Political Legitimacy Research Articles

The Political Legacies of Wartime Resistance: How Local Communities in Italy Keep Anti-fascist Sentiments Alive

Can past wartime experiences affect political behavior beyond those who lived through them? We argue that local experiences of armed resistance leave political legacies that “memory entrepreneurs” can translate into contemporary political action via a community-based process of intergenerational transmission consisting of three core activities – memorialization, localization, and mobilization. We empirically substantiate this argument in Italy, where an intense armed resistance movement against Nazi-Fascist forces took place in the 1940s. We combine statistical analysis of original data across Italian municipalities and within-case analysis of a purposively selected locality to show how the past impacts the present via the preservation and activation of collective memories. This study improves our understanding of the processes of long-term transmission, emphasizes armed resistance as a critical source of the long-term political legacies of war, and explores its political effects beyond electoral and party politics.

“Doing the Work of Science”: Tibetan Environmentalists and the Changing Dynamics of Ecological Conservation in China

Abstract In the context of China's “Constructing ecological civilization” initiative, Tibetan environmentalists are proactively incorporating ecological science into their wildlife conservation efforts. This ethnographic study explores the logics, rationales and motivations behind this approach among Tibetans in Qinghai province. The article contends that Tibetan environmentalists adopt ecological science to gain legibility in the eyes of both the state and the wider environmental conservation community, thereby enhancing their political legitimacy and social recognition. On one hand, this practice counters the stigmatizing narratives that depict Tibetan pastoralists as backward. By embracing scientific discourses and practices, they challenge such derogatory views and position themselves as forward-thinking conservationists. On the other hand, this strategy indirectly preserves the traditional knowledge of pastoralists. Through their involvement with ecological science, they merge traditional insights with scientific methodologies, ensuring the protection of their cultural heritage while adapting to the sociopolitical landscape of contemporary conservation dynamics in China.

The Politics of the Status Quo in Sri Lanka

Resistance to political change is a hallmark of Sri Lankan politics since the 1980s. Thus, the polity has been able to sturdily maintain the status quo. Linking contemporary politics with the political legacies of the 1980s, the article argues that by providing continuity to the 1978 constitution, Sri Lanka’s political system has become a hostage to the status quo. This is shown in the analysis of the functioning of democracy, and ethnic conflict and peace-making. The rise of illiberal democracy is traced to the present constitution and the centralizing tendencies of the J.R. Jayewardene regime. While some successive power-crazed leaders have nurtured illiberalism, others have undertaken a limited constitutional reform. Yet, none of them have rejected illiberalism altogether and shown commitment to a liberal constitutional order. Likewise, the debate on political solution is centred on the 13th Amendment to the Sri Lankan Constitution. Both the government and opposition leaders have a shared interest in failing every peace initiative and denying a permanent political solution. Together they form a barrier to comprehensive political reform in the country.

The Tyrants’ Cousins. Ruling Practices and Political Concepts between Anatolia and Early Greece

Summary This paper addresses the vexed question of the origins and nature of archaic Greek tyranny by focusing on the conceptual roots of the phenomenon, namely by investigating the political significance and implications of the Luwian notion of tarrawanni-, ‘just, justice,’ the term from which Greek tyrannos is believed to derive. Firstly, the paper shows how both Neo-Hittite and early Greek societies display a similar attitude towards justice as a key element for political legitimation. After concluding, however, that this commonality is not enough to explain why the Greeks borrowed the concept of tarrawanni- as tyrannos, the paper moves on to examining what specific way of doing politics is captured by the two concepts, arguing that they identify a type of political actor that exercises supreme powers independently of any kind of institutional arrangement. Finally, the paper discusses reasons, modalities, contexts, and timing of the transmission of Luwian tarrawanni- into Greek.

Proletarian Internationalism in the Contemporary Women’s Movement: A Perspective from India

This article discusses the influence of internationalist perspectives on the women’s movement in India. It provides a history of anti-imperialist feminism in general but focuses on some of the major women’s organizations in India. The aim is to trace the legacy of anti-imperialist feminist politics as a response to the strategies of Western imperialist powers to counter the influence of radical and socialist politics, particularly after the Russian Revolution. The article also documents women’s participation in radical and socialist struggles for independence and social transformation, which received strong political support from the Soviet Union in the postwar period and extends the analysis to the period of neoliberalism and the structural adjustment policies imposed on the South.

Wartime service provision and post-conflict state legitimacy: Perception-based foundation of sustainable development in Northwestern Pakistan

Promoting a peaceful environment is integral for socioeconomic reconstruction in conflict-affected societies. However, the absence of violence does not immediately result in national endeavors for development because a post-conflict state often lacks a popular base of state legitimacy owing to the wartime fragmentation of socio-political groups. Implementing a questionnaire survey in northwestern tribal areas in Pakistan, specifically the former Federally Administered Tribal Areas, this study explores how and why state legitimacy rises and declines as a result of wartime interactions between political actors and civilians. Empirical analyses of novel survey data reveal that wartime service provision is associated with post-conflict sustainable development regarding the civilian perception of legitimacy of the state. State legitimacy is strongly perceived by civilians who have received public services from the state and weakly by those who have been exposed to rebel services. We further disaggregate wartime service provision to explore the influence of providers and variety/types of services. The results indicate that the provision of a wider variety of wartime services impresses upon civilians’ perceived legitimacy; furthermore, while the delivery of basic and extra services beyond justice and security is associated with state legitimacy, the impact is conditional on service providers. State legitimacy has an important role in political stability and national collectivity needed for post-conflict sustainable development. As wartime civil–military relations persistently influence civilians’ perception of political legitimacy, post-conflict reconstruction needs to take locals’ experiences into consideration so that the development initiatives can be legitimate and sustainable.

State and politics in the transitional era of globalization: Twisting and turning toward authoritarian and hybrid regimes

AbstractBeyond its discontented thesis, globalization has had a difficult time in the last few years, owing to the global financial crises of 2008–2009 when its vacuous premises and promises were widely contested for being an unfair deal. The recent rise of nationalist and populist movements across the West and the East, boosted by the COVID‐19 pandemic, now threatens its survival. However, globalization experts are largely divided in charting its future; while some predict the demise of the existing world order, others believe globalization will continue with some restructuring. By analyzing the global political dynamics and reviewing political and scholarly news and views, we argue that globalization is currently undergoing a transitional era with a new paradox—one characterized by the emergence of a multipolar world but with local identity and tradition‐based politics. The upshot is that the state with the border is re‐emerging alongside authoritarian and hybrid regimes.Related ArticlesKane, John, and Haig Patapan. 2010. “Recovering Justice: Political Legitimacy Reconsidered.” Politics & Policy 38(3): 589–610. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1747‐1346.2010.00250.x.Quinn, Adam. 2007. “The Great Illusion: Chimeras of Isolationism and Realism in Post‐Iraq U.S. Foreign Policy.” Politics & Policy 35(3): 522–47. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1747‐1346.2007.00071.x.Zaidi, Syed Muhammad Saad. 2021. “American Global Supremacy Under Threat? The Chinese Factor.” Politics & Policy 49(2): 502–28. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12402.

Liberal legitimacy in global politics: Navigating toleration and cooperation.

Liberal legitimacy in global politics: Navigating toleration and cooperation.

Penal state power in Latin America: Cases, concepts and questions for the political sociology of penality

AbstractExamining penality across different regions and periods of time allows us to develop both a robust empirical imaginary and conceptual understanding of the commonalities and variation in how penal state power operates. In this article I elaborate key dimensions of penality in contemporary Latin America. Since the late 20th century, Latin American countries have undergone economic and political transformations with profound effects for the organization of their societies and the features and implications of penal state power. First, I situate research on penal state practices in Latin American countries within the broader dynamics of violence and social conflict across the region. Second, I review scholarship on the relationship between the features of penal state policies and reform in the region and the transformative, procedural and cultural dimensions of democracy. Third, I describe initiatives to expand state capacities to incarcerate criminalized people at an unprecedented scale and clarify the relationship of carceral administration to social order and political legitimacy across Latin America. I then conclude by elaborating how penality in Latin America contributes to our broader understanding of the relationship between penal power, state authority, and inequality; and I highlight three lines of inquiry for future research.

POLITICAL STRUCTURE AND TYPOLOGY OF RUSSIAN EMIGRATION

The purpose of the research. One of the issues relevant to political history is the study of the political legacy of post-revolutionary Russian emigration. The purpose of the study is a theoretical and legal understanding of the political structure of Russian emigration. This is necessary because scientific research on citizens who left Russia after the revolutionary events of 1917 has not been fully studied and is often presented in a distorted form. The modern development of historical and political knowledge reveals not only the need for a deep comprehension of scientific research on the issues raised by Russian emigration, but also a traceable reception within the framework of the evolution of political changes. Conclusions. As a result of the research, the author believes that addressing the issue of studying the evolution of the political structure of the heritage of Russian emigration is justified and relevant. The role and importance of the cultural and political heritage of Russian emigrants has been evaluated and studied ambiguously by researchers. The analysis of the historiography of the issue, the allocation of periods of political transformation of post-revolutionary emigration made it possible for the author to identify the main characteristics of three periods of the evolution of cultural heritage and the structuring of political institutions in relation to a certain segment of the population, namely, Russian emigration.

Political trust and legitimacy crisis in the age of COVID-19: an assessment of the EndSARS protest in Nigeria

The article examined the manifestations of political trust deficits associated with people's response to policy choices of Nigeria's government during the COVID-19 pandemic. Like many other states, the African states and particularly the Nigerian government adopted WHO-recommended containment measures to limit the spread of the virus and the associated catastrophe. These measures included lockdowns, shutdowns, social distancing, and personal hygiene among other preventive procedures. Even though the pandemic was relatively less endemic in Africa, as per official statistics, African states swiftly implemented the WHO containment measures, which impacted negatively on the livelihood of the average household, who depends on daily incomes for survival. The worsening living condition caused by the containment measures expectedly deepened resentment against governments in Africa with already poor records of public service delivery, accountability, transparency, and human rights. Nigeria was one of the African countries that experienced citizens' backlash and violent outrage against government policy choices during the COVID-19. Under the guise fighting police brutality, youths staged mass anti-government protests that transformed into large scale violence, particularly in the southern parts of the country otherwise known as the “EndSARS Protests.” The protests were conceived against police brutality in the enforcement of COVID-19 measures. This article examined the outbreak of EndSARS protests as a transformation of the deepening of political trust deficits in age of COVID-19. It adopted qualitative approach using documentary evidence such as newspaper reports and official documents as instruments of data collection. The Institutional Performance Theory guided the article. The theory assumes that the actual performance of government determines citizens' level of trust and confidence in public institutions. The article found that perennial government inefficiency, limited accountability and transparency as well as poor human rights records of the government and its agencies, particularly the police exacerbated an already existing political trust deficits amongst the people in Nigeria. This was manifested in the outburst of a large-scale violent outrage by the youths as protest to the government containment measures and widespread dysfunctional governmental institutions and particularly police brutality. The article concluded that building trust is particularly important for governments, as this can be achieved through output sense, the provision of public goods, or social support.

Public attitudes towards government’s role in unemployment provision in three East Asian countries

ABSTRACT Public support for unemployment provision is essential to provide political legitimacy for welfare policy arrangements and yet it is understudied in East Asian welfare states. In contrast with the proposed unfavourable attitudes towards welfare among East Asian countries from the developmental/productivist perspectives, the study suggests socio-demographic and ideological differences in public attitudes towards the role of government in unemployment provision within and across Japan, (South) Korea, and Taiwan, which differ in welfare production regime and extent of labour market dualization. Data from the 2016 Role of Government V survey of the International Social Survey Programme (ISSP) was analysed. Findings revealed lower levels of public support for unemployment provision in large firm-oriented welfare production regimes like Japan and Korea, though in which labour market outsiders such as women, younger people, and unemployed workers were more supportive than their counterparts. Despite cross-national attitudinal differences, higher levels of support were consistently found in the lowest-income groups across three East Asian countries. The study provides new evidence of diverse patterns of welfare attitudes regarding unemployment provision in the East Asian welfare regimes. It also presents the need of (un)employment protection among labour market outsiders and low-income groups within these countries.

The Role of Legitimate Politics in Achieving Social Security (an Applied Study on Family Reform Bureaus in Jordan)

The Role of Legitimate Politics in Achieving Social Security (an Applied Study on Family Reform Bureaus in Jordan)

Application of the Naive Bayes Algorithm in Twitter Sentiment Analysis of 2024 Vice Presidential Candidate Gibran Rakabuming Raka using Rapidminer

In the current era of digital democracy, social media sentiment analysis has become a relevant method for understanding public views of political figures. As one of the leading social media platforms, Twitter provides a public space for sharing opinions and expressions regarding political issues. This research aims to classify and measure the accuracy of people's responses to the positive and negative sides. Sentiment analysis was carried out using the Naïve Bayes method using a dataset of 3223 tweets. The final results of this research show that implementing the Naïve Bayes Method in sentiment analysis regarding political dynasty polemics, especially regarding the 2024 Cawapres Gibran Rakabuming Raka, provides an accuracy value of 82.19%. Of the 1696 negative and 112 positive sentiments predicted, there were 462 harmful and 953 positive predicted data. These results indicate that most public responses tend to be detrimental to the Constitutional Court's (MK) decision, which grants political legitimacy to Gibran Rakabuming Raka as the 2024 vice-presidential candidate.

The Features of René Lévesque’s Political Discourse in the Context of the Struggle for Quebec Identity

This article considers the political discourse of René Lévesque (1922–1987) in the context of his fight for Quebec identity. In our opinion, he was the most brilliant Quebec leader during the second half of the twentieth century. A selection of his public speeches and most notable interviews from the work La voix de René Lévesque (Québec 2002) were used as the source material for analysis. As a media and mass communication researcher, the author does not aspire solely to linguistic analysis. We consider René Lévesque’s political discourse in view of his ability to communicate with different audiences supporting Quebec identity. It was therefore vital to determine who these target audiences were and highlight the principal methods employed by Lévesque to influence them. The speeches of Lévesque the politician reflect his experience as a TV journalist (the habit of presenting information in spoken, rather than in written, form), and this is where some of its “coarseness” – the repetition of individual words and phrases, the use of interjections, the absence of stylistic excesses, etc. – comes from. One of the conclusions made is that all of Lévesque’s public speeches demonstrate, step by step, his consistent programme for preserving Quebec identity in its English environment (the change of self-designation into “Québécois (Quebecers)”; the proclamation of French as the only language of the province; the attempt to secure the support of France, its former metropole; referendum on province independence; declining the federal offer to sign “patriated” Canadian Constitution without recognizing Quebec as “a distinct society” and others). However, Prime Minister Pierre Trudeau, his federal opponent, considered René Lévesque an ambitious person, who wanted to split united Canada. Unfortunately, La voix de René Lévesque did not include the internal Parti Québécois discussions on the province’s independence, which were the reason he abandoned the Parti Québécois and his post of Prime Minister of Quebec. The author argues that political discourse of René Lévesque was a form of social action, which served as a prerequisite for recognizing the Parti Québécois Nation by the Parliament of Canada in 2006. Today, the Parti Québécois continues to successfully build on and develop René Lévesque’s political legacy, and the issue of Quebec’s independence is still on its agenda. The research shows that further research is needed on the political discourse of the leaders of small nations, people like René Lévesque. The context of the modern world gives us many other similar regional situations.Transl.: Ovcharenko E. F. 2022. The Features of René Lévesque’s Political Discourse in the Context of the Struggle for Quebec Identity. Linguistics & Polyglot Studies. 8(2). P. 112–125. DOI: https://doi.org/10.24833/2410-2423-2022-2-31-112-125

Religion and authoritarianism in the Maldives: Is another authoritarian reversal in the Maldives imminent?

AbstractThe Maldives commenced its transition to democracy after its first multiparty elections in 2008. This was challenging due to the Maldives being a Muslim nation, its authoritarian legacy of monarchical rule before independence, and by dictatorship after independence. This article analyzes the postindependence rule periods of Ibrahim Nasir and Maumoom Abdul Gayoom, which were akin to one‐man dictatorships. The third autocratic president postindependence, Abdulla Yameen, was an electoral authoritarian as he implemented authoritarian measures in a multi‐party context. I assess if religion provided political legitimacy to these authoritarian leaders or if religion was exploited by leaders to gain political support and civic spaces. Theories of authoritarianism, religious populism, electoral authoritarianism, as well as concepts of the ulema‐state alliance and the rentier state are utilized. In addition to their authoritarian legacy, democratic presidents like Mohamed Nasheed and Mohamed Solih had grappled with politicians' manipulation of religion through political Islam, Islamic nationalism, and fundamentalism to derail democracy by equating it to Westernization. These events resonate with Samuel Huntington's description of the conflict between the West and Islam as a clash of civilizations. Crimes against liberal thinkers by Islamic extremists are an added challenge. There is a real danger of another authoritarian reversal in the Maldives.

Legitimacy Politics: Elite Communication and Public Opinion in Global Governance by Lisa Dellmuth and Jonas Tallberg

Legitimacy Politics: Elite Communication and Public Opinion in Global Governance <i>by Lisa Dellmuth and Jonas Tallberg</i>

Introduction to the special issue: Authoritarianism and religion in South Asia: Trends and twists

AbstractReligious sentiments have become a potent tool for political elites, altering national identities and citizenship criteria. This manipulation, driven by majoritarian ideologies, has marginalized religious minorities, leading to discrimination, violence, and legal persecution against them. Hindu, Islamic, and Buddhist nationalisms seem to collectively erode secular democracy in South Asia. Moreover, right‐wing populist leaders, notably Modi in India and the Rajapaksas in Sri Lanka, have merged religious nationalism with authoritarian political orientations posing a challenge to democratic foundations and impacting significantly on the dynamics of state and societal relations. This is the context in which this World Affairs 2024 special issue delves into the relationship(s) between religion, politics, and authoritarianism in the South Asian region. It examines the evolving “religion‐politics” nexus or “complex” to explicate the relationship between religion and authoritarianism, particularly with respect to authoritarian governments mobilizing religion as a readily available resource for popular political mobilization, legitimization, and power consolidation. India's BJP employs Hindutva ideology to marginalize minorities, Bangladesh's regime uses Islam for political legitimacy, and Sri Lanka's Sinhala‐Buddhist nationalism fosters exclusionary policies. By fostering social and cultural polarization, this fusion of authoritarianism with religious nationalism poses a serious challenge to the secular state. The articles in this special issue explore these themes comprehensively, delving into the ideological foundations of political decisions and their consequences for marginalized communities. By shedding light on this multifaceted interplay, the collection offers valuable insights into South Asia's sociopolitical landscape, serving as a vital resource for scholars, policy makers, and global observers seeking to understand the region's complex dynamics.

The Karzai Administration: Challenges, Achievements, and Controversies

In October 2004, Karzai assumed the presidency through a constitutional mandate, raising hopes for political stability, ethnic reconciliation, and effective governance. However, his tenure was marred by entrenched political rivalries, ethnic tensions, governance challenges, military escalations, and rampant corruption, which overshadowed his ability to fulfill the promises of his presidency. This article aims to analyze the political legacy of Hamid Karzai's thirteen-year rule, shedding light on his governance approach and unmet commitments. Despite initial expectations of strong leadership, Karzai's tenure was marked by persistent political discord, ethnic fragmentation, and governance deficiencies. While his presidency achieved significant milestones, such as constitutional reforms and electoral processes, it fell short in addressing systemic issues, including corruption and security concerns. Through an examination of Karzai's political trajectory, this article seeks to illuminate the complexities of governing Afghanistan amidst formidable challenges, ultimately evaluating the effectiveness of his leadership during a tumultuous era of transition and turmoil.

The future of Afghanistan under Taliban-led regime: challenges and likely scenarios

Since the takeover of the Afghan Taliban, there has been a lack of cohesion on the internal and external front and critical issues, including international recognition, the question of ethnicity, inclusive government, human rights, internal and external security, economy, and regional implication of the security and insecurity. Therefore, this paper aims to explore the likely challenges for the Taliban government in Afghanistan. Being the centre stage of the regional security complex and the diverse ethnic composition, Afghanistan remains an active ground for various fundamental ideologies. The Tehreek Taliban Pakistan (TTP) elements are freely roaming in Afghanistan, along with the news that the Islamic State of Khorasan (ISK) has regrouped itself in various parts of Afghanistan. The questions of terrorist groups are a major concern for the world and the neighbouring states of Afghanistan. Political legitimacy and international recognition are significant challenges for the Taliban regime. Similarly, economic problems and human rights violations are also critical challenges for the Taliban regime. Maintaining good relations with neighbouring states is crucial in ending the diplomatic isolation of the Taliban regime. All these are essential questions for the Taliban regime and the world, and this study has attempted to investigate and analyse possible solutions.