to their proliferation. The false narratives that emerge in equilibrium have a flavor of “scapegoating:” They attribute good outcomes to the exclusion of social groups from ruling coalitions.

The causal effect of economic sanctions on political stability: A two‐stage difference‐in‐differences analysis

AbstractThis study employs the two‐stage difference‐in‐differences (2sDiD) estimator to investigate the causal effect of economic sanctions on political stability. It contributes to existing research by (1) re‐evaluating sanctions' impacts on political stability using newly introduced causal inference methods, and (2) distinguishing the effects of sanctions across various political regimes and economic globalisation levels. The article argues that economic sanctions create economic hardships for the target population, leading to public frustration toward their governments, which stimulates political mobilisation and thereby decreases the country's political stability. However, sanctions hurt democracies more than autocracies because autocratic regimes can suppress public dissent through repression and citizens face higher costs for opposition. Moreover, economic globalisation offers targets alternatives to sanctioned products and services, potentially weakening sanctions thus damaging political stability more in low‐globalised than in high‐globalised countries. Empirical findings from 9230 country‐year observations between 1949 and 2022 largely align with the theoretical predictions, showing that economic sanctions undermine the target's political stability, with these destabilising effects contingent upon its political regime and economic globalisation levels.

Negotiating with your mouth full: Intergovernmental negotiations between transparency and confidentiality

AbstractTransparency lies at the heart of canonical theories of international negotiations and institutions—yet it is rarely directly measured or explained. This paper explores the potential downsides of transparency reforms in intergovernmental negotiations and institutions. We argue that as formal international meetings open up to the public, negotiators face incentives to shift deliberations to more informal and opaque venues, especially for sensitive and domestically contested issues. To test when and why this occurs, we present new data on three decades of intergovernmental negotiations in the Council of the European Union (1990–2019), and in particular the use of informal breaks where no minutes are taken. We find that recourse to such breaks—especially at lunch time—has increased substantially, and that ministers often take these opportunities to discuss controversial topics. We deploy quantitative and qualitative analyses to show that variations in informal breaks correlate both with institutional enhancements to transparency and with specific concerns over antagonistic political mobilization at home, notably in the form of Euroscepticism. These findings challenge received positive and normative theories about transparency in international institutions, and contribute to the literature on informal governance, negotiation studies, EU politics, and the transnational democratic deficit.

Introduction: Social theorists and the First World War

This Special Issue examines the ways in which emerging or established social theorists from Continental Europe and the United States were personally and politically involved in and affected by the First the First World War (WWI), and considers how the war shaped their sociological theories. WWI was a pivotal moment that transformed global and historical systems in ways that challenged conventional social scientific assumptions about the supposed shift from “traditional” to “modern” societies and compelled sociologists to reconsider the impact of industry and military affairs on everyday life. The period from 1914 to 1918 has typically been ignored or bracketed by later scholars as a largely inconsequential gap in an otherwise uninterrupted flow of intellectual production. By considering not only individual theorists and their social networks but also the transformation of the discipline as a whole, the contributors to this Special Issue offer a systematic assessment of the relevance of this formative period in the development of sociological theory and of the impact of war in shaping the modern world. The Editors’ Introduction highlights how the scale and intensity of the total war that engaged the countries of Europe and North America in 1914 came as a shock to most intellectuals, even though nationalistic wars had become familiar to them from the precious century. The central role of nation-states in carrying out what was at the time was called the European War, and later came to be known as the First World War, made it impossible for social scientists and other intellectuals in the belligerent countries to remain neutral. Even those who were not directly active in or publicly vocal about the war felt compelled to take a stand, and many reached their highest level of public visibility and political influence during the WWI era, often beyond the reputation they achieved before or after. The complex problems emerging within the nation-state system that the war had exposed renewed their sense of professional duty and patriotic loyalty while focussing their attention on questions concerning the geopolitics of international warfare and peace; the role of the modern state and its bureaucratic institutions; the nature of civil society and ethnic communities; the forces of political economy and cultural mobilization; and the emancipatory potential of colonial capitalism and racialized imperialism.

Performing the “Tribe”? Ethnic Heritage Associations and the UNESCO 2003 Convention in Malawi

This article explores two interlinked forms of identity expression and heritage production in postcolonial Malawi. The first is the way ethnic communities reconstruct their cultural heritage and identities through the establishment of ethnic-based heritage associations which exhibit heritage at cultural festivals. This points to the shift in cultural production from one that was dictated by the discourse of national culture and single identity to one that is defined by the discourse of heritage which appeals to democratic sensibilities. The second is the inventorying and listing of cultural elements as dictated by the UNESCO 2003 Convention for the Safeguarding of the Intangible Cultural Heritage. It is noted that the proliferation of ethnic-based heritage associations found resonance and synergy with UNESCO’s appeals for safeguarding intangible cultural heritage as propagated by its 2003 Convention. However, as the article demonstrates, the imperatives of democracy and the UNESCO 2003 Convention promote ethnic consciousness at the expense of national consciousness. This creates a dilemma in imagining the nation. Drawing on archival and oral evidence, the article argues that the ethnic-based heritage associations, while promoting cultural preservation in line with the UNESCO Convention of 2003, have become sites of political mobilisation where notions of tribe and tribalism are reproduced and reaffirmed. Ultimately, the UNESCO 2003 Convention, while promoting the safeguarding of intangible cultural heritage, reinforces the idea of tribe in Malawi. The article contributes to our understanding of the politics of identity and heritage production in postcolonial Malawi.

The European Union agenda in Erdogan’s argumentative discourse: an analysis of the ideational sources and interactive functions of political reasoning

ABSTRACT This article presents the findings of an in-depth analysis of Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan’s position and argumentation regarding the European Union (EU). The study explores the ideational sources (cognitive and normative) and interactive functions (communicative and coordinative) of his foreign policy discourse. We argue that Erdogan instrumentalises and politicises foreign policy discourse for the coordinative function of political mobilisation. First, Erdogan’s dual approach is shaped by his leadership roles (president versus party chairperson), his target audience (national versus international), and timing (election versus non-election periods), with Euroscepticism and antagonistic argumentation featuring prominently in his discourse. Second, as party chairperson, Erdogan employs nationalist chauvinism, a normative source shared by relevant institutional actors, to fulfil a coordinative function. Third, cognitive dissonance stemming from his positional dichotomy, alongside misrepresenting actors and processes, allows him a blame strategy, framed by accusations of 1) double standards, 2) the EU’s miscalculation, 3) pacta sunt servanda, and 4) the actions of ‘certain’ member states.

Introduction: Mobilizing during COVID-19: social movements in times of crisis

ABSTRACT Early 2020 saw the beginning of a pandemic that triggered an unprecedented global health crisis and economic turmoil. The COVID-19 pandemic also crucially affected the dynamics of political mobilization in social movements. This introduction seeks to reflect on such effects. In particular, we ask: How did the pandemic change or hinder existing struggles? To what extent did new activist networks, issues, and forms of action emerge? Drawing on the special issue’s contributions, we highlight how the pandemic gave way to new incentives and forms of mobilization, in particular the anti-lockdown protests with covid-specific claims, and actor constellations that often brought together people with diverse ideological orientations. These mobilizations were crucially facilitated by social media, bringing together previously disconnected people and harnessing heightened emotions of fear, anger, distrust, uncertainty, and anxiety. At the same time, existing movements continued their work on longer standing issues and often effectively adapted their organizational infrastructures, repertoires of action, or goals to a new set of priorities and circumstances. As in other crises, the pandemic spurred mutual aid and solidarity activism for those most affected by the pandemic.

Caste and Electoral Behaviour in India: An In-depth Analysis

Caste has long played a pivotal role in shaping electoral behavior in India, significantly influencing political outcomes since independence. This paper examines the intricate relationship between caste and politics, tracing its roots to the colonial era and analyzing how caste-based political mobilization has evolved in contemporary times. The rise of caste-based political parties, such as the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP), Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD), and Samajwadi Party (SP), has redefined the Indian electoral landscape. Additionally, the impact of caste identities on voting behavior, the role of coalition politics, and the use of social media in targeting caste groups are explored. While caste-based politics has empowered marginalized communities, it also poses challenges to governance and social cohesion. The paper concludes by reflecting on the future of caste in Indian electoral politics, emphasizing the need for more inclusive governance.

The problem of social modeling of the activity of youth online communities in the context of social and political mobilization

The problem of social modeling of the activity of youth online communities in the context of social and political mobilization

The Case of the DOXA Four: A Year in the School of Political Prisoners

AbstractThis paper explores media strategies used by the four former editors of the Russian independent student‐run journal DOXA during their year of pre‐trial domestic confinement between April 2021 and April 2022. This high‐profile case ended only two months after the beginning of Russia’s full‐scale war in Ukraine and the intensification of repressions against the internal political opposition. It also concludes a decade‐long phase in the conflict between the Russian state and its increasingly politicized youth. By maintaining a public presence during their house arrest despite the official prohibition, the DOXA Four entered into a media competition with police: Both groups were trying to reach an audience of Russian youth and shape the public image of oppositional students. While the state strove to intimidate, infantilize, and isolate the young people, the DOXA editors promoted collectivist forms of feeling and imagination to encourage political mobilization. In doing so, they aimed to break with the prevailing culture of ironic aestheticization of state violence and to re‐articulate political aesthetics for its generation.

Civic Organizations and the Political Participation of Cross-Pressured Americans: The Case of the Labor Movement

Civic associations underpin American democracy. How can politically cross-cutting associations engage members who hold divergent viewpoints amidst increasing partisan polarization and nationalization of politics? I examine this question in the context of labor unions, studying how unions engage members who hold conservative views at odds with some of the union’s political actions. Using original surveys of local union presidents, members, and non-members along with in-depth interviews in selected local unions, I show how local union leaders can foster norms of participation among politically cross-pressured members. Norms of participation increase conservative members’ perceptions of political representation and engagement in politics, including participation in the union’s political action committee and support for union political mobilization. These findings have implications for understanding civic associations and participation in an era of political division, as well as the role unions continue to play in politics.

Features of political participation of Russian youth in the context of digitalization

The article is devoted to identifying the specifics of the influence of the "digital" factor on the dynamics and transformation of political activity of modern Russian youth. The author pays special attention to the role of social networks and digital media on the political participation of the younger generation. Today, not only is the trend towards the emergence of diverse strategies for online political activity of Russian youth increasing, but significant changes are taking place in the differences in role models of political participation that differentiate passively engaged "viewers" and active activists. Those young Russians who actively use online resources in their socio-political activities are already quite effectively using digital technologies and ways to attract a new audience, social mobilization, finding supporters, coordinating joint actions, etc. It is noted that the key trend in recent years has been the "digitalization of political participation" of young people and the spread of the phenomenon of online political participation. The author concludes that despite the steady growth in the number of young users of social networks and consumers of digital media, the increasing role of these online resources as political factors should not be exaggerated in the process of political mobilization. The transformation of the socio-political context and the decrease in the general level of protest moods in society, the "calming down" of spontaneous mobilization in the "offline" certainly leads to a decrease in the mobilization value of social networks, and to a reduction in the number of protest-minded youth.

The Political Re-assessment and Implications of Long-term Seizure of Power by Syngman Rhee: Based on Institutional Change and Political Mobilization Centered on the Election

The Political Re-assessment and Implications of Long-term Seizure of Power by Syngman Rhee: Based on Institutional Change and Political Mobilization Centered on the Election

Role of SHGs in Political Participation and Community Mobilisation in Manchar, Maharashtra: A Multifocal Approach

Role of SHGs in Political Participation and Community Mobilisation in Manchar, Maharashtra: A Multifocal Approach

From Ads to Action: The Influence of Interest Group Supreme Court Confirmation Advertisements on Political Engagement

Interest groups capitalize on the opportunity to influence salient U.S. Supreme Court confirmations, while pursuing organizational and policy goals and hoping to mobilize the public. We test the opportunities and limits of ad influence on political mobilization specifically looking at calls to action (i.e., donations, contacting senators, and social media engagement). By analyzing responses to real interest group-produced video ads from Amy Coney Barrett’s and Ketanji Brown Jackson’s nominations, we discover ads can potentially influence individuals’ political behavior online and spur offline political engagement. Specifically, we find name recognition, partisan congruence, and positive tone positively influence respondent engagement in calls to action. We find ad format in terms of forced exposure and negative tone decrease engagement likelihood. Our study contributes novel insights into the role of online advertising in shaping political behavior around nominations in the digital age.

The Local “Salad Bar” of Hate: Global Hegemonic Masculinity in Australia’s Extreme Right

This paper examines a local manifestation of extreme right political mobilisation in Australia from the standpoint of Connell and Messerschmidt's (2005) global hegemonic masculinity. Using Messerschmidt and Rohde’s (2018) methods for analysing violent extremists’ public statements, we examine public blog posts by “The Lads [sic] Society” to scrutinise the relationship between local advocacy for a white ethno-state in Australia and global hegemonic masculinities. The analysis finds that localised white nationalism is both a response to, and constituted by, the tensions of global hegemonic masculinity and is, in part, an attempt to reclaim localised white hegemonic masculinity in the face of a multitude of perceived global societal failures. Through the analysis, this paper contributes to Messerschmidt and Rohde’s (2018) claim that various global hegemonic masculinities simultaneously coexist and compete, while pointing to how discursive processes continue to redefine masculinities at the local level. The paper also responds to a broader invitation to incorporate gender analysis into the study of extreme political movements, enabling a more critical understandings of the motivations and experiences of those that participate in them.

Decolonizing the National Park: Unsettling public space through Indigenous urbanism

ABSTRACT Despite warnings of decline, public space continues to play a pivotal role for social movements and democracies. Yet, because liberal concepts of public space are rooted in settler colonialism, they avoid critical engagement with histories and contemporary expressions of Indigenous urban life. The occupation of Bogotá’s National Park by Indigenous communities presents an opportunity to reexamine the limits of public space. While government officials espoused conventional definitions about public space, Indigenous occupants described the National Park in entirely different terms. They relied on a praxis known as the minga for sustenance, communication, spatial organization, community building, and political mobilization. Drawing on Indigenous urbanism, this article frames the occupation of the National Park as a practice of decolonization, which challenges the historical legitimacy of stolen land and the supremacy of property. It considers the minga as a practice of Indigenization and an epistemologically distinct form of citymaking.

To Enact or to Implement?

Abstract This study analyses Ghana’s climate-change legal and policy frameworks, pinpointing significant gaps and offering targeted recommendations to bolster the nation’s resilience against climate change. Despite Ghana’s commitments under international agreements and the formulation of national policies, challenges persist in policy implementation, sectoral integration, research, stakeholder engagement, funding and adaptation strategies. The paper argues for a robust, integrated approach to enhance Ghana’s climate governance, highlighting the necessity for improved implementation capacity, cross-sectoral policy harmonisation, enhanced climate data collection, active stakeholder participation, innovative financing and a stronger focus on adaptation and resilience. Key recommendations advocate for political commitment, collaborative efforts and resource mobilisation to ensure effective climate action. This condensed analysis contributes to the broader dialogue on climate-change management in emerging economies, offering insights for policy-makers and stakeholders on advancing climate resilience and sustainable development.