Political Level Research Articles

The Great Powers Strategy to Control Oil Regions

Oil is considered to be one of the most important reasons that led to international conflicts and wars. Within this framework, the current research paper confirms the importance of the role that oil plays in global politics and international relations at the political and economic levels. Together with the willingness of the major powers, led by the United States of America, to go to wars, crises and turmoil at the world level to preserve their interests and goals in general and the continued entry, under conditions appropriate for their economies in particular. The present research paper comprises an introduction, a methodological framework, and major hubs that deal with the importance of oil and its position in the strategies of major powers and the importance of oil in international conflicts. Moreover, the American strategic awareness of energy security, oil prices and negative repercussions of indicators on the states economies. Ultimately, the paper ends with relevant conclusion, findings, and recommendations.

Art performance as a political communication tool in Indonesia: beyond the stage

PurposeThis retrospective phenomenological case study examines the experiences of 18 politicians who participated in a political campaign using performing arts and artists in a regional heads and legislators in Indonesia. Also, the role of Gandrung art as a performing art is becoming a political communication tool for political actors in Indonesia.Design/methodology/approachThis study employs a retrospective phenomenological case. The informants recruited were 18 politicians who have local, regional and national political levels. The participants were interviewed about their experiences of campaigning using traditional performing arts as a form of political communication. Data collection techniques used in this study include interviews and photo documentation during the campaign process to triangulate findings.FindingsBased on a case study analysis and through thematic analysis, this research reveals three emerging themes which indicate that performing arts function as political communication tools in three significant ways: (1) as a form of artistic expression for conveying political messages through movement and the use of dancer costumes; (2) as a medium for showcasing cultural identity and representation as a form of concern for the local culture of voters; and (3) as a means to garner mass appeal and propagate political propaganda.Research limitations/implicationsThe study has two limitations. First, the study only interviewed a small number of participants. Thus, generalization for wider contexts of politicians is not possible. Second, the study focuses on examining the voice of politicians and analyzing it using thematic analysis.Originality/valueThere is a scarcity of research that specifically focuses on uncovering the perspectives of politicians who employ performing arts as a political communication tool. This study contributes to the understanding that art performance is inherently non-neutral, highlighting how performing arts can actively engage in political communication by conveying messages, shaping cultural identity and influencing public opinion in the context of Indonesia.

Ideological attitudes predicting online hate speech: the differential effects of right-wing authoritarianism and social dominance orientation

IntroductionWhile research on online hate speech (OHS) has expanded in recent years, only few studies adopt a theoretical framework to understand how ideological attitudes differentially motivate individuals to engage with OHS. Drawing on the dual-process motivational model of ideology and on previous political psychological research on OHS, this study examines how individual levels of social dominance orientation (SDO) and right-wing authoritarianism (RWA) predict the likelihood of producing OHS for online platforms users.MethodsWe used logistic regressions to analyze the survey data from a representative German sample of social media platform users (N = 7,349).ResultsThe analyses indicate that SDO is related with higher odds of producing OHS, while RWA is related with lower odds. After adjusting for socio-economic factors and controlling for alternative predictors, the odd ratios remain significant, indicating that these two ideological attitudes predict online hate speech in different directions.DiscussionThe results show that high-RWA individuals are less likely to engage with OHS, which is explained through their conservative motivation to conform to social norms and maintain social stability. High-SDO individuals are more likely to produce OHS and may use it following their competitive motivation to increase hierarchical relations and improve their social status within society. The findings are discussed taking into consideration the specificities of the German social context, and corroborate and expand previous research. From these subtle but crucial differential effects, relevant implications are drawn for the platform as well as for social and political levels.

Expecting politeness: perceptions of voice assistant politeness

AbstractWe examined how politeness perception can change when used by a human or voice assistant in different contexts. We conducted two norming studies and two experiments. In the norming studies, we assessed the levels of positive politeness (cooperation) and negative politeness (respecting autonomy) conveyed by a range of politeness strategies across task (Norming Study 1) and social (Norming Study 2) request types. In the experiments, we tested the effect of request type and imposition level on the perception of written requests (Experiment 1) and requests spoken by a voice assistant (Experiment 2). We found that the perception of politeness strategies varied by request type. Positive politeness strategies were rated as very polite with task requests. In contrast, both positive and negative politeness strategies were rated as very polite with social requests. We also found that people expect agents to respect their autonomy more than they expect them to cooperate. Detailed studies of how request context interacts with politeness strategies to affect politeness perception have not previously been reported. Technology designers might find Tables 4 and 5 in this report especially useful for determining what politeness strategies are most appropriate for a given situation as well as what politeness strategies will evoke the desired feeling (autonomy or cooperation).

Motivation for the development of China-Kurdistan relations

The relationship between China and the Kurdistan Region is relatively new, as it started after the fall of the Ba'ath regime in post-2003 Iraq. The main question of this study is, what are the main motivations of China in its relations with the Kurdistan Region? For the sake of answering this question through a theoretical approach, this paper relies on the concepts of soft power and development. Both concepts are argued to guide and construct the Chinese foreign policy in the Middle East. Methodologically, this research is a qualitative one, benefitting from qualitative data and analysis. This research puts forward the argument that China's relations with the Kurdistan Region are based on soft power calculations relying on economic and commercial means. China refrains from political interference as it perceives and handles the relations with the Kurdistan Region from the perspective of China’s Iraq policy. This study has concluded that trade and economic factors are steering the China-Kurdistan Region’s relationship, and so far relations have not reached the political or strategic level. Two factors are hindering the development of relations into the political sphere. First, China prefers establishing relations with states, rather than non-state entities like Kurdistan Region, as it struggles with a similar problem at home. Second, the Kurdistan Region is politically and militarily affiliated with the United States, which makes China-Kurdistan's relations stop on economic and trade levels and do not proceed to the political level.

Institutional violence in"Kahinat Maebad 'Uwr" novel by Rasmiah Muhibis A sociological approach

This paper attempts to explore Approaching the features of institutional violence in Rasmiah Muhibis novel "Kahinat Maebad 'Uwr", and highlighting the violations practiced by social, political and cultural institutions in order to achieve their demands and desires and impose authority by force, exclusion and marginalization, and this is what novel texts after (2003) have always approached, as they worked to expose reality and denounce the crimes committed against individuals at all political, social and cultural levels. The sociological study is one of the influential tools in analyzing the literary text, especially novels , by revealing morals, customs, and social phenomena, because the novel is an experience in which the creator and recipient share the same social class, seeking to reach a solution to the social problems in which the Iraqi/southern society lived, and which were depicted in the novel.

Sikap Sopan Santun Mahasiswa Prodi Manajemen Informasi Kesehatan di Asrama Stikes Santa Elisabeth Medan

Nowdays, politeness is no longer a barrier to socializing with various groups. Freedom of opinion, the environment, developments over time and technology are the reasons that make manners shift. Manners are an important element in socializing, because by showing good manners a person can be respected and like by their existence as a social being. In this case, good manners can provide many benefits or influences, both good and bad, on oneself and others. The aim of this research is to determine the level of politeness of santa elisabeth medan health information management study program students in the dormitory environment. The research used random sampling and cross sectional design, and data colection was carried out trough direct observation. The population used in the research were MIK students with a sample size of 27 respondents and 15 questions indicators. Data colection techniques used questionnaires as primary data, and journals and books as secondary data. The results of the research show that behavior of 25 MIK students was classfied as good, namely (60%), and 2 were classified as poor namely (20%). This can be seen from students habits in everyday life regarding their lack of politeness

Ireland: Political Developments and Data in 2023

AbstractIreland had, for a long time, been an outlier in European politics in that, despite having experienced large‐scale immigration in the 2000s, it had not seen a significant expression of anti‐immigrant sentiment, and it was almost absent at a political level. The year 2023 saw a significant rise in the number of people seeking international protection or asylum. The state struggled to cope with the rise in numbers, which saw it take control of hotels and other private premises across the country. Protests grew in some localities, but the political reaction was negligible until in late November, there was a riot in Dublin city centre causing millions of euros worth of damage. There was an expected impact on Irish politics that might change the shape of politics in Ireland.

DEVELOPMENT OF THE SOVIETS FROM THE OCTOBER REVOLUTION TO THE ADOPTION OF THE USSR CONSTITUTION OF 1936

The article examines the history of the formation of representative power in Russia: the emergence and development of Soviets of workers’, peasants’ and soldiers’ deputies and the highest representative institution - the State Duma. The following shows the activities of the State Duma, the range of interests of their deputies, their attention to the problem of whether the Duma is a parliament or not. The process of formation of Soviets since February 1917 as an All-Russian representative authority is shown. The problem of correlation between the theory of Marxism and the practice of its application in the RSFSR is considered. It is shown that the Constitution of the RSFSR of 1918 never mentioned the classical formula of Marxism “dictatorship of the proletariat”, blurring it with the dictatorship of workers. However, during the Civil War, in order to retain power, there is a transition to the de facto dictatorship of the Bolshevik Party. The article draws attention to the moral and political level of the members of the CPSU (b), I. V. Stalin’s personnel policy in both party and Soviet organizations. The institute of purges of party and Soviet workers is considered as a way to get rid of both political opponents and embezzlers, thieves, drunkards, etc. of the public. The new Constitution of the USSR of 1936 was to ful ll the task of nally purging the state from the party dictatorship and ensuring the union of party members and non - party members

Political skill amplifies the beneficial effects of leader humor on actors’ work engagement via psychological capital

Existing research provides substantial evidence of the positive effects of leader humour on followers and their teams. However, less attention has been given to understanding how such behaviour benefits leaders. This study, grounded in the Conservation of Resources theory, introduces and tests a model that clarifies the mechanisms and conditions under which leader humour benefits these individuals. The study findings, derived from data collected from 137 supervisors in an experience sampling study and 134 supervisors in a three-wave field study, consistently show a positive correlation between leader humour and leader psychological capital, which subsequently enhances leader work engagement. Moreover, the magnitude of this positive effect depends on the leader’s political skill level, with those possessing high political skill reaping greater benefits from leader humour. The results suggest that leader humour is an effective method for supervisors to gain psychological resources.

Discursive Practices of Serbian Cultural Intelligentsia and Production of Socio-Political Crisis Through and within the Union of Writers of Yugoslavia during 1985

In her work and on the basis of archival material, the author presents and analyzes the discursive practices of writers gathered in the Union of Writers of Yugoslavia, and articulated through the work of its governing bodies – Congresses, Assemblies, and the Presidency – throughout 1985. Namely, that year, at the 9th Congress of Writers in Novi Sad, one part of Serbian writers, gathered in the Association of Writers of Serbia, opened and actualized the so-called Kosovo issue within the Union, by constructing uniformly structured, and persistently repeated ideological narrative about the endangerment and persecution of Serbs in Kosovo, claiming that it was – genocide. The paper presents and summarizes the main features of the aforementioned congress, which indicate that the Yugoslav socio-political crisis of the early 1980s deeply affected the Union during 1985 and that it revealed deep conceptual divisions among Serbian and other writers in Yugoslavia. The dividing line was built around the rejection of the 1974 Constitution and the denial of national-cultural and republican identities and borders within Yugoslavia, on the one hand, and their defense and plea for them, on the other. The text seeks to clarify what the concept of freedom of literary creation and politicization of literature, which was advocated and defended by the Serbian cultural intelligentsia at the 9th Congress, essentially meant, as well as to point out that the period of the 1980s was marked by the ambition of writers to affirm themselves as significant socio-political factor through criticism of dogmatic and repressive political authorities of socialist selfgovernment. The author then focuses on the work of the Literary Union Presidency during 1985, and on the discursive practices of some Serbian writers, gathered in the Association of Writers of Serbia and the Association of Writers of Kosovo, articulated through The Open Letter and other letters of the UKS administration, which insisted on further opening of the so-called Kosovo issue and made serious accusations against the Albanian administration of the Kosovo Writers' Association. This encouraged the continuation of the crisis production process within the Union. She concludes that behind all of these discursive efforts was a concrete goal of recentralizing the federal literary organization, mastering the Kosovo literary association and discursively supporting the Serbian political elite, which at the same time, at the federal political level, insisted on opening and resolving the so-called Kosovo issue and the issue of unity of the Serbian federal and state unit within Yugoslavia. The author started from the hypothesis that (war) violence, specifically that in Kosovo, against Albanians, in the late 1980s and early 1990s, was conceived, among other things, in the words of the Serbian humanistic intelligentsia, which produced discursive/ideological knowledge through which interpreted the past and present of the national community and which aimed to encourage national mobilization and homogenization and put them at the service of a certain political project – the recentralization of the Yugoslav state, of Serbia, strengthening and unification of the imagined and scattered Serbian national-cultural society in Yugoslavia. Through the aforementioned discursive knowledge, a stigmatic image of the barbaric Albanian Other was built, which served to legitimize his exemption from the legal order, i.e. the imposition of a state of emergency and the normalization of violence in Kosovo throughout 1990s. Given that the aim of this paper was to give a meticulous overview of a conjuncture episodes in the work of the Union of Writers of Yugoslavia during 1985 and discursive strategies that would lead to its disintegration in the continuation of the process, and since this topic is still largely subject to politicization, the author let the sources “speak” in the text to the greatest extent possible.

A Critical Analysis of Economic, Political, and Financial Determinants Influencing Location Choices of Foreign Direct Investments

This paper critically examines the determinants influencing the location choices of foreign direct investments (FDI), focusing on economic, political, and financial risks. The research explores how country risks—political stability, corruption levels, and democratic accountability—affect multinational corporations' (MNCs) decisions to invest. It also investigates financial risks, particularly exchange rate volatility, and its impact on FDI, finding that higher volatility deters investment. Additionally, the paper evaluates economic risks such as inflation, GDP, and unemployment rates, revealing their dual role in both attracting and deterring FDI. Using data from various countries, the study concludes that countries with stable governments, low corruption, democratic accountability, stable exchange rates, and healthy economic indicators are more attractive to FDI. This analysis helps MNCs make informed decisions about investing in different international markets.

Human–computer pragmatics trialled: some (im)polite interactions with ChatGPT 4.0 and the ensuing implications

ABSTRACT Upon rapid evolution, ChatGPT can now generate content that is linguistically accurate and logically sound, while sidestepping ethical, social and legal concerns. This research seeks to investigate whether ChatGPT will employ different pragmatic strategies in its responses to (im)polite questions. In our experiment, this AI-powered tool was instructed to answer 200 self-made questions over four (im)politeness levels, and the 200 responses were collected to go through linguistic and sentiment analysis. Triangulated data, together with typical examples, show that ChatGPT tends to give shorter and less positive answers to less polite questions, appearing to be less responsive when confronted with more blunt and offensive inquiries. This, to some extent, resembles how human beings react when treated impolitely. A tentative explanation may be that, given its nature as a large language model, ChatGPT mirrors human interaction in various scenarios, and draws on prevalent human communication tendencies. Thus, interacting with ChatGPT is more of a human-society interaction than human-machine communication in the real sense. Our research sheds light on the coined “human-machine pragmatics”, i.e. how humans can best communicate with computers for the best informative and affective outcomes. The implications for language education are also discussed in the end.

Measures to Reduce the Discharge of tire Wear into the Environment

The environmental impact of tire wear emissions has become increasingly apparent, and efforts to reduce their impact on the environment are on the rise. To minimise the generation of tire wear, it is essential to consider the influencing factors. However, as it cannot be entirely prevented, measures to reduce immissions are also necessary. This paper summarises possible measures derived from the literature, stakeholder workshops, and the authors’ own conclusions, taking into account the different perspectives: tire, vehicle, road, sustainable mobility and emissions treatment. The presentation of the entry paths of tire wear into the environment and the hotspots of generation can be used to prioritise reduction measures. Measures should be implemented at a political level, technical solutions applied, and awareness raised among the general public. It is evident that reducing tire wear is a complex task that requires a transdisciplinary approach.

Mechanisms for Socio-Political Cohesion and National Development in Post-Civil War Nigeria

The focus of this study is on Nigeria's post-civil war socio-political cohesion status at the political, economic, and social levels. It examines what the Nigerian government has done to enhance the necessary blending of political forces and ideologies of the greatest number of citizens, and how far they have gone in stabilizing the country in the 21st century. The study adopts the qualitative descriptive historical research method using the primary and secondary sources of data collection to arrive at its findings. It has also adopted the same descriptive and historical form in the presentation of the facts from oral interviews, journal articles, books and other secondary sources that have been consulted. The study ended with a short conclusion that leads the reader to recommendations on how the Nigerian state can achieve balance in its match to an enduring socio-political cohesion for national development.

Explaining differences in policy learning in the EU "Fit for 55” climate policy package

AbstractThrough learning, policy actors can maintain, reinforce, or revise their beliefs and positions about the design and outcomes of policies. This paper critically analyzes factors influencing policy learning by comparing policy processes of two EU laws of the recent “Fit for 55” climate package: (i) revised provisions on increasing energy efficiency in companies included in the recast Energy Efficiency Directive and (ii) the new FuelEU Maritime regulation provided for decarbonizing maritime shipping. Learning across coalitions with competing beliefs was encountered in the first case but not in the other despite similar institutional settings. The difference is attributed to a more politicized debate on decarbonizing shipping, leading to consensus through bargaining instead of deliberation, and a circumscribed leader of one coalition, with a less flexible negotiation mandate. The paper adds to the theory on policy learning, suggesting that levels of politicization and polarization, as well as the mandates of the coalition leaders, influence cross‐coalition learning.

Gender Perspectives on Political Awareness and Participation in the Digital Era

This study is a crucial element of a broader initiative to evaluate political participation and awareness among university students. It was a mixed-method study comprising a survey to examine the political awareness and participation levels and a semi-structured interview to examine gender differences. The article outlines the gender differences in political awareness and political participation and the reasons for them, according to respondents. The results showcase that there was a significant gender difference in political awareness ( t = 1.976, p < .05) and political participation ( t = 4.575, p < .005). Analysis of the interviews revealed barriers to women’s political awareness and participation. The study addresses the gender difference and barriers and recommends strategies to overcome those barriers.

Primary Healthcare Case Management Nurses and Assistance Provided to Chronic Patients: A Narrative Review.

Population aging is causing increases in the numbers of chronic diseases, with the consequent need for changes in health systems to better assist patients with chronic conditions. A narrative review was conducted in this study with the objective of analysing the scientific evidence on the care and assistance provided by Case Management Nurses (CMNs) to chronic patients in primary healthcare. A total of 15 articles published in English, Spanish, and Portuguese were selected in the following databases: PubMed, Embase, Cochrane Library, Scopus, Dialnet, Cinahl, and Web of Science. In total, 46.6% of the studies showed the assistance provided by CMNs for chronic pathologies. Most of the articles selected (80%) considered that the assistance offered by case management nurses in relation to chronic diseases is effective, enabling cost reductions, which supposes benefits at the economic and political levels. It was concluded that CMNs have proven to be efficient in caring for people with chronic diseases, improving the quality of life of these people and their caregivers; therefore, they have a fundamental role in the PHC.

Pengaruh Media Sosial Terhadap Partisipasi Politik Masyarakat Kampus

The use of social media has become an integral part of everyday life, including in people's political participation. Campus community political participation is greatly influenced by social media. Social media such as Facebook, Instagram, and WhatsApp have a significant impact on political engagement. People use social media as a political campaign tool, as well as a means of communicating and obtaining political information that is fast, accurate and reliable. This research aims to determine the influence of social media on political participation in campus communities. The method used is descriptive qualitative. The data collection method was carried out by interviewing students. Participants in this research were PPI FUSI UINSU students using structured interviews conducted with 30 PPI FUSI UINSU students. Data is collected and analyzed to identify levels of media use, participation and politics. The research results show that social media is very important for citizen participation, especially the community. The role of social media as a medium for information about politics is quite large. Social media as a communication tool for seeking political information, social media has positive and negative impacts on the political participation of campus communities, especially in increasing political awareness and participation through online information and discussions and the spread of hoax news. With easy access and fast dissemination of information, social media allows students to more easily engage in political discussions, express opinions, and gather support for various issues. Apart from that, social media also helps in mass mobilization to attend demonstrations, elections and other political events. Social media has an important role in increasing the political participation of students in the Fusion Islamic Education Study Program at UIN North Sumatra. As a result, political participation among students has become more active and dynamic, creating a younger generation who is more aware and critical of developing political issues.

An Unprecedented Effort After Two Thousand Years

From November 7-10, 1992, the first Ashwamedh Yagya under the Dev Sanskriti Digvijay Campaign of the All World Gayatri Pariwar was held in Jaipur, Rajasthan. During that period, the entire November 1992 issue of Akhand Jyoti magazine was dedicated to the 'Ashwamedh Yagya.' This special edition is a book in itself, which clarifies misconceptions from the medieval period based on scriptures and reveals the true purpose and objectives of the Ashwamedh Yagya. An article from this special edition, "An Unprecedented Effort After Two Thousand Years," is being reprinted here. The rise of divinity in humans and the reconstruction of the nation is the core objective of Vedic culture, Indian culture, and Dev culture. This process is accomplished through a successful Ashwamedh. To realize the dream of Pt. Shriram Sharma Acharya, the founder of the All World Gayatri Pariwar, of the rise of divinity in humans, the founder of the Gayatri Pariwar, Mata Bhagwati Devi Sharma, under her guidance, initiated the Dev Sanskriti Digvijay Ashwamedhik Campaign and resolved to conduct 108 Ashwamedh Mahayagyas. Under this campaign, 47 Ashwamedhs have been completed so far. According to historian Bronske, the Ashwamedh ritual was not a political conquest campaign but a cultural conquest campaign. The purpose of these great Yagyas was to awaken faith in national deities and life values, to teach ways of living. These efforts for cultural unity made the nation strong, capable, and steadfast at the political, geographical, and emotional levels. The Shatapatha Brahmana considers the nation and Ashwamedh to be inseparable. In Indian history, many kings conducted Ashwamedh Yagyas to fulfill the above objectives. Along with the accounts of legendary kings like Rajarshi and the famous devotee Ambarish, Prithu, and others, Lord Rama, Lord Krishna, King Yudhishthira, and Janamejaya also conducted Ashwamedh Yagyas. After Janamejaya conducted the Ashwamedh, the tradition of Ashwamedh became disorganized. The consequences of this disorganization appeared as political disintegration, decline in prosperity, and deterioration of life values in the nation. Understanding the seriousness of the situation, General Pushyamitra conducted the Ashwamedh ritual in 185 BC to reorganize the nation's strength. After Pushyamitra, India's strong position continued until Agnimitra and Vasumitra. Later, in the course of time, the links were scattered, which were reorganized through the Ashwamedh effort by Emperor Chandragupta I's son and the second emperor of the Gupta dynasty, Samudragupta. The subsequent Ashwamedhs conducted by later kings were mere symbolic acts. They lacked cultural splendor, emotional breadth, and the ability to impart life wisdom to the masses. The current series of Ashwamedh Mahayagyas by the Gayatri Pariwar can be considered the first real and successful effort since Emperor Samudragupta. Through these Mahayagyas, not only will the historical events of ancient India be repeated, but their positive results will also manifest as the rise of Satyug (Golden Age), prosperity, expansion of knowledge and science, the emergence of a world nation, and the widespread realization of the idea of Vasudhaiva Kutumbakam (the world is one family).