Political Godfatherism Research Articles

EFFECTS OF MILITIA ACTIVITIES ON YAM PRODUCTION AMONG RURAL FARMERS IN UKUM LOCAL GOVERNMENT AREA, BENUE STATE, NIGERIA

Overtime, the existence of militia groups and their activities has caused great concern in Nigeria and Benue State in particular. Their activities have constituted threat to human security as well as food production. This study examined the factors that birthed armed militia groups and how the activities of these groups have affected the production of yam, a major staple food in Ukum Local Government Area of Benue State. The study hypothesized that there is no relationship between militia activities and yam production among rural farmers in Ukum Local Government Area. The General Strain Theory was adopted as the study’s theoretical perspective. The study utilized Cross-sectional design whereby the study population of 384 (using Krejcie and Morgan sample size determination formula) was drawn from 216,986 residents of Ukum Local Government Area. However, the study sampled 100 farmers through purposive and snowball sampling technique due to the volatile nature of the area. Findings of the study reveals that high rate of poverty, fear of domination/injustice, failure of law enforcement agencies to tame the activities of militia groups, and resurgence of political thugs that have been abandoned by their political godfathers, accounted for the formation and proliferation of militia groups in the study area. Results of correlation statistics show a positive correlation between the existence of militia activities and production of yam. Thus, ethnic militia activities negatively affect the production yam in the study locale. The study recommends, among other things, that concerted efforts should be made by the State government to fully develop the productive forces; provide avenues where youths will be engaged to alleviate poverty in Ukum and indeed Benue State, security personnel should be proactive in responding to identified threats, arrest and prosecute offenders to deter others, politicians should stop empowering youths with arms and the youths should be actively engaged in political matters as this will remove the tendencies of domination and marginalization between them and the political elites.

Godfatherism and Democratic Reconstruction in Nigeria: A Review of Nigeria’s Fourth Republic

Much of the contemporary discourse on Nigeria's democracy and politics from 1999 till date has at its centre, the phenomenon of 'godfatherism' in the leadership of political parties, and in running the affairs of our multi-nation-state. As a result of the corruption of the electoral and political processes, governmental structures, electoral politics and state power are skewed towards satisfying the self- regarding interests of the dominant political mentors otherwise known as 'political godfathers'. Relying on their wealth and their political machines, they secure party nomination for candidates of their choice by any means, sponsor their election, including manipulating the electoral process. This paper is intended to examine critically the crisis of political godfatherism in Nigeria and its implications for the future of the nation's democracy. It suggests ways the gods of Nigerian democracy and politics can be checked and confronted if the country is to deepen democracy and strengthen democratic institutions.

Politics of Godfatherism and Democratic Governance in Nigeria: The Rivers State Case

The study examined the politics of godfatherism and democratic governance in Nigeria with preference to Rivers State political crisis. The objectives of the study were to identify the environmental factors infuencing the politics of godfatherism in Rivers State; to examine the impact the politics of godfatherism has on democratic governance in Rivers State; and to find out strategies to abate politics of godfatherism in Rivers State. The study adopted the elite theory, applied a descriptive survey research design, used both primary and secondary sources of data and a structured questionnaire as the instrument for data collection was employed. The population of the study is 5,198,716 residents in Rivers State (National Population Commission of Nigeria, 2006). The sample population is 400 (derived via the application of Taro Yamani sample size determination formula). The data collected via questionnaire were analyzed using table and percentages, while the hypotheses were tested using the chi-square. The findings of the study revealed that there are environmental factors inciting politics of godfatherism in Rivers State; that politics of godfatherism has adversely impacted on democratic governance in Rivers State; and that there are strategic measures to abate politics of godfatherism in Rivers State. Based on the findings, the study recommended the prevention of undue influence from political godfathers, enforcement of campaign finance regulations, promotion of a level playing field for all candidates before and during elections in Nigeria among others.

An Assessment of the Influence of Political Godfatherism on Nigeria’s Politics: Implications for Socio-Economic and Political Development

In contemporary democracy, politics of godfatherism has become a universal issue in the political development of many countries, Nigeria inclusive. This paper studied the implication of politics of godfatherism on the socio-economic and political development of Nigeria. Obviously, godfatherism has permeated every fabric of the country and has seriously affected the political system. This paper is qualitative in nature; data were obtained from secondary sources where numerous articles, newspapers, magazines, books reports, and archives were systematically reviewed. In elucidating the topic under examination, the researcher used Elite theory. This theory was advocated by Vilfredo Pareto in 1935. The postulation of the theory is that elites are replaced by another group of elites, meaning that the majority are unavoidably governed by the minority. The study found that the politics of godfatherism has a negative impact on the socio-economic and political development of the nation by confining power in the hands of the few elites at the expense of the masses (electorates). This has affected the socio-economic and political development of the nation, and by extension led to inter-party and intra-party defections, decampings and conflicts among the party members. Therefore, the study recommends the implementation of the direct primary election in selecting candidates into elective positions. In addition to that, INEC should make a law that will discourage money politics and should as well punish culprits involved in such an illegal political act.

Anatomy of Nigerian Federalism: A Reflection of the Nagging Challenges and Prospects from A Cultural Relativist Perspective

There is a dearth of reliable literature that appropriately coined and conveyed the conceptual framework of federalism, scarcity of reliable information that analytically x-rayed the structural arrangement of Nigerian federalism, and challenges militating against the expected gains of federalism and the prospects thereof. The paper relied on qualitative methods like document analyses, personal experiences, key informant interviews, and discussions in generating relevant data that were thematically presented and resultantly analyzed using content analysis. The results show that there are works of literature that wrongly conceptualized federalism. Police brutality, political godfatherism, corruption, secession, revenue allocation problem, sectionalism, and conflicts were among the predominant challenges facing Nigerian federalism. Furthermore, the results show that sustainable development and efficient service delivery are part of the prospects. The paper concluded that many Nigerians do not have an adequate understanding of the nitty-gritty of federalism. As a corollary to this, destructive tendencies have troubled Nigerian federalism, making the center epileptic. The study for policy and practice implies that Nigeria, the largest populated country of Africa, has continued its federalist operations on the side of very low cohesion and unification of existing ethnic groups.

Nigerian Soldiers On The War Against Boko Haram

Abstract This study explores two main questions: What are the experiences of soldiers who have fought against Boko Haram? What can these experiences teach us about the seeming incapacity of the Nigerian military to defeat Boko Haram? Six major themes are explored. These are perspectives on the mission, morale of troops, military equipment and weapons, suicide and murder–suicide among troops, intelligence leaks, and relationships of troops with the Civilian Joint Task Force, an extralegal militia. Soldiers’ discourses on the mission against Boko Haram reveal three overlapping dimensions. First, there are suspicions about the sponsors and political godfathers of Boko Haram. This suggests a belief that Boko Haram is a conspiracy involving the government and top brass of the military. Second, the patronage system involved in deployment into key positions on the war front. Third, participants believe that the war is being deliberately prolonged because it is a moneymaking machinery for the political and military elites. The evidence suggests that availability of weapons varies by unit and the agency of commanders—their networks and influence within the military and willingness to disobey orders from superiors if their demands are not met. This situation produces radically variegated wartime experiences among troops. Non-commissioned soldiers believe senior commissioned officers perpetrate intelligence leaks and are responsible for the protracted war. Senior Army Generals interviewed in this study support this perspective. The study has major policy implications for successful operations against Boko Haram in the Lake Chad Basin area and the broader war against terrorism in the Sahel.

Public Expectations from Political Office Holders on Good Governance in Oyo State, Nigeria

This study examines the expectations of the electorates from political office holders, using Oyo state as a case study. It also finds out how feasible the expectations are, and if political office holders are able to meet such expectations. The study equally examines the factors that aid and prevent such expectations from being met and discusses the impact of the expectations on good governance in the study area. Primary data was sourced with a self structured questionnaire administered on 150 respondents drawn from electorates, public officials/elected officials and civil society organizations across the 33 local government areas of Oyo State, analyzed by Statistical Package for Social Scientist (SPSS) and interpreted in percentages and frequency distribution. The secondary data was sourced from books, journals, newspapers publications and internet materials, and content analyzed. The study revealed that people have varied expectations but same on medical facilities, poverty alleviation, security of lives and property, education and economic development. The study also revealed that political office holders are aware of the expectations of the people through the mass media, social media and direct contact but do not meet them. The study found that adequate fund and manpower are key factors that help political office holders to meet up with the expectations and that lack of funds; inadequate manpower, corruption, and influence of political godfathers are hindrances to meeting up with the expectations of the electorates. It also found that public expectations have impact on good governance and that the impact is a positive one.

Hazy Agenda, Multiple Interests: Stakeholders Engagement with the First Phase of the Niger Delta Amnesty Deal in Nigeria

The oil-rich Niger Delta region of Nigeria is bedeviled by revolutionary violence. The grouse of the militant youths in the region is that their communities are degraded by oil prospecting activities of and also that they get too little from the federation allocations from the oil wealth controlled by the federal government. Unable to defeat the militants militarily, the federal government in 2009 adopted an amnesty programme that offered the fighters life sustaining opportunities for dropping their guns. The policy was implemented in two phases: 1) the militants drop their guns and without any negotiation or legal framework for admittance of specific guilt get automatic amnesty and 2) those granted amnesty get rehabilitated and reintegrated into the society. This paper is on how different stakeholders in the Niger Delta engaged with the initiative. The paper focuses on five major stakeholders: the federal government which owned the amnesty programme; the Niger Delta Governors who were required to co-facilitate the weapons recovery in their respective states; the warlords under which the Niger Delta militant youths were organized; the political godfathers in the Niger Delta with whom many of the militant groups had working relationship and; the community leaders into whose communities the ex-militants would return into. In the absence of any legal framework for their working relationship, each of the stakeholders acted so selfishly that the amnesty programme today lacks sustainability. While the federal government used the policy to relatively increase Nigeria’s oil output, the others manipulated the process to oil their interests in winning the 2011 elections with the militants as key stakeholders. The amnesty programme divided the militants around selfish interests. Militancy is back to the region but not coordinated because the militants are now divided.

Political Corruption is the Despicable Spectrum Responsible for the Economic Downturn in Nigeria: Religious Perspective

The pact of political corruption is the major encumbrance declines central part of democratic mechanisms that lead to economic meltdown and government failure in Nigeria. In essence, political corruption is the major spectrum orchestrates the downward spiral of economy in Nigeria. This is avowed through former president Good luck Jonathan led administration that designs counterfeit theory on democracy as such, democracy is a system of government structured by political cabal with the power of some people formed by the influential people to intimidate other people. This study discovered that the severity of political despicability in Nigeria has gone beyond control to have implicates three tiers of government with diversity of fraudulence and deceptive kleptocracy. The outcome of this paper highlights forms of corruption abound through political godfatherism and political henchmen in Nigeria such as giving and receiving bribes, nepotistic factionalism, budget paddling, inflation of contracts and later abandoned without consequential fear, abuse of public property, pilfering of government fund into private accounts, misappropriation of allocation, money laundry by public officers, as well as using proxy names to open account or buy opulent property. The manuscript demonstrates that high scale corruption of our leader is but consider as harmful effects on economic and political development. The premise of this manuscript is to justify the mode of political conundrum in Nigeria with the non-violence and dynamic system of governing political affair according to religious perception. The study concludes on the hypothesis that political corruption responsible for Nigeria underdevelopment and that politicians are to blame for the economic recession and poor performance of the Nigerian government at large.

Appointment of Non-Elected Political Functionaries and Its Implication on Local Government Administration in Nigeria

Nigeria is a federation with the component units saddled with different responsibilities. The local council is the level of government vested with powers to facilitate grassroots development and collaborate with higher levels to foster economic development. Regrettably, the local governments are more like shadows of themselves. One notable challenge the third tier of government had consistently encountered is political interference, especially the unconstitutional appointment of caretaker and transitional committees to manage the affairs of the local government. Thus, this paper examined the factors responsible for the appointment of non-elected political functionaries and its implications to the councils. Survey research design was used for the study, six of the twenty local governments in Ogun State were selected from the three senatorial districts. Sixty three unstructured interviews were conducted and 1,800 copies of a self-constructed questionnaire were administered. Findings revealed that four major factors necessitated the appointment of non-elected political functionaries and these appointments were more of compensation for political patronage than anything else. The consequences of such appointment is that these appointees serve the interest of their political god fathers rather than the wishes and aspiration of the masses they supposed to serve. The paper recommended that the 1999 Constitution of Nigeria should be amended to accommodate the tenure of political officers at the local government level. A period of four years is therefore recommended for the elected functionaries.

Political Godfatherism and Democratic Consolidation in Nigeria : Empirical Evidence from Oyo State and Kwara State

Political Godfatherism and Democratic Consolidation in Nigeria : Empirical Evidence from Oyo State and Kwara State

Influence of Socio-Economic Factors on Educated Elites Participation in the Political Process of Ogun State , Nigeria ( 2003 - 2011 )

Active participation by citizens has been regarded as a major requirement for democracy in any society. When people active participate especially through voting during elections in the selection of their leaders, it provides legitimacy for the government that is form after. Several studies, especially those carried out in western countries, have advocated that the more socioeconomic factors such as higher education, marital status, and higher income, positive affect the willingness of citizens to vote and to stand for election into public office. However, the record of voters turn out has been showing declining turn out by registered voters in Nigeria’s general elections. This study therefore examined the influence of socio-economic factors on the participation of educated elites in the political process in Ogun State, Nigeria. Descriptive survey design was adopted for the study, which was executed over a nine month period from September 2011 to May 2012. Stratified random sampling was used to locate the respondents who were selected from eight local governments (Ado-Odo Ota, Abeokuta South, Ikenne, Ijebu Ode, Ijebu North, Odeda, Sagamu and Yewa South) out of the twenty in the state. A total of 1720 respondents filled and returned the questionnaire. Descriptive statistics was used to analyze the data collected. While secondary data included relevant textbooks, peer-reviewed journal articles, newspaper and materials downloaded from the internet. Socio-economic factors did not higher level of political participation in Ogun State, as extraneous factors such as high level of insecurity, electoral violence, influence of political godfathers discouraged participation by the educated elites. The government needs to create the enabling environment for participation of the educated elites in the political process through adequate security before, during and after general elections.

Political Godfatherism and Governance in a Developing Democracy: Insight from Nigeria

This paper focuses on political godfatherism and governance in a developing Democracy with special attention to Nigeria. Its staggering posture in Nigerian politics gave rise to the evaluation of the concept and its impact on the politics of the country. The cardinal objective is to investigate whether political godfathersim affect good governance in Nigeria. The study employed descriptive and content analytical method in the analysis of data. The findings of this study indicated that godfatherism has threatened the country’s nascent democracy. It is the position of this study among other things that competitions among godfathers to control state powers and resources through their favoured godsons have denied the electorates the right to elect their preferred candidates, thereby rendering elections ineffective and inconsequential. Besides, the fierce struggle for state power has also resulted in some of the worst electoral violence in the country, in almost all the elections that have been conducted in Nigeria since the inception of the fourth (4th) Republic, 1999 – till date, that godfatherism as practiced in Nigerian polity is a potential threat to the sustenance of democracy. This study therefore recommended that to ensure a government and democratic rule that will bring about societal development and transformation, there should be independent choice of candidates, free and fair election, financial independence of candidates, polity devoid of financial and material inducement of electorates, attitudinal change and positive perception among the team players in Nigerian politics. DOI: 10.5901/ajis.2014.v3n4p137

Journalistic Slanting Of the Governor Chris Ngige and Chris Uba Prebendal Political Conflict in South-Eastern Nigeria, 2004-2006

Prebendal political conflicts are crises of the ruling and political class, owing to disagreement in respect of appropriation and sharing of resources and wealth of a nation state, as personal needs and entitlements, Prebendalism, which is a strong concomitant of political godfatherism, has disturbed Nigeria’s democracy. The period between 2004 and 2006 has recorded a ruinous prebendal political conflict in the South-Eastern geo-political zone of Nigeria. The conflict, which involved an erstwhile Governor of Anambra State, Dr. Chris Ngige and a political chieftain in the state, Chief Chris Uba, occurred with attendant violence. However, empirical studies on the role played by the press in this type of conflict situation are faint in political communication literature. This study therefore was conducted to investigate how selected newspapers reported the Ngige and Uba prebendal political conflict in South-Eastern Nigeria between 2004 and 2006. Four Nigerian national newspapers were chosen for the study, namely: Daily Champion, Daily Trust, Nigerian Tribune and The Guardian. Purposive sampling was used to select 84 journalistic genres out of 72 editions of the newspapers. The study was organized within hermeneutical framework. All the newspapers reported scenarios that aided escalation of the conflict. The coverage reflected partisanship. Most particularly, Daily Champion took side blatantly and unprofessionally with Ngige against Uba. The reportage predicted destruction of lives and properties and violent acts that were perpetrated by the supporters of the conflicting parties in Anambra State of Nigeria between 2004 and 2006. The journalistic slanting of the conflict contravenes the tenets of a socially responsible press. Newspapers in Nigeria must be socially responsible in reporting political conflicts so as to bring about a peaceful political order in the country.

Political Godfather-Son Conflict in South-Western Nigeria, 2004-2006: The Role of the Press

Political godfather-son conflict has been upsetting Nigeria’s development. The conflict, rooted in clash of values, interest, needs and resources, involved political office holders in top hierarchy of government. There have been scholarly works on the gate-keeping and agenda setting role of the media in political conflicts, but the actual role the Nigerian media play in political godfather-son conflict is inadequate in literature. Thus, this study was carried out to determine how selected newspapers reported such conflict between a former State Governor, Rasheed Ladoja and a political godfather Lamidi Adedibu, in Oyo State, South Western Nigeria. The study period was 2004 to 2006 when the conflict heightened and escalated to physical violence and civil unrest. Five nationally-circulated newspapers were selected for the study, namely: Daily Champion, Daily Trust, Nigerian Tribune, The Guardian and The Punch. Purposive sampling was used to select 105 editorial items in 90 editions of the selected newspapers. The study adopted dialectical hermeneutics in data gathering and analysis. This was done to investigate partisanship, fairness, bias and largely the extent of social responsibility displayed in reporting the conflict by the newspapers. It was discovered that the vast reportage of the conflicts was largely negative as the newspapers overwhelmingly published stories that contributed to escalation of the conflicts. The reportage reflected incitement, partisanship and bias on the part of the newspapers. The reportage could not have helped in reconciling the conflicting parties, but fuelled the conflicts to violence and public unrest. The reportage was socially irresponsible and unethical journalistic practice has become a constraint to the development of democracy in Nigeria. The Nigerian press need to be development oriented by practising peace journalism. This will advance Nigeria’s democracy, as well as help prevent any military intervention in Nigeria’s politics in the future.

Resource Dependency, Institutional, and Stakeholder Organizational Theories in France, Nigeria, and India

This paper describes resource dependency, institutional and stakeholder organizational theories and how each theory might or might not work in the France, Nigeria, and India. Application of the three organizational theories demonstrates several features, including an emphasis on inter-organizational dependence for organizational survival and resolution of issues of conflicts between competing stakeholders as critical to the sustenance of organizations in all three national cultures. In relation to the institutional theory, while France is required to implement all European Union Directives and constantly put organizations under pressure to conform to these expectations, issues of poverty, nepotism, political god-fatherism, and corruption prevalent in India and Nigeria mean that organizations are not always put under as much pressure to conform to expectations.

Chanakya’s Chant

Woven in and around the context of one of the largest politically influenced and ruled countries in the world, whether in a monarchial era or in the so called developed and evolved democracy, Chanakya's Chant emerges as an outstanding figment of Ashwin Sanghi's imagination in carving out the characters from India's unprecedented historical and present political scenario. The basic plot evolves from the time dating back to 2300 year old unanimous and mighty Maurya Empire, and the political Godfather disguised also as an economist, Chanakya. The story switches places between, the original kingmaker Chanakya and his aggressive political measures in crowning his protege Chandragupta Maurya as king, to a contemporary kingmaker Chanakya reincarnated as Gangasagar Mishra and Chandini substituting Chandragupta. The story begins in the backdrop of Mauryan empire with the murder of Paurus ; contender for the kingship of Kaikey and Magadh empires and slowly unfolds Chanakya's ruthlessness, and deceitful ways to win. doi : 10.5214/ans.0972.7531.200312

Chanakya�s Chant

Woven in and around the context of one of the largest politically influenced and ruled countries in the world, whether in a monarchial era or in the so called developed and evolved democracy, Chanakya’s Chant emerges as an outstanding figment of Ashwin Sanghi’s imagination in carving out the characters from India’s unprecedented historical and present political scenario. The basic plot evolves from the time dating back to 2300 year old unanimous and mighty Maurya Empire, and the political Godfather disguised also as an economist, Chanakya. The story switches places between, the original kingmaker Chanakya and his aggressive political measures in crowning his protege Chandragupta Maurya as king, to a contemporary kingmaker Chanakya reincarnated as Gangasagar Mishra and Chandini substituting Chandragupta. The story begins in the backdrop of Mauryan empire with the murder of Paurus; contender for the kingship of Kaikey and Magadh empires and slowly unfolds Chanakya’s ruthlessness, and deceitful ways to win. On the parallel line of Chanakya; Mishra a believer in the great kingmaker’s mantras used everything at his disposal, good or bad, to succeed in his endeavors of taking Chandini to highest position of Prime minister of India. The author has meticulously revealed the fact that the society and political scenario remained as unchanged as the human nature itself. Society still remains divided on the basis of religion, caste, community and economic status and and is eventually exploited and ruled by the golden “Divide and Rule” policy. The basic four principles for winning and ruling over have strengthened rather than diminishing by time, i.e. ruling by intellectual pacifying ‘saam’, by using wealth as a foul means ‘daam’, by the fear of punishment ‘dand’ and by inducing inequality by social discrimination amongst individuals or populations ‘bhed’. The book has a flavor of reality, fiction, history, thriller and romance in calculated proportions that keeps its reader captivated and thrilled till the end. However historical events revolving around Chanakya’s neeti portray Chandragupta as a mere puppet with strings of his moral values and valor in the hands of a master strategist. Towards the end Suvasini, Chanakya’s lover, loses even the last chance to live a dignified life. She curses the strategist, that his strategies will stand naive and useless, unless for female empowerment. This very well showcases in the fact of the story where Chandini emerges as a national hero with a shining political career. The Chanakya’s Chant meditated upon by Gangasagar truly helped him achieve what he imagined for Chandini “Adi Shakti, Namo Namah Sarab Shakti, Namo Namah Prithum Bhagvati, Namo Namah”

Mediating an Intra-Elite Struggle for Power and Privilege in Nigeria: The Police and the Oyo State Political Crisis, 2005–2007

It is not new that politics in Nigeria since the attainment of political independence, and even in the period before, has been a zero-sum game. It is also a fact that politicians and political office holders engage in intense struggles to sustain themselves in power and to liquidate the opposition by all means possible, fair or foul. Similarly, the emergence of political godfathers with tremendous clout has remained an essential feature of politics in Nigeria, the same way that the police have remained a pawn on the chessboard of the political class in Nigeria. The emergence of ‘godfathers' and the brazen ways in which they justify their existence may be the most defining feature of Nigeria's democracy since 2003. The crisis between Rashidi Ladoja, the governor of Oyo State from 2003 to 2007, and Chief Lamidi Adedibu was only one of many such cases. Yet it typifies Nigeria's politics by the manner of police involvement. This paper situates the role of the police in a historical context of their being an instrument of power since colonial rule. It explores how the new manifestation of this character in the Ladoja–Adedibu crisis underscores the contemporary form of Nigeria's politics.

Fairy godfathers and magical elections: understanding the 2003 electoral crisis in Anambra State, Nigeria

ABSTRACTOn 10 July 2003, a civilian coup was attempted in Anambra state in South-east Nigeria. Barely two months after Chris Ngige was sworn in as the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) governor of Anambra, a team of armed policemen disarmed his security detail and took him into custody. The governor's attempted ousting made public the breakdown of his relationship with his political godfather, Chief Chris Uba, and sparked a debate on godfather politics in Nigeria. Using the case of Anambra, this article investigates the complex network of personalised relationships that holders of state power maintain with their national and local clientelistic constituencies. It explores the political underpinnings of the crisis and its links to national-level power dynamics, particularly within the ruling party and the Obasanjo presidency.