Political Intolerance Research Articles

Political intolerance in comprehensive welfare states: Evidence from Sweden

AbstractPrevious research has shown that comprehensive welfare states are effective at bridging ethnic divisions and promoting political tolerance of marginalized groups. Do these results hold up in the face of the great influx of migrants into European welfare states following the 2015–16 refugee crisis? In this case study of Sweden, we map the general level of political tolerance and test various individual‐level explanations for it. Based on a survey of about 3500 citizens, our results show that the level of ethnic antipathy in Sweden is low. Other groups, however—such as supporters of the Sweden Democrats, a radical‐right party—are widely disliked, as are abortion opponents and anti‐vaccinationists. The individual‐level explanations we have tested—in connection with threat perceptions, civic and political engagement, and socio‐economic factors—turn up mixed results. Our conclusion is that the results we have found reflect something of a liberal‐democratic backlash, whereupon a certain kind of political intolerance has become widespread.

Increasing Political Intolerance in Pakistan and Charter of Democracy: An Analysis

Increasing Political Intolerance in Pakistan and Charter of Democracy: An Analysis

Patterns of tolerance: how interaction culture and community relations explain political tolerance (and intolerance) in the American libertarian movement

Existing explanations of political intolerance and partisanship highlight how individuals’ ideological commitments and the homogeneity of their political environments foster intolerance toward other political groups. This article argues that cultural, interactional conditions play a crucial role in how personal and environmental factors work – or do not work – in local groups. Based on a four-year ethnographic study and 12 focus group discussions with two culturally distinct civic associations of American libertarians, I show how groups’ varying patterns of interaction, or “styles,” establish distinct cultural settings, in which different attitudes and behaviors seem sensible and appropriate, particularly regarding other political groups. Thus, when libertarian groups established a “community style” of interaction, viewing the relationship among members in terms of friendship and community bonds, they also opened their social activities to non-libertarians, collaborated with them in political projects, and viewed politics as a matter of advancing shared interests with people from other political groups. Comparisons across and within field sites show how this relationship between style and political tolerance works in different libertarian groups and different social environments. These findings highlight the role of local factors in explaining variations in groups’ levels of political tolerance and present a key mechanism—centered on interaction patterns—to supplement existing analyses of the relationship between political intolerance and changing forms of civic organizing in the US.

Use of Social Media and Construction of Political Intolerance: Analyzing the Effects of Twitter (X) and Facebook

This research is aimed at getting an insight into how social media platforms particularly Facebook and Twitter (X) are being used by Pakistani users to display political intolerance. Both platforms are being actively used to put forward opinions on users' political and religious views. Employing the survey method along with quantitative and qualitative research techniques, it makes a systematic effort to explore social media usage patterns among users and how they use them to express their religious and political thoughts. The study also attempts to discuss and set the contours of political and religious intolerance with relevance to the research. The interdependence between the usage of social media platforms and the progression of intolerant behaviour is also brought into focus through this research.

Political tolerance as one of the foundations of democracy

Presented research paper explores the basis of political tolerance while forming a democraticstate. Political tolerance, or the willingness to extend procedural liberties such as free speechand association to unpopular or disliked individuals or groups, has long been viewed as essential fora stable and effective democratic system. Political Intolerance exists everywhere, even in USA, butconstantly educating people and enacting appropriate laws help to keep the society on the right track.Although, tolerance has long been identified as a crucial feature of liberal democracies. The lack of politicaltolerance suggests that democracy is nothing more than a thin layer of varnish that can be easilyscraped away. Lack of political tolerance is a problem everywhere. Democracy upholds that membersof the society should treat each other and be treated as equals. It’s like an acceptance and respect ofthe other. In wide view political tolerance means accepting and respecting the basic rights and civil libertiesof persons and groups whose points and views are different from one’s own. Furthermore, peoplehave responsibility to practice political tolerance in their words and actions. This article is dedicated tothis research.

Political Intolerance in a Multi-Party Country: Is Indigenous Knowledge the Answer?

Political Intolerance in a Multi-Party Country: Is Indigenous Knowledge the Answer?

Navigating Complexities: African Union's Peace and Security Strategy Challenges after Niger and Gabon Coups

This study examines the intricate challenges that the African Union (AU) confronts in its pursuit of effective peace and security strategies following recent coup incidents in Niger and the ongoing situation in Gabon. The research analyzes the complex dynamics surrounding coup attempts, exploring their ramifications for regional stability, rising political intolerance, internally displaced populations, intricate government structures, enduring colonial legacies, and the emergence of global threats. Employing content analysis, the research draws from a diverse range of sources, including published and unpublished materials and references to news outlets. The study also compares coup scenarios in Niger and Gabon with similar instances globally to shed light on the multi-dimensional challenges that the AU faces. This research highlights historical factors, such as colonialism, that underpin coup occurrences and broader governance issues. It underscores the connection between persistent insecurity, hindered economic growth, exclusionary economic governance, and low development indicators, all contributing to an elevated risk of coup occurrences across Africa. The primary goal of this study is to contribute to a deeper understanding of the AU's evolving peace and security landscape and to offer recommendations aimed at bolstering its strategies for achieving lasting peace and security.

Is Discussing Controversial Issues in RE a Magic Bullet to Promote Social Cohesion? Mapping Opportunities and Challenges Based on Previous Research

Abstract In the public debate, it is often argued that RE is important because it promotes social cohesion. In the academic debate, however, this position is controversial because, firstly, this goal is associated with a politicization of RE and, secondly, empirical evidence on whether or how RE causes this effect seems to be lacking. In this article, I argue first that cohesion is an adequate subgoal of RE, assuming a social rather than a state-political understanding of cohesion. Second, I refer to international studies on teaching controversial issues (CIs), which show that students can learn participation, tolerance, and common good orientation through high-quality exploration of CIs in class. However, due to methodological difficulties and negative side effects, the discussion of CIs in RE cannot be assumed to be a magic bullet for achieving cohesion. For instance, uncertainties and ambiguities accompany forms of dissent in the classroom, which may lead to authoritarian dispositions and political intolerance. In addition, there are particular challenges for inclusive and especially denominational RE in terms of teachers, issues, students, and external factors.

Ray Bradbury’s Abiding Influence

Ray Bradbury’s career spanned seven decades and intersected a remarkable, wide-ranging gamut of American cultural history. He was closely associated with Hollywood, where his stories and books were adapted for feature films and television. Adaptations of his work for network radio broadcasts began in 1946 and continued, both at home and abroad, until three years before his passing in 2012. For more than forty years he adapted dozens of his stories for successful stage runs in Los Angeles and occasionally for national venues. But his influence reached even broader cultural stages, writing for radio, film, television, and stage theater production. Throughout his life he defended public libraries and First Amendment rights, and eventually became one of the most prominent public advocates for space exploration. While he is most well-known for his fiction, having published more than four hundred stories and twenty-seven book-length works, including The Martian Chronicles, The Illustrated Man, The Golden Apples of the Sun, The October Country, Dandelion Wine, Something Wicked This Way Comes, and Fahrenheit 451, he also engaged real-world issues in his writing, including racial and political intolerance, freedom of the imagination, the threat of nuclear war, the need to fund the American Space program, and the vital importance of literacy.

Tolerance of political intolerance: The impact of context and partisanship on public approval of politicians’ uncivil behavior

Politicians’ uncivil behaviors violate social and moral norms yet seem to be on the rise. We investigated under which circumstances politicians’ uncivil behavior towards their peers and opponents is tolerated by their supporters. We hypothesized that public support would depend on the context in which incivility is used (i.e., if it is targeted at political opponents vs. peers) and on the individuals’ moral beliefs. In two studies, we asked Democrats and Republicans to evaluate a politician who belonged to their preferred party and engaged in uncivil communication with either a member of the same or the opposing party. As expected, uncivil communication was condoned more when it was directed at the opponents. In the context of intergroup conflict, binding foundations predicted more approval among Republicans, and surprisingly more disapproval among Democrats. However, differences in (dis)approval between parties were not significant across both studies. Theoretical and practical implications are discussed.

Rethinking Political Polarization

Abstract The comparative study of political polarization has been central to current debates on the global crisis of democracy. It has been built on uncertain conceptual foundations, though. Established uses of the concept lack a distinctive semantic core as multiple meanings compete against each other. On the basis of a broad reading of the comparative literature, I seek to circumscribe the use and reconstruct the core of political polarization as an instance of extraordinary democratic conflict. In a first step, I delineate the basic parameters of debate by distinguishing between cluster-analytic and conflict-analytic approaches and by specifying the generic type of political conflict that characterizes the polarization of democratic polities. In a second step, I argue for political intolerance as the defining trait of both ideological and social polarization. In a final step, I introduce a third, democratic dimension into the debate: the breakdown of basic democratic trust that leads actors to view their adversaries as “enemies of democracy.” Such perceptions spell the end of democratic consolidation. When played among “democratic enemies,” democracy stops being “the only game in town.”

Lorca After Life by Noël Valis

Reviewed by: Lorca After Life by Noël Valis Salvatore Poeta Valis, Noël. Lorca After Life. Yale UP, 2022. Pp. 439. ISBN 978-0-300-25786-1. Lorca After Life proposes to complete what the author labels an “incompleteness” built into Lorca’s life and work (4). According to the book’s thesis Lorca’s work, homosexual identity, and murder left behind an unending transformative undercurrent, which the author labels Lorca’s afterlife with ties previous and posthumously to the Granadine’s life and work. The catalyst for this transformational process was Antonio Machado’s “El crimen fue en Granada,” the very first funeral elegy devoted to Lorca’s assassination by the right, memorialized by the republican left as a testimonial of the events. Notwithstanding the historical, cultural and literary scenarios leading to Spain’s civil war, the author argues, in contrast, that the seeds of much of Lorca’s afterlife were planted by the poet himself, driven by a conscious and deliberate motivation to self-fashion his historical and literary identity for posterity. This study attempts to recontextualize the specific events of García Lorca’s life and work within the larger literary, cultural, social and political framework of Spain, reaching as far back as the seventeenth century to present times. Following the “Introduction” (1–26), Lorca After Life is divided into two main thematic sections, with each section divided into three subsections: Part One, devoted to the murder (29–153), is subdivided as follows: 1. “Why Dead Poets Matter” (29–68), 2. “Lorca’s Grave” (69–98), 3. “The People’s Poet and the Right” (99–153). Part Two, equally subdivided into three sections, is devoted to Lorca’s gayness as follows: 4. “Fabulous Fag (I), or the Politics of Celebrity Murder” (157–85), 5. “Fabulous Fag (II), or the Celebrity of Sex” (186–230), 6. “Fabulous Fag (III), or the Face in the Crowd” (231–86). The book concludes with a “Postscript” (287–91), rather extensive and detailed “Notes” (293–361), and a considerable “Bibliography” (363–425). “Why Dead Poets Matter” presents Lorca as the culmination of what the author labels a “Dead Poets Society,” arguing that Lorca’s unfinished work due to his premature death, either for political intolerance or personal reasons—the right’s rejection of his gayness—have served to “postpone” the poet’s death. Moreover, beyond Lorca’s conversion to a civic poet of the people of Spain, the poet’s international stature and celebrity status, versus the national recognition of such figures as Conde de Villamediana, Garcilaso, Zorrilla, Bécquer, Antonio Machado, Miguel Hernández, and Cernuda, position the gay poet as a leader in this society of dead poets. Further, the countless failures to locate and exhume the body have served to perpetuate Lorca’s postponement of death, substituting the stone for what Valis terms Lorca’s “paper pantheon.” “Lorca’s Grave” contrasts the definitive death of Francisco Ayala, his Granadine compatriot, at 103 years of age, with Federico García Lorca’s unfinished death as a continuous arrival, as portrayed in the poet’s “Canción de jinete”; a future, unending death filled with the past. [End Page 155] “The People’s Poet and the Right” discusses how, if on the one hand, Lorca transformed himself as a poet of the people, thanks to his work with La Barraca and talks throughout Spain, Barcelona in particular, he was also used as a political football by the left as well as the right. Lorca did not associate himself officially with a particular party, but he had friends and mixed with individuals on both sides of the political spectrum; José Antonio Primo de Rivera among them. Particularly insidious was Roy Campbell’s accusation of Lorca as a rich señorito of the left while at the same time associating the poet with fascist views in Flowering Rifle. Part Two advances the theory that Lorca’s gayness was a contributing factor to his assassination. “Fabulous Fag (I), or the Politics of Celebrity Murder” contextualizes Lorca’s criticism for being a famous gay writer within the wider socio-cultural spectrum of seventeenth century Spain (Conde de Villamediana, Góngora), nineteenth century Europe (Wilde...

The virus of polarization: online debates about Covid-19 in Germany

ABSTRACT To what extent do online debates display features of political polarization and in how far does polarization pose a problem for democracy? We zoom in on affective polarization: the formation of societal groups with hostile feelings towards each other, arguing that affective polarization is particularly problematic for democracy if it features elements of political intolerance, which undermines key tenets of even the most conflict-prone theories of democracy. While affective polarization has been on the rise in several countries, Germany has been considered to be a country with low, and even declining levels of affective polarization. But does this still hold true during the Covid-19 pandemic, which saw a rapid rise in conspiracy theories? Based on a qualitative discourse analysis of online debates about Covid-19 on the Facebook platforms of a mainstream and a non-mainstream German media outlet, we find strong traces of affective polarization on both platforms, involving clear indications of political intolerance. Our findings suggest that the democratic discourse is threatened by the nature of online debates about Covid-19, and it is threatened not only by anti-rationalist conspiracists at the ideological extremes but also by the intolerance of more moderate rationalists at the centre of the political spectrum.

Does Deliberative Thinking Increase Tolerance? Political Tolerance Toward Individuals With Dual Citizenship

A growing number of states permit dual citizenship, but continued fears about communitarian values and worries about divided loyalties of dual citizens frequently boil up, leading to forms of political intolerance against such individuals. Dual-process theories argue that tolerance is more likely when people engage in deliberative (vs. intuitive) thinking in which they recognize and consider the equal rights of all citizens. We used a survey experiment to manipulate deliberative versus intuitive thinking to test whether deliberative thinking increases political tolerance of immigrant-origin individuals with dual citizenship. Using a nationally representative sample of Dutch majority members, we found that deliberative thinking can indeed increase political tolerance. This finding was robust across demographic differences in gender, age, religiosity, educational level, political orientation, and authoritarianism.

Political Polarization and Challenges of National Integration in Pakistan

National integration and national identity have engulfed Pakistani society since its establishment. Traditionally, the society has remained divided along religious, ethnic, linguistic, and provincial lines. However, political developments of the last decade have added a new dimension, which has divided society into political lines. The disturbing aspect of evolving trends in the injection of violence in our political behavior and culture is weakening the very foundations of the Pakistani nation and the state alike. I want to argue that the rhetoric of eliminating the opponents by violent means and propagating the blood revolution across the streets of Pakistan is easier said than done, has degenerated our society already overwhelmed by a lack of basic amenities like education, health, and employment, etc. Lust for power at all costs has dented our national values and identity. This article investigates the rising trends of political intolerance and suggests a course of action for strengthening national integration.

Popular Art and the Reconfiguration of Political Intolerance in Kenya

Political intolerance is a recurrent feature in any general election in Kenya. The charged political atmosphere during elections has often seen heated verbal tiffs among politicians and supporters of opposing political leanings degenerate into intimidation, violence, eviction of tenants from their houses, discrimination at the workplace, denial of job opportunities, and even murder of political opponents, among many other atrocious acts. This article explores how popular artistic productions deployed by the National Super Alliance (NASA) coalition in the run-up to the 8 August 2017 general elections to galvanise the electorate in its nationwide campaigns implicitly sparked intolerance among their political opponents. The article examines popular art forms such as popular songs, cartoons, memes and popular religious songs that centre on this historical period in the country and are directly associated with the NASA coalition. The article shows how these creative art forms morph into vehicles of political aspirations, codifying political visions and manifestos. They become central to political struggle and contestations over power, and when reconfigured, potentially anchor political intolerance.

Conceptualizing Political Illiberalism: A Long Overdue Index of Illiberal Political Values

Abstract There is an urgent need to study illiberal political values. However, current efforts have focused on democratic values, democratic support, populist attitudes, and authoritarian values. Consequently, they have missed something older and more fundamental, namely, political illiberalism. Hence, I pave the way for future inquiries by proposing and validating a composite measure built upon a reverse engineering of political illiberalism from existing works on illiberal democracy, political intolerance, and the normative philosophy of political liberalism. Through quantitative psycho-political analysis (i.e., factor analysis, internal reliability tests, and basic descriptive statistics), I posit and dissect an index responding to the limits of existing ones. Overall, I define illiberal political values as a value system constituted by intolerant and leader-centric values tied with anti-institutionalist tendencies.

POLITICAL POLARIZATION AND ITS IMPACT ON MENTAL HEALTH: WHERE DO WE STAND?

POLITICAL POLARIZATION AND ITS IMPACT ON MENTAL HEALTH: WHERE DO WE STAND?

Intersecting and Contiguous Identities in African Narratives: Ontological and Anthropological Perspectives

The tribal and ethnic identities in Africa have been associated with many social tensions, political intolerance and violence. Through the lenses of fatalistic pessimism, many African writers have generally portrayed such identities as the unfortunate societal references that drive social and political allegiance. However, there are some writers who no longer see the tribal and ethnic affiliation as a determining factor for (un)democratic practices and (in)cohesive social interactions. They rather depict such differences as the form of a constructive alterity where the otherness contributes to the acceptance, tolerance, development of attitudes and behaviours that harness peaceful multifaceted and intersecting identities. Through the works of Eugène Nzamboung and Dominique M'Fouillou, respectively L'amour à l'ombre des guerres tribales (2018) [Love in the mist of tribal wars] and Ondongo (2000), one can identify culturally autarkic universes in the shadow of many Africa countries where intersectional identities are underpinned by both anthropological and ontological factors. Traditional identity clashes dissipate in favour of togetherness and hopes that facilitate the construction of societies which share historical symbolic values and destiny.By using a discourse analysis, this paper examines the representation of key concepts, such as identities, existence, being, becoming and representation of historical and social reality. With references to cultural anthropology and ontological perspectives, the study concludes that many dynamics in the interpersonal and community relations can create a fruitful intersectionality of identities and ultimately triumph over a contiguous conception of social differences.

Terrorism and Political Tolerance toward “Fellow Travelers”

How does terrorism influence citizens’ willingness to deny basic liberties to domestic groups alleged to be “fellow travelers” of the perpetrators of terrorism? Based on intergroup threat theory and social identity theory, we hypothesize that political intolerance toward fellow traveler groups is determined by three factors: (1) the level of terrorism, (2) the degree to which domestic outgroups are alleged to be demographically or politically associated with terrorist groups, and (3) whether individuals identify strongly with the political Right. Consistent with our hypotheses, we find that higher levels of terrorism in Israel over a thirty-year period produce a “diffusion of political intolerance” among Israeli Jews on the Right that extends to domestic groups distant from the perpetrators of terrorism. Our findings have important implications for the study of terrorism, democracy, and political tolerance.