Political Imagery Research Articles

Analysis of Democratic Party Political Imagery Communication on Social Media in 2024

The ways in which technology has impacted human life are numerous. Social media is one of the most widely used technical innovations. These days, social media is an integral part of politics, not just for the general public. Social media provides a platform for political players to garner positive support. It is also true that social media can readily become a boomerang that can harm someone's political image at any time by easily stemming a favorable image. The examination of how the Democratic Party uses political communication to shape its public image, particularly on social media platforms, is the main emphasis of this essay. by employing a descriptive technique, which entails reading references from other books. This article will discuss how the Democratic Party uses social media. Moreover, in reference to the political communication employed. Finally, it can be said that social media plays a significant role in establishing the party's image and serving as a platform for campaigning.

Gendered Deification: Women Leaders and Political Iconography in Bangladesh

This paper explores gendered political deification in Bangladesh with emphasis on the situation of women politicians in Bangladesh today. Using political deification tools developed by Sen and Nielsen with the help of the concept of political leadership feminism, we look at the interaction of gender with the construction of political imagery. In accomplishing this research, critical discourse analysis and visual semiotics are employed to establish an understanding of the representation and received portrayal of two key Bangladeshi ‘women of power’, namely, Sheikh Hasina and Khaleda Zia. These findings uncover a multi-layered duality based on the gender and dynastic-political relations in Bangladesh, along with the persona of the supreme leader of a country. We map out how the concept of mother and family relations is mobilized to build strong political discourses, even as the patriarchal framework is both affirmed and subverted. In trying to attain gender equality, female leaders obtain the most political power but are subject to gender roles and, at times, contribute to the perpetuation of those roles. By contextualizing this study in South Asian politics, we are indeed helping the existing scholarly discourse on gender and political iconography, women’s participation in democratization, and the dilemmas of female leadership in patriarchal societies. This study advances knowledge on gender, power, and political symbolism in SA with the potential for introducing similar phenomena in other cultural settings.

Political Communication and Personal Imaging (Study of Giring Ganesha’s Political Speech at Indonesian Solidarity Party Anniversary)

Speech delivery is a form of communication skill that aims to convey certain messages to the public. In giving speeches or giving speeches, especially in political speeches, a political party figure carries out the duties and carries out the functions of his party. The purpose of the research is to dissect the communication message conveyed by Giring Ganesha as the general chairman of PSI in the Political Speech at PSI's 7th Anniversary, as well as to find out the purpose of Giring Ganesha as a representation of PSI and the impression that is built as part of political imagery. This research is a qualitative exploratory research, which is used to explore data so that it can provide in-depth understanding and understanding of the object of research. This study is directed to clearly describe the image formed by Giring Ganesha who is also the General Chair of the Indonesian Solidarity Party in his political speech for the 7th Anniversary of the Indonesian Solidarity Party on December 22, 2021. The research method used in this study is discourse analysis by Roger Fowler et al. According to Focault, discourse is a field of all statements, sometimes as an individualization of a group of statements, and sometimes as a regulatory practice seen from a number of statements. (1) Giring Ganesha's speech as a party representative further strengthens PSI's support for President Joko Widodo's Government and it is recognized that President Jokowi's magnetism is still very strong in gaining constituent support, especially young people. (2) As a form of modern, adaptive, intoxicated Party image.

Ganjar Pranowo’s Storytelling and Political Image on Social Media

Politics is not socially empty. Therefore, politicians must also find the right strategy to increase popularity and electability. One way that can be used is the use of social media. Social media is now widely used by political actors as a means to absorb aspirations in the political field. One of the social media that is currently widely used as a political tool is TikTok. As of April 2022, there are 99,072,000 TikTok users in Indonesia or 51.1% of the Indonesian population aged 18 years and over. This article aimed to explore how Ganjar Pranowo built his self-image through his TikTok account @ganjarpranowofc and what storytelling strategies were used in that image. A qualitative approach with a content analysis method is used in writing this article. There are 252 videos from the TikTok account @ganjarpranowo were analyzed from January to May 2022. This article uses the political image category approach described in Liebhart and Bernhardt's research (2017) as a basis for analysis. From this research, Ganjar Pranowo simplifies political issues in his imagery efforts. In addition, there are indications of three storytelling strategies used in political imagery on the TikTok account: the biographical strategy, the incumbent strategy, and the Kagama chairman strategy.

Representing the Caste-oppressed: Exploring Rettaimalai Srinivasan’s Anti-caste Endeavours in the Tamil Public Space

In the late nineteenth and early twentieth century colonial India, at a time when the high caste nationalists created a political imagery of Indians, as equals striving for a free India, there arose an anti-caste narrative that brought forth experiences of caste discrimination, throwing light on an Indian socio-polity that was unequal for the caste-oppressed. One such important voice, that emerged despite the marginalising conditions of those times, was that of the lesser-known, yet a powerful one—Rettaimalai Srinivasan (1860–1945) from the colonial Madras province (present Tamil Nadu). His autobiography Jeeviya Charittira Surukkam is a seminal work in describing his role as a political leader and civil rights legislator in representing the demands of the caste- oppressed. By viewing the untouchability/caste question from the political perspective, Srinivasan used the platform of political representation to debate on and frame legislations affecting civil liberties for the caste-oppressed, therein envisioning a Tamil public space that was free of oppressive caste practices. The efforts of Rettaimalai Srinivasan bear testimony to the power of education, law and political representation in bringing forth anti-caste articulations into the public arena, pointing to a scenario where the caste-oppressed leaders were makers of their own history and of how their assertions were crucial in equalising the Tamil public space. In representing the cause of the caste-oppressed, Srinivasan draws attention to their non-caste/casteless culture history and politicises it to demand a humane society for the caste-oppressed. This article is thus an attempt to survey the anti-caste endeavours of Rettaimalai Srinivasan in the colonial Tamil region.

Сантьяго Каррильо в политическом воображаемом у проалбанских коммуни-стов («эверистов»). Албанская партия труда и Коммунистическая партия Испании (марксистско-ленинская)

In this article we will start an approach to the figure of Santia-go Carrillo and his role in the history of the international communist movement. This approximation will be carried out through the analysis of the documentary corpus generated by two mutually interdependent communist organizations, the PLA and the CPE (M-L). The criticisms of these parties to Santiago Carrillo's Eurocommunism are relevant because they represent the reaction of orthodoxy to one of the most out-standing tendencies of internal renewal within the communist camp in the context of the “crisis of Marxism” of the second half of the 20th century. The research, which has an up-to-date critical apparatus, will be based on a wide variety of sources including bibliographic, biographical and newspaper sources, as well as documents extracted from Spanish ar-chives.

Corona-Jihad Memes: The Shifting Iconology of Islamophobia from Hindu Nationalists

Abstract This article analyses the visual rhetoric of anti-Muslim imagery in the memetic internet cultures generated by Indian users, as well as the transnational iconology of terror that the Muslim male body is made to embody. The core problem the article addresses is located at the intersection of three crucial contemporary challenges: the global pandemic, rising global anti-Muslim ideology, and the role of socially mediated popular political imagery. Here, I look at corona-jihad memes – a subset of anti-Muslim popular imagery made viral through social media. These images illustrated the fake news spread globally, connecting Indian Muslims with the pandemic. Here, I show the strategies of representation used by Hindu nationalist users to create an iconology – or a mode of recognition – for the Muslim male as the threatening and dehumanised other, through a process of mimicry, counter-influence, translation, and flow in a rich intermedial world of transnational imagery.

Anti-Arab riots in Israel and the Mizrahi question, 1948-67

ABSTRACT This article addresses anti-Arab riots that occurred in Israel during the “Little Israel” period − 1948–1967 – and the discourse around them, both in the media and and behind the scenes. It sheds light on the tendency to emphasize the rioters’ Mizrahi descent and to attribute their violence to “Mizrahi culture” and “Mizrahi primitivism,” which dovetailed the broader array of stereotypes attached to Mizrahim: low education, a patriarchal culture and savagery. This allowed for ascribing violence to Mizrahim even when they were not involved in it and overlooking assailants’ ethnicity when Ashkenazim were behind violent attacks. This article claims that projecting anti-Arab violence on the Mizrahim while ignoring all forms of anti-Arab violence that were perpetrated by state agencies or by Ashkenazi Jews was intended to enable the Ashkenazi-Israeli old guard to maintain its own self-image as humanistic and the image of Israel as a democracy that upholds equality among its citizens. Moreover, the perception of anti-Arabness as part of the very definition of Mizrahiness was adopted not only by the Ashkenazi establishment but also by some Mizrahim themselves, to the point that it has become a part of the Israeli popular political imagery to this day.

Tiphaine Robert. Des migrants et des revenants: Une histoire des réfugiées et réfugiés hongrois en Suisse (1956–1963) [Of migrants and returnees: a history of Hungarian refugees in Switzerland, 1956–63

Tiphaine Robert. <i>Des migrants et des revenants: Une histoire des réfugiées et réfugiés hongrois en Suisse (1956–1963)</i> [Of migrants and returnees: a history of Hungarian refugees in Switzerland, 1956–63

Diagnosing the State: Medical Metaphors in Ottoman Political Writing

Abstract This paper traces the transformation in how Ottoman scribes, statesmen, and bureaucrats imagined the body politic from the sixteenth to the nineteenth century by focusing on metaphors derived from medicine and the human body. As others have shown, sixteenth- and seventeenth-century Ottoman political writing demonstrates a clear influence of Galenic medicine and Aristotelian and Avicennan metaphysics in conceptualizing state and society. During the eighteenth century, however, we see the adoption of a Khaldunian conception of society as an organic unity with a determined lifespan, something that implies a shift in emphasis from spatiality to temporality of the polity. From the early Tanzimat onwards, we see sporadic use of modern medical, disease, and germ-related concepts to explain the problems of Ottoman politics and society. Our argument is that instead of a sudden shift from a Galenic to a modern medical vocabulary due to the impact of the West, Ottoman political imagery gradually changed over the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries in response to administrative challenges. In narrating this transformation, we also reflect on how examining metaphors can contribute to our understanding of conceptual transformation and, particularly in our case, the concept of “state”.

Political parties' portrayal attempts in creating an image of Aceh's women politicians

This study aims to provide an overview of political imagery done by political parties for their female politicians. The constructivist paradigm with a descriptive qualitative approach is used in this study. The informants were the chairman of the DPC of the Democratic Party, the PPP Party, the PKB Party, the chairman of the PDI-P DPD, and female politicians from these parties. The data analysis technique used in this study was the Interactive Model Data Analysis method. The results show that the political parties establish a positive image of women politicians, including involving all women members of the political party in every activity carried out by the party, both in a formal party and non-formal activities within the community. In every activity in the community, political parties attempted to provide the public with an understanding of the importance of the presence of women in the political space, because women will understand women's needs and produce feminist policies. The political imagery was done through political communication media, interpersonal (face to face), groups, mainstream media, and modern media. Political image establishment attempted by political parties for female politicians still has not shown a promising direction. Therefore, political parties must form a positive image for female politicians of their parties. This should be done massively by utilising various media of political communication, involving all community groups, such as the Ulama, Academics, and Non-Governmental Organisations.

Protectors of the Great Victory: Commemoration of World War II in the Russian Community of Toronto

Political mobilization of the Russian-speaking immigrant communityin Canada is a relatively recent phenomenon, but it has permeated multiplespheres of community life in recent years. This paper examines how Russian-speaking immigrants living in the Greater Toronto Area (GTA) used thehistory and memory of World War II to mobilize their community from2014–21, what forms of war commemoration they performed, and what thesecommemoration practices meant for the community and the individuals whoparticipated in them. The commemorative practices and performances in theGTA’s Russian-speaking community remained controversial as they borrowedextensively from Soviet and post-Soviet political imagery and rituals, yet, as Iargue in this article, political activism of Russian-speaking immigrants was alsoinformed by Canadian multiculturalism policies and international politicaldiscourses and was intimately linked to their demands for full citizenship andcultivation of their identities in Canadian society.

Political Imagery and the Russia-Germany-America Triangle

AbstractThe material dimension of Russian foreign and domestic policy is accompanied by one of images and performativity. The Putin regime has affective-emotional and instrumental motives. Its main target audience is the Russian public. Its principal adversary is the United States. The decisive external audience is the Federal Republic of Germany (FRG), a pluralist entity that is also concerned with past and present images of itself. Politics in this critical international triangle is infused with theatrical, mediatized, and psychological elements, and the (re)construction of national and individual personae.

Feminist Antifascism: Counterpublics of the Common

Feminist Antifascism: Counterpublics of the Common

İslam ve Öteki: Erken Dönem Müslüman Toplumlarında Öteki İmgesi Üzerine Bir İnceleme

In this study, the Byzantine image in the religious and literary texts produced by Muslim societies in the first four centuries of the Hijra has been examined in terms of historical process. To this end, first, a theoretical basis has been established within the framework of the concepts of identity, difference, other, and othering. Then, the imagery of Byzantium is analyzed through the interpretation of the first five verses of the Surah Rûm, with regards to naming, politics, religion, culture, science, philosophy, art and women's descriptions. The main argument of the study is that the Byzantine image of Muslims cannot be addressed independent of the relationships established with Byzantium. From a historical point of view, it is seen that the image of Byzantium, which was initially positive, turned into negative depending on the course of relations and was balanced over time in terms of change, while the style and content of political and political imagery varied, there is very little variation in descriptions of social life with regards to Constantinople, Byzantine craftsmanship, family life and women. While the Qur'an and the Sunnah culture formed the basis of the Byzantine perception in the early days, political developments became dominant over time. On the other hand, Muslims did not deal with Byzantium in a monolithic, shallow and reductive way, but they used the distinction between “us” and “them” to improve the image of Islam and reinforce Muslim identity.

Mûsâ Peygamber’in Yol Arkadaşı Hızır’ın Kimliği

In this study, the Byzantine image in the religious and literary texts produced by Muslim societies in the first four centuries of the Hijra has been examined in terms of historical process. To this end, first, a theoretical basis has been established within the framework of the concepts of identity, difference, other, and othering. Then, the imagery of Byzantium is analyzed through the interpretation of the first five verses of the Surah Rûm, with regards to naming, politics, religion, culture, science, philosophy, art and women's descriptions. The main argument of the study is that the Byzantine image of Muslims cannot be addressed independent of the relationships established with Byzantium. From a historical point of view, it is seen that the image of Byzantium, which was initially positive, turned into negative depending on the course of relations and was balanced over time in terms of change, while the style and content of political and political imagery varied, there is very little variation in descriptions of social life with regards to Constantinople, Byzantine craftsmanship, family life and women. While the Qur'an and the Sunnah culture formed the basis of the Byzantine perception in the early days, political developments became dominant over time. On the other hand, Muslims did not deal with Byzantium in a monolithic, shallow and reductive way, but they used the distinction between “us” and “them” to improve the image of Islam and reinforce Muslim identity.

HEROIC DEMOCRACY IN HIGH RELIEF: POLITICAL LEGITIMACY AND MONUMENTAL IMAGERY IN FIFTH-CENTURY ATHENS

In recent decades, political theorists have significantly revised their understanding of Athenian democratic thinking. By opening up the canon, shifting their focus from abstract principles to democratic practices, and employing an increasingly diverse range of interpretive approaches, they have collectively reconstructed a more robust and multi-faceted account of the Athenian democratic public sphere. Despite its ecumenical ambitions and manifest successes, however, this project has been fettered by a singular focus on language as the medium of democratic politics. As can be seen in the gloss of one of its contributors, this body of work effectively limits the democratic public sphere to ‘the domain in which judgments and public opinion are shaped and formedthrough speech’. This logocentric demarcation of democratic practice does not harmonize well with our own experience of modern politics, however, where public monuments, political imagery, and civic spaces play a critical role in the formation of political understanding and judgment, as well as starting points for discussion, debate, and disagreement. It seems similarly out of tune with what we know about the ancient Greeks, who demonstrated a readiness to move between visual and verbal content in reflecting on political and ethical life, and who developed the very idea oftheôriaout of an extension of the process of seeing. If, as political theorists, we can temper our habitual logocentrism and learn to attend more closely to the visual culture of Athenian democracy, we stand to add new dimensions to our collective reconstruction of the democratic public sphere and, in turn, to enhance our understanding of those texts that have long preoccupied our attention.

The Effects of “Live,” Authentic, and Emotional Instagram Images on Congressional Candidate Evaluations

This study examines how Instagram’s design and norms influence expectations for political imagery and, subsequently, the effects of these images on electability, vote likelihood, and candidate evaluations. Using the Elaboration Likelihood Model, we propose three norms of Instagram that likely function as heuristic cues and affect the reception of political visual communication on the platform: liveness, authenticity, and emotionality. We experimentally test these visual features on Congressional candidate images, finding some evidence that live, authentic, and emotional images positively influence vote likelihood but negatively impact electability. Results also indicate that live, authentic, and emotional images either have no or negative effects on female candidate evaluations or have no or positive effects on male candidate evaluations.

Strategi Pemenangan Jokowi dan Ma’ruf Amin dalam Pemilihan Presiden 2019 melalui Pencitraan Politik

This study aims to see the winning strategy of the candidate pairs for Jokowi and Ma'ruf Amin in the 2019 presidential election, especially in terms of political imagery. Using Newman and Shet's theory by looking at reinforcement strategies, rationalization strategies, inducement strategies, and confrontation strategies. The method used is descriptive qualitative research methods through in-depth interviews and literature review. Primary data was obtained through interviews with resource persons, namely the success team and volunteer team for the Indonesia Maju coalition, secondary data consisting of books and related documents. The results showed that the candidate pairs Jokowi and Ma'ruf Amin tried to carry out various strategic tactics in order to present themselves as candidates who had a populist image, were liked, were honest and had a dominant ideology of democratic-socialism.

Cued by Culture: Political Imagery and Partisan Evaluations

Cued by Culture: Political Imagery and Partisan Evaluations