Political Interests Research Articles

FROM MARGINS TO MAINSTREAM: EVALUATING WOMEN'S ROLE IN GOVERNANCE

This study explores the impact of women's empowerment on their participation in governance, examining the multifaceted barriers that hinder political engagement. Through qualitative methods, including case studies and focus group discussions, the research captures the experiences of women who have navigated these challenges. The findings reveal that cultural norms, economic limitations, and institutional inadequacies significantly affect women's political involvement. Empowerment initiatives, such as educational programs and supportive networks, were found to enhance women's confidence and motivation to participate in governance. The study emphasizes the need for targeted public policies, including gender quotas and mentorship programs, to create an inclusive political environment. Ultimately, the research highlights that fostering women's empowerment is crucial for ensuring diverse representation and improving the effectiveness of governance, contributing to more equitable decision-making processes in society.

Who thinks ideologically about welfare state reform? Partisanship and attitude consistency in politicians’ and mass public perceptions about the consequences of welfare service privatization in Sweden

When studying attitudes toward the welfare state or evaluations of welfare reforms, research has tended to focus on what people think rather than how they think about specific issues. Moreover, the effects of the mobilizing efforts of political parties on attitudes and belief systems are often theorized separately from the normative institutional feedback effects common to the welfare state literature. In this paper, I propose that elite political rhetoric and institutional norms may exert dual pressures leading to partisan differences in the propensity to think ideologically among the mass public, defined as a positive relationship between holding internally consistent attitudes and taking a partisan issue position. Drawing on the case of welfare service privatization in Sweden, I point out how the rhetoric of the right – emphasizing choice and private property – frequently contradicts norms about universality long espoused by the Swedish welfare state, while the rhetoric of the left – emphasizing equality of access and outcomes – is better aligned with such institutional norms. The analysis of survey data demonstrated that centre-right sympathizers, the prime receivers of conflicting elite versus institutional messages, frequently took a middling position, being neither positive nor negative, to the consequences of welfare service privatization, and that, unlike centre-right politicians and sympathizers and politicians of left parties, this position did not differ according to attitude consistency. Furthermore, political interest enhanced this relationship among right sympathizers but was of little consequence to left sympathizers, implying that in the case of a conflict between institutional norms and political rhetoric, only the most attentive sympathizers are likely to engage in ideological thinking on the basis of partisanship.

Psychosocial stress and working conditions of nursing home staff in Covid-19 pandemic: A cross-sectional study

Psychosocial stress and working conditions of nursing home staff in Covid-19 pandemic: A cross-sectional study Abstract: Background: With the onset of the Covid-19 pandemic in March 2020 there were numerous changes in the daily professional lives of healthcare professionals. Aim: Since the focus has been mainly on hospital staff so far, it is also important to watch the care situation in old people's and nursing homes. This study aimed to investigate the impact of the Covid-19 pandemic on the daily professional life, the psychosocial situation and the interpersonal relationships of nursing staff in old people's and nursing homes in Brandenburg. Methods: Cross-sectional survey of nursing staff from old people's and nursing homes in Brandenburg in the period from August to December 2020. The questionnaires were analysed using descriptive statistics and qualitative thematic analysis. Results: On the one hand, the increased workload with more difficult working conditions due to Covid-19 hygiene measures or increased working hours led to physical and psychosocial stress. In private life, increased social isolation was evident and changes in interpersonal relationships were stressful. On the other hand, the participants reported recognition and increased professional political interest. Conclusions: The Covid 19 pandemic highlighted pre-existing pressures on caregivers. In the future, it is important to improve the known workloads for nursing staff in old people's and nursing homes and to work out measures to counteract an increase of stress in situations like the pandemic.

Analyzing Pakistan’s national curriculum textbooks in religious-based construction and demonisation of ‘other’ for high schools

ABSTRACT This study analysis the role of Pakistan’s National Curriculum textbooks in normalising religious-based construction and demonisation of the ‘other’. Specifically, it examines textbooks issued by Federal Textbook Board for high school students using thematic content analysis. The research aims to investigate the portrayal of religious-based construction and demonisation of the ‘other’ in sample textbooks projected ‘legitimate knowledge’ across various subjects. In addition, it also analyzes that how the textbooks deviate from their supposed educational purpose to serve the vested interested of the ruling elites. The analysis employs a theoretical framework based on Apple’s concept of ‘legitimate knowledge’, and N. Kalyvas and Frankfurter’s notion of the ‘normalisation of violence’ as both a process and an outcome. By employing this theoretical framework, the study reveals that the presentation of ‘legitimate knowledge’ in textbooks plays a crucial role in normalising religious-based construction and demonisation of the ‘other’ by depicting them as enemies, spies, cruel, uncivilised, hypocritical, and deserving severe punishment. Furthermore, the textbooks construct binary structures such as ‘Believers/Muslims vs. Non-believers/non-Muslims’, portraying various groups in a hostile manner. The analysis also sheds light on the factors influencing the textbooks’ role, which primarily serves the strategic and political interests of the Pakistani state, particularly during post-9/11 which significantly contributed to regional violence.

Analisis Hukum Terhadap Putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi Nomor 90/Puu-XXI/2023 Pasal 169 Huruf Q UU 7 Tahun 2017 Tentang Pemilu

This thesis presents an in-depth legal analysis of the Constitutional Court (MK) Decision Number 90/PUU-XXI/2023 relating to the age requirements for presidential and vice presidential candidates as stipulated in Article 169 letter q of the Election Law. This study uses a normative legal method, in critically evaluating the legal standing of the applicant who questions the provisions of the article and the fairness of the decision that has been taken. Prior to the Constitutional Court's decision, the law required presidential and vice presidential candidates to be at least 40 years old. However, since this decision, the law has reinterpreted the age requirement not only as a minimum age of 40 years but also to include anyone who has or is currently holding a regional head position elected through general elections. This interpretation potentially expands the criteria in the election law. This decision also marks a significant shift in the role of the Constitutional Court from negative legislature to positive legislature, where previously the Constitutional Court only assessed the constitutionality of existing regulations without changing the substance of the law, the court actively formulated and determined new legal norms through its interpretation. This change not only opens up space for qualified candidates, but also sparks debate about the extent to which the Constitutional Court should be involved in the formation of public policy. As well as questioning the division of powers stated in the 1945 Constitution between the legislative, judiciary and executive within the framework of the Indonesian rule of law which has been the subject of criticism because it is considered to accommodate political interests more than legal interests

Implementation of Policies in Career Development of PNS in West Sumbawa District, West Nusa Tenggara Province Based on Law Number 5 of 2014

This research aims to analyze policy implementation in career development for civil servants in West Sumbawa Regency, West Nusa Tenggara Province. Based on Law Number 5 of 2014, the research method used is an empirical research method with a statutory study approach and a conceptual and sociological approach. The data analysis used is the method of statutory interpretation and authentic interpretation, as well as field data. The results of this research are expected. The specific target to be achieved is the protection of the rights of civil servants in career development so that they become independent and professional civil servants and free from the influence of political interests. As mandated in Law Number 5 of 2014, civil servants must be neutral. Supervision carried out by the State Civil Apparatus Commission (KASN) is carried out continuously in stages. Therefore, KASN must be present in every provincial capital to reduce injustice towards ASN in districts/cities.

Sino-Russian energy cooperation in the post-Cold War (2000-2021)

This article aims to analyze Sino-Russian energy cooperation. Energy cooperation is the cornerstone in the relations between Russia and China. The Russian interest in this cooperation is to assure demand for the country’s energy exports, to acquire investment capital, and to benefit from Chinese labour. On the Chinese side, the aim has been to obtain access to Russian natural resources and to invest surplus capital. Despite the overlap in supply and demand, as well as the geographical proximity, the Russian energy market is directed towards Europe, while Chinese energy demand primarily is covered by the Middle East and Central Asia. The need for energy diversification has changed this situation and spurred Sino-Russian cooperation. The article is structured in three parts: it first presents Sino-Russian energy trade, secondly, it treats the agreements signed between both countries, and finally, it analyses energy cooperation. We concluded that this cooperation tends to endure due to the energy-related ties formed as part of the long-term agreements and construction of infrastructure. Also, that this cooperation is of a strategic nature for both countries, as it offers an alternative to other energy relations and provides the necessary room of maneuver to defend central political and security-related interests.

Navigating the Nexus of Bioethics and Geopolitics: Implications for Global Health Security and Scientific Collaboration.

Bioethics plays a pivotal role in guiding ethical decision-making within the realm of medical research and healthcare. However, the influence of geopolitics on bioethical considerations, particularly regarding bioweapons research, remains an underexplored area. This study delves into the uncharted territory of how international political interests can intersect with bioethical principles, potentially shaping collaborative efforts and global health policies related to bioweapons research. Through a hypothetical scenario involving a hypothetical pathogen, a collaborative effort between unspecified countries, we examine the implications of such cooperation on global health governance, with a specific focus on bioweapons research. Ethical dilemmas surrounding responsible research, potential risks and benefits, equitable distribution of findings, and biosafety measures are explored. This analysis underscores the importance of transparent and responsible practices in bioweapons research amidst geopolitical tensions. By striking a balance between national interests and international solidarity, we advocate for robust bioethical frameworks to navigate such collaborations for the collective well-being of humanity and to mitigate potential risks associated with bioweapons research.

Unwilling allies: the USSR, the Communist Party of Argentina, and the military dictatorship in Argentina, 1976–1983

The author of this article aims to explore the complex and contradictory relationship between the Communist Party of Argentina, the Soviet Union, and the military regime in Argentina between 1976 and 1983. It was a period of right-wing military dictatorship domination in the region, characterised by outright terrorist policies against left-wing forces, mass violations of human rights, which put the International Communist Movement in an ambiguous position due to the USSR’s close cooperation with the Argentine military junta. A unique situation of mutual interest between Soviet foreign policy and the military dictatorship developed in the USSR’s relations with the military regime in Argentina. The most important factor in this contradictory situation was the position of the Communist Party of Argentina, supported by the CPSU, on co-operation with a regime that other communist parties and leftist forces qualified as fascist, ultra-reactionary, and anti-communist. The USSR found moral and political justification for its cooperation with the Argentine regime in the policies of local communists who supported the regime, justifying its repression of leftist radical movements, especially the Montoneros. The Argentine Communist Party justified its policy by referring to the junta’s growing cooperation with the USSR. The article explores the reasons for this policy of the Communist Party, which caused tension in the international communist movement and the subsequent isolation of the Argentinian Communist Party. The specific political interests of the USSR were supported by the Argentine communists, who, in turn, saw in them a guarantee of their interests in the conditions of the harsh right-wing military regime in the country. For the first time in historiography, this paper, drawing on records from the archive of the CPSU Central Committee, documents the complex process of reconciling the USSR’s economic and political interests in Argentina during this difficult period of the Cold War.

Initiating the Reform of Principle Norms in the Formation of Laws in Indonesia

The formation of responsive laws is an ideal form and a must in a country that adheres to democracy, the involvement of the community in the formation of laws and regulations is a form of implementation of democracy and popular sovereignty, so far the principles of the Formation of Legislation are regulated in Article 5 of Law Number 12 of 2011, but these principles are still formally operational and are considered unable to provide space for the community in conveying input that needs to be fulfilled in the mechanism of forming laws, so there needs to be an update on the principles of its formation. This research aims to find out how the idea of updating the norms of principles in the formation of laws in the future, the method in research uses legal research methods through approaches, data analysis is descriptive qualitative statute approach, conceptual approach, and case approach. the results of the study show that the formation of laws and regulations must certainly begin with a response to the existence of a legal problem that develops in society and there must be a regulatory solution, so that the formation of laws and regulations is not always based on political interests, certain groups or other interests, it is to avoid overregulation. The concept of responsiveness becomes urgent to be prioritized as a new norm of principles in the formation of good laws and regulations, because it can provide a two-way space between the legislator and the public quickly. the concept of responsiveness becomes a new idea in the new norm of the principles of good law formation, which has the character of strengthening the root foundation of the principle of openness and as a supporter (supporting) to the provisions of Article 96 Law Number 13 of 2022 concerning the Second Amendment to Law Number 12 of 2011 concerning the Formation of Legislative Regulations.

Thinking the Other: From Terra Australis Incognita to Terra Nullius

At the end of the 18th century, when Sir Joseph Banks, president of the Royal Society, recommended Botany Bay in Australia as an “advantageous” site to establish a new British penal colony, he did so with the knowledge that the east coast of the country was inhabited by Indigenous Australians, having traveled to the South Continent with Lieutenant James Cook. As a naturalist and imperial botanist on board the Endeavour, Banks’s primary duty had been to identify and classify Australian flora and fauna. Yet, the multiple observations that he made based on his interactions with Aboriginal people also contributed to establish his influence in scientific and political circles at the turn of the 19th century. Banks’s ethnographic accounts recorded in his Endeavour Journal shed light on his mind-set and convictions during his time in Australia as well as his impressions that later played their part in making him the greatest proponent of settlement in New South Wales and motivating the decision to colonize the country. In a time when exploration records significantly shaped the perceptions of the public about human nature and the beliefs and theories of the scientific community on questions of race and otherness, the writings of Joseph Banks offer a window into science and history in the making. As the scientific exploration of distant lands progressively gave way to political and economic interests, the transition from geographical othering to racial othering in the representation of Indigenous Australians turned Terra Australis Incognita into terra nullius.

Aligning adaptation and sustainability agendas: lessons from protected areas

Nations worldwide are committing to international environmental agreements and defining aspirational goals aligned with their sustainable development priorities and responsibilities. The post-2020 Global Biodiversity Framework is an example of such aspirations. Under this framework, nations aim to expand protected areas or create new ones as one way to integrate conservation and climate change agendas. However, implementing those high-level agreements does not necessarily align with local realities and dynamics. In this paper we examined the operational challenges experienced by protected areas actors to adapt conservation strategies to climate change. Based on interviews at the local level and a policy analysis, we identify adaptation narratives and explore potential mismatches in their implementation at the national and local level (protected areas) in three countries: Australia, Colombia, and South Africa. We assess how local visions and interpretations of adaptation align with high-level policies and how existing institutional arrangements facilitate or constrain the implementation of adaptation and, therefore, aspirations for long-term sustainability. We found that adaptation narratives at the local level are framed by common ideas and identities based on local relations within a territory. At the same time, existing governance arrangements and political contexts determine the feasibility of adaptation. The primary mismatches are high-level political and economic interests denoting different interpretations about the territory and of local realities, including the readiness, technical, and resource capacity of protected areas actors to implement adaptation. Place-based adaptation provides a common ground for scaling adaptation. However, scaling adaptation requires enabling institutional contexts, clear rules and policies to facilitate deliberations and coordinated responses across different actors and sectors, while guiding the uptake and integration of local needs and realities within national agendas.

Creating employment and reducing emissions: Options for South Africa

ABSTRACT South Africa faces huge challenges of poverty and unemployment, yet at the same time, needs to make a contribution to climate action. Historically, our pattern of development gave rise to the ‘minerals-energy complex’, locking us into low employment and high emissions development. It has proved difficult to change this structure, with political economy interests opposing shifts and high adjustment costs. We analyse policy instruments that can reshape the development path: reducing incentives to capital-intensive and high emissions heavy industry, ending direct and indirect support for cheap electricity, and removing fossil fuel subsidies. Industrial policy should pay attention to creating comparative advantage in more labour-demanding sectors. Agriculture can create employment, while enhancing carbon sinks. Based on our exploration of such policy instruments, we suggest that future development can align employment and mitigation objectives, seeking synergies across industrial, energy, and climate policy, while at the same time managing trade-offs.

Implications of peri-urban land reform programs on urban land markets: a case study of Harare, Zimbabwe

Zimbabwe implemented the Fast-Track Land Reform Program (FTLRP) in the year 2000. This program has had far-reaching implications on urban development, especially on urban land markets in cities and towns. This paper highlights the implications of the land reform program on urban land markets, using Harare as a case study. The paper is based on document review (policy, academic and development literature) and interviews with key informants with experience and knowledge of the land reform and its associated implications on urban land markets. Our analysis demonstrates that the land reform process in peri-urban spaces was complex and largely driven by political interests. The land reform process distorted the urban planning processes, leading to disparities in the land markets. Such disparities include informal and uncontrolled processes of accessing land and, ultimately, rapid development of informal settlements in the city. Political elites and land barons took advantage of the land reform program extorting money from desperate home-seekers. We conclude that the distortion of urban land markets by politically driven land reform processes negatively affects sustainable urban development. Overall, the paper makes a valuable contribution to the growing literature on land reforms and peri-urban development in Africa, demonstrating the complex and multidimensional implications of land reform programs on peri-urban land markets. Based on the study findings, the paper provides a set of policy recommendations aimed at improving the effectiveness and equity of land reform programs in African peri-urban areas.

Understanding Gender Inequality in Political Self-Efficacy in Early Adolescents: Different Measures, Different Gender Gaps

Research has shown a persistent gender gap in political self-efficacy across most Western countries. Nevertheless, the regularity in these findings masks the diversity in the measures used to capture this construct and little reflection has been undertaken on the extent that changing the measures has on the size and the direction of the gender gap. This article tests on students aged 14 in 38 countries using the IEA International Civic and Citizenship Education Study, the extent that self-efficacy in the domain of politics is a unidimensional measure and if different gender gaps can be found between self-efficacy measures capturing partisan politics compared to broader citizenship self-efficacy measures. The findings show that it is only partisan political self-efficacy measures where there is a significant gender gap and where girls are disadvantaged. This is the case for 37 out of 38 countries and robust when controlling for different levels of political knowledge. When a broader measure of citizenship self-efficacy is used, there are much less gender differences, and when there is a significant difference, girls outperform boys in 14 out of 38 countries. These contrary findings are similar in the same study when comparing the measures on interest in politics and interest in social issues.

Communication Skills and Empowerment of Rural Women

Objective: To determine the relationship between communication skills and the empowerment of women farmers located in the Puno region, Peru. Theoretical Framework: The theoretical basis focuses on communication skills and women's empowerment. Communication skills refer to an individual's ability to express their thoughts, needs, feelings, desires, and concerns using oral and written language, which serve as tools to facilitate interaction among participants involved in communication. Women's empowerment is the process through which women increase their capacity to shape their own lives and environments, manifested in different ways: a sense of security, economic participation, political involvement, leadership, and decision-making. Methodology: The methodology is based on a quantitative correlational research approach, with a non-experimental and cross-sectional design. The sample was census-based and consisted of 40 women leaders representing the rural communities of the Human Rights and Environment Association. Results: There is a moderately positive and significant correlation between communication skills and women's empowerment (r = 0.53), with a p-value < 0.05. This indicates that as communication skills develop, women's empowerment improves, giving them greater opportunities to participate in politics, the economy, and decision-making, which contributes to improving their family and local lifestyle.

Feminism, reproductive labour and the gendered welfare state in Britain’s National Insurance Act of 1911

Abstract In 1911, numerous women’s organizations, of varying political interests, mounted a campaign against the National Insurance Bill. Such opposition emerged despite feminist support for increased welfare provision in general and especially for the maternity benefit that the Bill proposed to introduce. Feminists criticized National Insurance for discriminating against women, especially its failure to recognize the economic contribution of women’s unwaged reproductive labour. They lobbied and campaigned for a series of amendments, some of which were successful. Feminist opposition to National Insurance sheds new light on an ongoing historiographical debate over the degree to which women were able to influence early welfare states prior to enfranchisement. Their activities cannot be easily contained within a framework of ‘maternalist feminism’, and call into question distinctions between ‘maternalist’/‘social’ feminism and ‘equality’ feminism, and middle-class and working-class women’s agendas. Instead, feminist campaigns around National Insurance reveal an early analysis of ‘social reproduction’ (the origins of which are usually traced back only to ‘second wave’ feminism) whereby British feminists participated in international conversations contesting the gendered definitions of work that went on to inform insurance-based welfare states across Europe.

Drivers of Arab Countries’ Growing Interest to the Eurasian Geopolitical Space

Facing the dynamic development of diversified contacts between Russia and the Arab world amidst the steadily increasing political and economic interest of Arab countries[1] in the Eurasian geopolitical space, an adequate assessment of the causes and the strength potential of such growth has acquired particular importance. This enables us to hedge both political and business risks by predicting scenarios for the future development, and, which is even more important, to address effectively challenges and problems. The successful implementation of the Foreign Policy Concept of the Russian Federation approved on March 31, 2023 in the medium and long terms depends on the survivability of the new paradigm of relations between Russia and the Arab countries, regardless of the anti-Russia Western sanctions. This fully correlates with Russian efforts to promote integration processes in Eurasia, primarily under the within the framework of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization as well as outside Eurasia with the involvement of big Eurasian states (India, China) and the non-Eurasian “rising powers” (Brazil, South Africa, etc.) on the BRICS platform. The comprehensive analysis of the factors which have been stimulating the interest of the Arab countries in Eurasia, complementing the already existing sporadic domestic and foreign studies, is intended to form a list of arguments in favor of proving the hypothesis of the strategic, rather than purely tactical nature of the intentions of Arab elites to cooperate with Russia and other Eurasian states. Such arguments imply among other things the common perception by Russia and the Arabs of the current historical transition from the unipolar to a multipolar world.

Canaries of Democracy: The Role of Public Libraries in Times of Political Turmoil

ABSTRACT This article reports conclusions from a three-year research project on Swedish public libraries. The focus of the project is on librarians experience of libraries mission to promote democracy when democratic norms and values are challenged politically by radical right populism. Results of a longitudinal survey point to stability and lack of political interest over time, but increased societal polarization causes several ethical dilemmas for librarians. Examples of illegitimate political influence and librarians adapting to changes in the political climate call for renewed discussions on the professional role and understandings of democracy in library practice.

Some policies matter more: party salience and interest group access to political parties in Western democracies

ABSTRACT Political parties and interest groups play important roles in incorporating societal interests into democratic decision-making. Recent studies have analysed the causes of interactions between individual political parties and interest groups and of interest groups’ choices to seek access to one or more parties. Meanwhile, we know less about why some parties grant access to a range of interest groups while others focus on a few. This article theorises about party strategies and suggests that party salience – that is parties’ emphasis on different policy areas – affects the range of interest groups to which they grant access. I combine interest group survey data from six European democracies with data from party manifestos and use regression analyses to test this hypothesis. I find that parties provide access to multiple interest groups representing various interests in legislative politics and, above all, in policy areas that are salient to them. Thus, parties are more likely to be aware of diverse interests’ perspectives on policies in areas they prioritise. The results have important implications for our understanding of the consequences of party–interest group interactions in democracies.