Changes In Political Institutions Research Articles

Referendums and political-institutional convergence in European democracies: A time-differencing configurational analysis

AbstractThis study assesses democratic changes against the background of an increased use of referendums in European parliamentary systems. Existing studies on why referendums have become more frequent argue that it is due to the so-called ‘blurring’ of political alignments aiming to bypass institutional veto players. Which change of conditions is sufficient for a more frequent use of referendums? The proposed domestic conditions do not exclude external reasons, and related studies imply that various combinations of internal and external factors are worth exploring further. Accordingly, in our study we assess the configurations of political-institutional changes by using time-differencing Qualitative Comparative Analysis (QCA). First, we find that democratic convergence leads to multiple explanatory paths for referendum use. Second, the result suggests that explanations with simple majoritarian dynamics are robust compared to other explanations showing convergence. Third, the existence of many veto players combined with economic globalization is identified as an alternative explanation to the convergence toward more frequent referendum use. This study advances referendum and European integration research by highlighting the dynamics of simple majoritarian democratic systems, but also veto players and globalization over time. The results imply that more attention should be given to the configurational nature of an increased rise in referendums in European democracies.

Youth Participation in Politics: Shared Vision and Democracy in India

Many people think that young people will be the leaders of tomorrow, but in reality, they are the leaders of today, and their diverse upbringing and life experiences will influence how they view politics. They must thus become more politically educated and engaged in order to direct their efforts toward constructive change and position themselves as leaders in the defense and advancement of democracy. Young people who are politically engaged develop a civic ethic that extends beyond politics and includes community service through involvement in health, education, and philanthropic endeavors. Voting, taking part in political revelations, and signing petitions on certain causes are all examples of political involvement, which is a more focused form of civic commitment or contribution. Young people's involvement in politics is not only advantageous in the near run, but it also lays the groundwork for sustained political activism in the future. It is imperative that they acknowledge that they are the leaders of today and, as such, that they have a greater say in the course of their future. In addition, kids may be a creative force and a dynamic source of inventions. Throughout history, youth have surely engaged in, contributed to, and even accelerated significant changes in political institutions, power relations, and economic prospects. This research paper is based on youth participation in politics: shared vision and democracy in India.

Governing Security after War: The Politics of Institutional Change in the Security Sector. By Louis-Alexandre Berg. New York: Oxford University Press, 2022. 320p. $80.00 cloth.

Governing Security after War: The Politics of Institutional Change in the Security Sector. By Louis-Alexandre Berg. New York: Oxford University Press, 2022. 320p. $80.00 cloth.

Political Disengagement Among Youth: A Comparison Between 2011 and 2020.

This study answers one general question using a country case: what shapes the young generations’ political disengagement in Singapore? Taking the generational differences and institutional influence perspectives, this study highlights the time dimension to show the ebb and flow of political and (new) media landscape changes in a non-Western context, Singapore. By comparing focus group discussions conducted among 19–30 years old in 2011 vs. 2020, this paper finds that despite similarly claiming disinterest in politics, the 2011 youth were more attentive to political news than the 2020 youth. The changes in political institutions gave rise to this increased situational engagement. However, the gap between paying attention and taking action was still large in 2020, or even larger than in 2011, due to the increased complexity and competitiveness of politics that the 2011 youth observed via social media. The persistence of political disinterest suggests its dispositional connections to psychological barriers that are socially constructed over generations.

Distrust in the heartland: explaining the Eurasian “Organization Gap” through the Russo-Chinese relations

The concept of Eurasia is one of the most important elements of geopolitics, dating back to the beginning of the last century, and whose development owes much to the works of geographers and political thinkers alike. Nevertheless, although comprising a big portion of the planet’s political space, this region suffers from a relative ‘organizational gap’, especially if compared with neighboring regions such as Western Europe and Southeast Asia for instance. This paper contends that the lack of an overarching political arrangement in Eurasia owes much to particular aspects of the Russia-China relationship, which encompasses Great Power aspirations and competing organizational schemesin the region. Different views about Eurasia itself, associated with a quest for leadership in regional institution-building, put both Russia and China on competitive tracks, essentially obstructing the formation of a broad political design in the broader continent. To substantiate our point, the present work applies certain concepts from historical institutionalism, whose mechanisms enabled a thorough evaluation of patterns of inception, continuation, and change of political institutions, alliances and principles affecting the Sino-Russian relationship over time, as well as its effects on Eurasia’s ‘organizational gap’ per se.

The development of the political system of Russia and Argentina in the 30-40s of the twentieth century

The article is devoted to the features of the development of the political system of Russia and Argentina in the 30-40s of the twentieth century. A special emphasis is placed on the formation of state policy and key aspects of the creation of political institutions during the reign of Stalin in Russia in the context of the development of communist ideology and socialist construction. It is also indicated that the liberal system established by the Constitution of 1853 in Argentina has shown its inability to cope with the political, social, economic and ideological challenges and transformations of Argentina after the falsification of elections in 1930.In this context, the experience of the rather difficult development of the political system of Argentina and Russia in the 30-40s of the twentieth century is of considerable interest, since these two countries faced similar problems of state structure, especially in the field of economics and politics. The political system of a society currently undergoing transformational changes is at the modernization stage of development, which brings it to the status of an object of research and professional interest of political scientists, lawyers, philosophers, sociologists, historians and specialists in the field of other humanities. As a result of these shifts, one of the pressing problems that political science is currently dealing with is the development of clear ideas about the consequences of institutional changes. The issues of the development of democracy, democratic transits, transformations of political systems have become one of the main directions of political science in recent decades. The task of finding out the sources of changes in political institutions and predicting their consequences became especially acute at the beginning of the twentieth century, when a number of countries in Africa, Latin America and Eastern Europe began to move away from the authoritarian way of government and embarked on the path of democratic development.

Entre avanços e bloqueios: uma análise da política de titulação de territórios quilombolas

The main purpose of this article is to analyse the entitling of quilombola territories in the context of policy formulation on the recognition of remaining quilombola communities’ rights in Brazil. To provide a broader understanding of this process, the article emphasizes the problematization of the entitling of quilombola territories by using the concept of public arena, created by Pragmatic Sociology, as an instrument to analyse actors’ collective action. The data collected was obtained from the agencies responsible for these policies and other sources available in electronic media. We also examined the empirical results of research conducted in Rio Grande do Sul, which had as its object the entitling processes of quilombola territories in the area. We argue that the analysis of policies related to entitling quilombola territories is inseparable from their construction as a publicly debated social problem. Thus, we conclude they are associated with political-institutional changes which had repercussions on the implementation of the same policies.

Политические институты и экономический рост: исследования взаимосвязи

The article concerns on the correlations between the changes in political institutions and the dynamics of economic growth. This controversial issue is a stumbling block in extensive research due to the clash of two large theories of social development in political science: democratization and modernization. The theory of democratization is based on the primacy of civic values, while the theory of modernization gives priority to the efficiency of economic development. The author defines the conceptual positions of the researchers: “democracy promotes growth”, “democracy does not promote growth”, “growth promotes democracy”, and “growth does not promote democracy”. The dominant position “democracy promotes economic growth” is driven by the values of liberal ideology and the notion of a free market. The opposing position “democracy does not contribute to economic growth” proceeds from the weak possibilities of the established liberal order to mobilize resources for solving the state development problems. The modernization position “economic growth contributes to democracy” is dictated by the change in the value attitudes of citizens as they achieve prosperity. The alternative position “economic growth is not conducive to democracy” is supported by countries with authoritarian regimes with weak potential of development. The author comes to the conclusion about the possibilities of multivariate construction of political institutions to ensure economic growth, based on the endogenous and exogenous development factors in any countries.

The Continuity of the Board of Statutory Auditors Across Social, Economic and Political Institutional Changes

This study examines how and why the board of statutory auditors, an important accounting institution, has continued to operate from its establishment in 1882 until today, with little change in its nature and role. This is despite the fundamental changes that have occurred in the Italian social, economic and political environment. This study reveals that even though Italy’s societal institutions have substantially changed, the board of statutory auditors has continued to exist, with no material change in its nature, across different historical blocs, such as monarchy, fascism, post-war socio-democratic republic, neoliberal republic, and major changes in Italian politics and economy. This long-lived accounting institution has also faced a series of potentially significant sources of change, which appeared dramatic at first sight, but had no significant far-reaching historical impact, as hegemony was unaffected. In Italian society, the board of statutory auditors has provided a reassurance role, in principle this is to monitor company directors, a role which is perceived to benefit all society. However, in practice, this institution has provided a legitimating, rather than a substantive monitoring mechanism. It helped to exercise the ruling class’ hegemonic control, whose power was diffused across society through civil institutions during various historical blocs.

Performing Canadian State Nationalism through Federal Symmetry

In the growing literature on the management of differences in multinational states, institutions (such as territorial autonomy or power-sharing) are typically understood as means through which various stakeholders achieve their goals. This scholarship is largely silent on the expressive and symbolic dimensions of those institutions. This is a major oversight, limiting our understanding of the politics of multinational states. I demonstrate the importance of institutional meaning by exploring the politics of federal a/symmetry in Canada, particularly in response to Quebec’s demands for greater recognition. The article’s central argument is that formal federal symmetry expresses and symbolically reproduces Canadian state nationalism. Attention to the symbolic dimension of state institutions—including federal ones—has the potential to open up new avenues of understanding of both the politics of institutional change in multinational states and the impact such change might have on the stability and inclusiveness of those states.

Supporting Policy Reform from the Outside

AbstractSound economic and social policies are important if countries wish to prosper and achieve sustainable development. It is far from guaranteed, however, that policymakers select and implement good policies, which provides a rationale for external policy support. Indeed, many organizations are engaged in supporting policy reform processes in recipient countries. This study investigates the limits and opportunities of supporting policy reform by focusing on four dimensions of support: conditional financing, policy dialogue, technical evidence and political institutions. Four findings follow from a review of the literature. First, without commitment on the recipient side, conditional financing is unlikely to induce policy reform. Second, when external actors acquire a seat at the policy dialogue table, it is important to detect (and influence) the beliefs policymakers hold. Third, outside parties should bring sound evidence to the table about the costs, benefits, and effectiveness of their policy proposals. Finally, supporting changes in political institutions without considering general equilibrium effects can be counterproductive. The study concludes with a discussion and some avenues for future research in this field.

Virginia Doellgast, Nathan Lillie and Valeria Pulignano (eds.), Reconstructing Solidarity: Labour Unions, Precarious Work, and the Politics of Institutional Change in Europe,

Virginia Doellgast, Nathan Lillie and Valeria Pulignano (eds.), <i>Reconstructing Solidarity: Labour Unions, Precarious Work, and the Politics of Institutional Change in Europe,</i>

Recensie]Reconstructing Solidarity: Labour Unions, Precarious Work, and the Politics of Institutional Change in Europe

Recensie]Reconstructing Solidarity: Labour Unions, Precarious Work, and the Politics of Institutional Change in Europe

Reconstructing Solidarity: Labour Unions, Precarious Work, and the Politics of Institutional Change in Europe. Virginia Doellgast, Nathan Lillie, and Valeria Pulignano, eds. Oxford University Press, Oxford, 2018. 250 pp. £60 (hardcover)

Reconstructing Solidarity: Labour Unions, Precarious Work, and the Politics of Institutional Change in Europe. Virginia Doellgast, Nathan Lillie, and Valeria Pulignano, eds. Oxford University Press, Oxford, 2018. 250 pp. £60 (hardcover)

Book Review: Reconstructing Solidarity. Labour Unions, Precarious Work, and the Politics of Institutional Change in Europe

Book Review: Reconstructing Solidarity. Labour Unions, Precarious Work, and the Politics of Institutional Change in Europe

Transforming China's electricity sector: Politics of institutional change and regulation

The political failure of China's first independent regulator in a strategic industry – the State Electricity Regulatory Commission (SERC), 2002–2013 – provides a natural experiment to uncover fundamental challenges to a gradualist approach to electricity market formation. Taking a political institutional approach, we show that while it was largely predictable that the breakup of the monopolistic power industry in 2002 created bureaucratic and corporate interests that would undercut the institutional role of SERC, subsequent difficulties in reforming electricity pricing, dispatch system, and integrating renewable energy sources strongly suggests that a central regulatory body would be necessary to lead a decisive transition to a market-based electricity market.

Book Review: Reconstructing Solidarity: Labour Unions, Precarious Work, and the Politics of Institutional Change in Europe Edited by Virginia Doellgast, Nathan Lillie, and Valeria Pulignano

Book Review: <i>Reconstructing Solidarity: Labour Unions, Precarious Work, and the Politics of Institutional Change in Europe</i> Edited by Virginia Doellgast, Nathan Lillie, and Valeria Pulignano

JEWISH MODERN LAW AND LEGALISM IN A GLOBAL AGE: THE CASE OF RABBI JOSEPH KARO

During the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries, Rabbi Joseph Karo composed two major Jewish codes of law: the Beit Yosef, and its abridged version, Sulchan ‘Aruch. Though several centuries of legal discussion and scholarship have passed since their publication, these double codes of law were never superseded. This codification project defined the axial place of law in Jewish tradition. I argue that it responded to changes in legal processes and the enforcement of law that simultaneously transformed early modern Europe and the Ottoman world. Transcontinentally connected changes in political institutions—the formation of a centralized Islamic empire in the Ottoman case, and the formation of centralized states in Europe—dramatically redefined the role of law and legal codification in the forging of state power and community identities. The resultant belief among Sephardi rabbis, including Karo, that changes in Jewish legal tradition were now needed, prompted a redefinition of Jewish legal culture, whereby law (a gradually centralized conception of it) began to be seen as the foundation of Jewish religious heritage and ethnic identity. Despite the absence of state backing, early modern transformations in Jewish law were thus part of comparable changes taking place in the European and Islamic legal worlds.

Direct democracy in mining conflicts in Latin America: mobilising against the La Colosa project in Colombia

ABSTRACT This article examines the conditions under which popular consultations serve as a means of protest against mining and the socio-political effects that result. Building on empirical research into the protests against the La Colosa gold mining project in Colombia, the analysis is rooted in social movement studies and democracy theory. It shows that the use of popular consultations is enabled by long-term political-institutional changes and short-term changes in structural conditions. The outcomes range from changes in project design to political agenda setting, and the opening of spaces for participation and public debate.

The Sale of Offices, Political Values and the Revolution of 1911

The relationship between economic development and political institutional changes has always been the focus of academic attention. There are still many different interpretations of the causes of political changes during the late Qing dynasty. This paper responds to the discussion of social mobility and the 1911 revolution in the academic circles, takes the sale of offices during the late Qing dynasty as an entry point, and proposes the new hypotheses that trigger the Revolution of 1911through sorting out the factors affecting modern political reform and institutional changes. It shows that the sale of offices is one of the important factors that lead to the outbreak of the Revolution of 1911. The political consciousness and political values of the donation officials not only directly affected the revolutionary response of the areas they served, but also influenced the political attitudes of their native elite through local relation networks. As an important tool for the promotion of social mobility during the late Qing dynasty, the sale of offices not only promoted the rise of modern bureaucratic class, but also advanced the changes in modern political rights pattern through new-style education, popular opposition, revolutionary groups and so on, and accelerated the process of the Revolution of 1911. The sale of offices promotes the changes in modern political system through the influences on class mobility and political consciousness of the officials, which provides an important empirical basis for understanding the changes in Chinese traditional social elite groups and the association changes in political systems.