Political Frame Research Articles

Programming the USSR: Leonid V. Kantorovich in context.

In the wake of Stalin's death, many Soviet scientists saw the opportunity to promote their methods as tools for the engineering of economic prosperity in the socialist state. The mathematician Leonid Kantorovich (1912-1986) was a key activist in academic politics that led to the increasing acceptance of what emerged as a new scientific persona in the Soviet Union. Rather than thinking of his work in terms of success or failure, we propose to see his career as exemplifying a distinct form of scholarship, as a partisan technocrat, characteristic of the Soviet system of knowledge production. Confronting the class of orthodox economists, many factors were at work, including Kantorovich's cautious character and his allies in the Academy of Sciences. Drawing on archival and oral sources, we demonstrate how Kantorovich, throughout his career, negotiated the relations between mathematics and economics, reinterpreted political and ideological frames, and reshaped the balance of power in the Soviet academic landscape.

When Islamism and Pop Culture Meet: A Political Framing of the Movie "212: The Power of Love"

This article examines the film 212: The Power of Love, which has been perceived as apolitical in political circumstances, and which was explicitly endorsed by new religious authorities. By critiquing the notion of Post-Islamism employed by scholars, this paper argues for the concept of Pop-Islamism, which emphasizes the contribution of political agents outside of political parties. I consider the following three questions: What is the primary reason behind creating a film in the context of the 212 movements? How does it deal with the event? What kind of Islam has been represented? This article argues that the medium of film is used to legitimize accusations of blasphemy made against Ahok through a singular interpretation of events, which represent Islam as a peaceful and tolerant religion. Subsequently, the film obscures select facts and issues to conceal the connection between the 212 movement and electoral politics in Jakarta. It does so by framing those issues apolitically in the context of increased Islamization in Indonesia.

When Mobilization is Not Enough: Political Mediation, Framing, and the Use of Direct Democracy Devices by the Labor Movement in Response to Anti-Union Legislation

ABSTRACTThe political context of the United States has become increasingly anti-union, and legislation that threatens the ability of unions to collect dues and collectively bargain has been introduced and passed in many states. In an increasingly hostile political climate, mobilization is not sufficient for the labor movement to achieve success in the policy arena. Labor movement campaigns that arose in 2011 in Ohio and Wisconsin in response to legislation curtailing collective bargaining rights of public employees provide two important examples of responses to anti-union legislation. Neither campaign was able to prevent the passage of the legislation through mobilization, but the labor movement campaign in Ohio still achieved a successful outcome by repealing the legislation through a binding referendum. This paper discusses how social movement theories—political mediation and framing—can help us to understand what led to the success of the movement in Ohio but not Wisconsin. I argue that the movement in Ohio was successful because in an unfavorable political context they were able to take advantage of a key opening in the political opportunity structure – the referendum – and were also able to exploit a framing opportunity provided by the scope of the legislation.

Co-creation Is Not for the Faint of Heart

Research Article| March 01 2020 Co-creation Is Not for the Faint of Heart: Musings from an Evolving Field Brenda Longfellow Brenda Longfellow Brenda Longfellow has published widely on documentary, feminist film theory, and Canadian cinema. She co-edited (with Scott MacKenzie and Tom Waugh) The Perils of Pedagogy: The Works of John Greyson (2013) and co-edited (with Kay Armatage, Kass Banning, and Janine Marchessault) Gendering the Nation: Canadian Women Filmmakers (1992). Notable documentaries include the interactive project OFFSHORE (2013–15), Weather Report (2008), Tina in Mexico (2002), Shadowmaker: Gwendolyn MacEwen, Poet (1998), A Balkan Journey (1996), and Our Marilyn (1987). She is also a professor in the Department of Cinema and Media Arts at York University, Toronto. Search for other works by this author on: This Site PubMed Google Scholar Afterimage (2020) 47 (1): 54–60. https://doi.org/10.1525/aft.2020.471010 Views Icon Views Article contents Figures & tables Video Audio Supplementary Data Peer Review Share Icon Share Facebook Twitter LinkedIn MailTo Tools Icon Tools Get Permissions Cite Icon Cite Search Site Citation Brenda Longfellow; Co-creation Is Not for the Faint of Heart: Musings from an Evolving Field. Afterimage 1 March 2020; 47 (1): 54–60. doi: https://doi.org/10.1525/aft.2020.471010 Download citation file: Ris (Zotero) Reference Manager EasyBib Bookends Mendeley Papers EndNote RefWorks BibTex toolbar search Search Dropdown Menu toolbar search search input Search input auto suggest filter your search All ContentAfterimage Search Since 2018, I have been developing a series of documentary projects on women and incarceration that embeds co-creation into its core methodological and political frame. This work is a collaboration between the Centre for Restorative Justice at Simon Fraser University (Vancouver, British Columbia) and the Immersive Storylab at York University (Toronto), co-directed by my research partner, Brenda Morrison, and myself. From the beginning, we understood that because of the very complex histories and unique social vulnerabilities of the women we would be working with, our process had to be deeply relational, networked, and organically collaborative, particularly as a substantial percentage of the women would be Indigenous. In Canada, although Indigenous women account for less than 5 percent of the female population, they make up 39 percent of women in federal institutions and 50–100 percent of women in some provincial, territorial, and remand centers. As criminologist Lisa Monchalin (Algonquin, Métis) argues,... You do not currently have access to this content.

Revisiting the Concept of Political Participation in the Pacific

Understanding how citizens participate in politics is important because it shapes political culture and the tenor of democracy. The standard research framing of Pacific politics, centring around institutions both formal and informal, fails to fully account for the myriad of ways in which non-elite Pacific Islanders experience and relate to politics in their daily lives. This scholarly approach results in limited engagement with informal sites of politics and non-elite engagement with these sites. We argue that what is missing is a research approach that focusses on how ordinary people actively and purposefully participate in politics in the region, and what it means for Pacific Islanders to be citizens who participate in politics. The concept of political participation provides a more fruitful entry point to fully understanding the changing political dynamics of the region.

Tristan and Isolde by Martin Shaw (review)

Storytelling, Self, Society, Vol. 16, No. 1 (2020), pp. 138–142. Copyright © 2020 by Wayne State University Press, Detroit, MI 48201 P E R F O R M A N C E R E V I E W Review of Tristan and Isolde, Performed by Martin Shaw, February 1, 2020, The Gatehouse, Dartington Hall, Totnes, UK Joseph Sobol M artin Shaw is one of the foremost exponents in the United Kingdom of what might be called the archetypal activist school of contemporary storytelling . This school (in the artistic, not the institutional sense) is distinguished by loosely discursive performances with spontaneous associative commentary, projecting narrative imagery through the prism of Jungian, Campbellian, or gender -political interpretive frames. Often, interpretive counterpoint is drawn from the audience as well as the performer/leader, so that events become collaborative social-psychological explorations. As Shaw declared late in this seven-hour marathon journey through the foundational myth of European romantic love, “The stories are alive, and where they live is inside of you.” The setting for this event was a chapel-like gatehouse on the grounds of Dartington Hall, formerly the site of Dartington College of Art. Dartington, fittingly, was a medieval demesne that in the 1920s came into the possession of a wealthy Bloomsbury denizen and his American heiress wife who turned it into a center of progressive agriculture and arts education. From the late 1960s, it housed the renowned Dartington College of Arts, a countercultural hub for post­ theatrical Sobol n 139 performance art. After the transfer of the Dartington College programs to Falmouth University in 2010, the facility has endeavored to reinvent itself as a community arts center, with a mixture of adult education, crafts instruction, natural foods café and family park, along with a couple of free-standing graduate courses administered by Plymouth University. The setting of an event forms part of its subtextual framing, infusing the atmospherics and blending with the peripheries of the performances themselves—so the green swell of the Devon landscape and the excellent organic café on the rise above the gatehouse became portals into and out of this visualization of the Tristan myth. Shaw’s portrayal of the hero as a puer aeternus, far more at home in hopeless pursuit than in satisfied desire, resonated with my own memories of a disorderly hitchhiking visit to Dartington College forty years before, in the depths of my own puer miseries. The eighty-five-seat hall was nearly full by the 10:00 a.m. start time. Shaw began with a leisurely introduction tracking his own relationship with the story and the various texts through which it has been handed down to us, in particular the monumental version of Gottfried von Strassburg, dated approximately 1210. He traced the poetics of the troubadours and trobairitz, the lesser-known female court poets of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, and touched on their animating philosophy of courtly love and the political, economic, and cultural conditions that circumscribed it. In a milieu where marriages were mainly alliances arranged between ruling powers, Shaw suggested, the outlets for romantic love these poets would have had were primarily adulterous. He suggested that this historical metanarrative infused the poem with a continuing significance—that it represented one of the originating imaginings of romantic and sexual agency within the Western tradition. With this hypothesis as a thematic frame, he gradually eased into the body of the story. This lengthy prologue was curiously congruent with Gottfried von Strassburg ’s own practice. Gottfried also framed his text with a prologue in which he claims his intended audience—those elect souls willing to endure ennobling sorrow for the sake of love—and indicates the scope of his research into the many sources of the tale. He thus distinguished those few who “told the tale aright” from the many who had not—with precedence given to the version by Thomas of Britain, composed at the court of Eleanor of Aquitaine in the 1150s. The formal progression seemed natural here as in the old text, arising from the need, residually oral in the manuscript but immediate in performance, to prepare the ground for trust and mutual visualization to grow between teller and audience...

Cognitive polyphasia in a global south populist democracy: Mapping social representations of Duterte’s regime in the Philippines

Prevailing scholarship on populism focuses on explaining polarized patterns of support and opposition for populist regimes. This paper extends this conceptualization to account for the fragmented politics of Global South democracies. Invoking the concept of cognitive polyphasia, we map the Filipino public’s social representations of Duterte’s populist regime in the Philippines. Utilizing a mixed methods approach, we uncover a representational field organized by the two dimensions of political alignment (support vs. opposition) and political frame (individual vs. system). Diversely embedded in this polyphasic field, supporters of the regime may construct Duterte’s individual leadership in terms of paternalistic patriotism, or the broader government as a morally-bankrupt yet progressive technocracy. Opposition to the regime may frame the president as an oppressive tyrant, or his administration as a historical continuation of entrenched state violence. Our findings contribute to extant populism debates by describing unique representational processes of differentiation and annexation in unequal populist publics. We reflect on implications for democratic engagement in the Philippines and the broader Global South.

Recalibrating burdens of blame: Anti-swidden politics and green governance in the Philippine Uplands

In Southeast Asia, the presence of cleared and burned forests has long evoked deep emotions, symbolism and representations that powerfully inform the governance of forests and upland peoples. In particular, the palpable visibility of shifting (swidden) agriculturalists ‘slashing and burning’ forests has fuelled centuries-old political agendas to criminalise swidden farmers for supposedly destroying swaths of forests valued for timber, biodiversity and now ecosystem services. Swidden farmers who regularly clear and burn forests, have endured a disproportionate burden of blame for investing in and maintaining an old livelihood practice into the 21st Century. Drawing on Hall’s politics of representation, we examine the contrasting political frames, management and practices of clearing and burning forests among upland farmers, state and non-state actors who govern forests on Palawan Island, the Philippines. We describe the social, economic, and biophysical character of swidden clearing and burning among the indigenous Tagbanua of central Palawan, whose livelihoods and landscapes are impacted by green governance and enclosures. Informed by several years of ethnographic fieldwork, we explore how and why Tagbanua farmers continue to clear and burn forest despite state and non-state actors criminalising these practices for decades. We argue that, despite sustained vilification and reduced fallows arising from governance policies and enclosures, Tagbanua farmers continue to clear and burn knowing well that, despite the practices being illegal, levels of tolerance and leniency toward swidden is the local norm, rather than exception—highlighting the importance of what we call ‘atmospheres of consent’. Ethnoecological understandings of clearing and burning in the uplands, we argue, are crucial to recalibrating the burden of blame placed on poor farmers whose agriculture is deemed destructive by the region’s burgeoning sustainability discourse.

Is faster better? Political and ethical framings of pace and space

AbstractConsidering the recent ‘temporal turn’ in International Relations scholarship, this article proposes that space and time are concepts that ‘thicken’ one another in several ways, with significant implications for understanding foreign policy and world politics. In the discourse of security and governance, space–time frames work together to facilitate and legitimize certain policies, actions, and reactions, and imply distinct perspectives on ethics. Drawing on the examples of United States (US) drone use, reactions to the event that has become known as ‘Benghazi’, and fears of the global spread of disease, this study investigates how temporal and spatial framings conceptualize effective and ethical security and governance. Arguing that space–time frames take shape from the resonance of political, theoretical, and cultural texts, four frames are elaborated including ‘space–time liberations’, ‘space–time oppressions’, ‘space–time strategics’, and ‘space–time reflexivities’. The article concludes by suggesting that contradictions and tensions between the frames along with postcolonial and decolonial perspectives can be leveraged to interrogate and displace dominant notions of pace and space in the practice and study of world politics, and that this is a form of scholarly and political reflexivity.

Explaining the Crisis of the Green Movement in Iran (2009-2017)

ABSTRACTThe Green Movement has been the most significant challenge the Islamic Republic of Iran has confronted since the 1979 Revolution. Despite an initial flourishing, the Green Movement gradually declined and was unable to achieve its goals. It was finally forced to play in the framework of the existing order. The present study explains the reasons for which the Green Movement declined and also attempts to determine which factors affected the regression and subsequent evolution of the movement and how. Social movement failure remains a largely understudied topic, and the literature on movement emergence is much more sophisticated than the literature on movement decline. The same is true about the Green movement of Iran. To answer the raised questions, the author uses social movement theory and examines the role of political opportunities, framing, mobilizing structures and repertoires of collective action in the decline and subsequent evolution of the movement. The findings illustrate how the loss of political opportunity played a decisive role in the decline and further evolution of the movement and severely affected the movement’s mobilizing structures while indirectly affecting its framing and repertoire of collective action. The inappropriate and ambiguous framing of the movement by its leaders along with a lack of strategy to address the existing challenges, the general haphazardness and the inability to adopt efficient collective actions undermined the movement and accelerated its failure.

The political construction of public health nutrition problems: a framing analysis of parliamentary debates on junk-food marketing to children in Australia.

Junk-food marketing contributes significantly to childhood obesity, which in turn imposes major health and economic burdens. Despite this, political priority for addressing junk-food marketing has been weak in many countries. Competing interests, worldviews and beliefs of stakeholders involved with the issue contribute to this political inertia. An integral group of actors for driving policy change are parliamentarians, who champion policy and enact legislation. However, how parliamentarians interpret and portray (i.e. frame) the causes and solutions of public health nutrition problems is poorly understood. The present study aimed to understand how Australian parliamentarians from different political parties frame the problem of junk-food marketing. Framing analysis of transcripts from the Australian Government's Parliamentary Hansard, involving development of a theoretical framework, data collection, coding transcripts and thematic synthesis of results. Australia. None. Parliamentarian framing generally reflected political party ideology. Liberal parliamentarians called for minimal government regulation and greater personal responsibility, reflecting the party's core values of liberalism and neoliberalism. Greens parliamentarians framed the issue as systemic, highlighting the need for government intervention and reflecting the core party value of social justice. Labor parliamentarians used both frames at varying times. Parliamentarians' framing was generally consistent with their party ideology, though subject to changes over time. This project provides insights into the role of framing and ideology in shaping public health policy responses and may inform communication strategies for nutrition advocates. Advocates might consider using frames that resonate with the ideologies of different political parties and adapting these over time.

Brazilian Blogosfera Progressista: Digital Vanguards in Dark Times

This article explores the Brazilian Blogosfera Progressista (Progressive Blogosphere, hereafter BP), a leftist political communication initiative aiming to conciliate an institutionalized model of organization with a networked model of action. Despite the disparity of resources existing between them, BP proved able to counter effectively the mainstream media’s political framings, thanks to wise networking strategies, which explored the communicative opportunities offered by social media. The Centro de Estudos de Mídia Alternativa Barão de Itararé – Barão de Itararé Alternative Media Studies Center – is an essential piece in this schema, as it works as a coordinating agency for BP members and trains new participants. Our article intends to discuss this and other characteristics of BP as a group, and the challenges it faces at the present, after the rise of Jair Bolsonaro to Brazil’s presidency.

El rey molinista pensado por don Juan Manuel en El libro de los estados

Cuando don Juan Manuel compuso El libro de los estados, entre 1327 y 1330, fue testigo del proceso de fortalecimiento del poder regio de Alfonso XI, que se desarrolló en detrimento del poder nobiliario. Si atendemos a la imagen del rey que se presenta en el texto, vemos que se define, entre otras cosas, por su sometimiento ante la ley y por la corresponsabilidad con la nobleza en el ejercicio del poder. De este modo, se puede comprender que don Juan Manuel, productor cultural y actor político de su tiempo, reaccionó ante el proyecto de Alfonso XI recuperando algunos valores del marco político-cultural molinista de la época de Fernando IV en la que se formó.

The political economy of universal health coverage: a systematic narrative review.

The uptake and implementation of universal health coverage (UHC) is primarily a political, rather than a technical, exercise, with contested ideas and diverse stakeholders capable of facilitation or resistance-even veto-of the policy uptake. This narrative systematic review, undertaken in 2018, sought to identify all peer-reviewed publications dealing with concepts relating to UHC through a political economy framing. Of the 627 papers originally identified, 55 papers were directly relevant, with an additional eight papers added manually on referral from colleagues. The thematic analysis adapted Fox and Reich's framework of ideas and ideologies, interests and institutions to organize the analysis. The results identified a literature strong in its exploration of the ideologies and ideas that underpin UHC, but with an apparent bias in authorship towards more rights-based, left-leaning perspectives. Despite this, political economy analyses of country case studies suggested a more diverse political framing for UHC, with the interests and institutions engaged in implementation drawing on pragmatic and market-based mechanisms to achieve outcomes. Case studies offered limited detail on the role played by specific interests, though the influence of global development trends was evident, as was the role of donor organizations. Most country case studies, however, framed the development of UHC within a narrative of national ownership, with steps in implementation often critical political milestones. The development of institutions for UHC implementation was predicated largely on available infrastructure, with elements of that infrastructure-federal systems, user fees, pre-existing insurance schemes-needing to be accommodated in the incremental progress towards UHC. The need for technical competence to deliver ideological promises was underlined. The review concludes that, despite the disparate sources for the analyses, there is an emerging shared narrative in the growing literature around the political economy of UHC that offers an increasing awareness of the political dimensions to UHC uptake and implementation.

Imperial Emotions: The politics of empathy across the British Empire by Jane Lydon

Reviewed by: Imperial Emotions: The politics of empathy across the British Empire by Jane Lydon Rob Boddice Imperial Emotions: The politics of empathy across the British Empire By Jane Lydon. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2020. There are two red herrings in the title of this book that must be addressed. First, this is not a book about “empathy”; second, it is not a book that goes “across the British Empire” in its coverage. This is a book about situated and historically specific forms of fellow-feeling in the context of colonial Australia and New Zealand up to the end of the nineteenth century, with a chapter on twentieth-century Australian republicanism at the end. It might be objected that I am nitpicking, but the clarification on these points does not diminish the work’s importance. Indeed, disentangling the specific subject from the generalism of the book’s purported analytical framework helps to make sense of it and to situate its historiographical value. Lydon begins by making a justification for writing about “empathy,” which is acknowledged to be of twentieth-century coinage and unstable definition. Lydon’s subject matter is the “compassionate emotions, today glossed as empathy.” In this usage, Lydon claims to follow Adam Smith’s “inclusive sense of ‘fellow feeling,’” rather than “empathy” as emotional identification. The claim that “Smith’s broad conception of sympathy encompassed what during the twentieth century increasingly came to be called ‘empathy’” is factually inaccurate (2). These beginnings are unnecessary contortions. “Empathy” has no place here. Its introduction is anachronistic. The attempt to narrow down what is meant by it and to conflate it with historical categories risks misunderstanding on two levels. The meaning of “empathy” remains unstable and readers may well interpret what it is meant by it here incorrectly; and surely there is a great risk of obfuscating the historical, situated meanings and experiences of fellow-feeling in context. Lydon’s purpose is to “map” the “political effects” of “emotions such as empathy” in historical context (3), but a) empathy in its wide variety of twentieth- and twenty-first-century meanings is not typically classed as an “emotion” in its own right and b) does not even exist in this particular historical context. It is somewhat surprising in this regard that no mention or use is made of Susan Lanzoni’s Empathy: A history, the useful volume Empathy and Its Limits (Jay Winter’s essay especially), or indeed my own Science of Sympathy. Also missing are earlier works that focus on the contextual particularities of the emotional dynamics here in question, such as Thomas Dixon’s Invention of Altruism, Michael Frazer’s Enlightenment of Sympathy, Ildiko Csengei’s Sympathy, Sensibility and the Literature of Feeling in the Eighteenth Century, or the edited volume Passions, Sympathy and Print Culture.1 All of the above might have lent something to the framing here, and might have saved the reader from having to unpick and clarify this book’s subject matter. Happily, turning to the subject matter, we find a valuable book. Lydon offers an account of the politics of the expansion and limitation of the category “human” in Antipodean settler-colonial context, drawing together contested concepts of humanitarianism and philanthropy in missionary activities and antislavery civilizational politics. These conceptually slippery and historically specific usages are carefully handled, through visual, literary and print-media sources, to carve out a story of emergent fellow feeling that nonetheless preserved racialized distinctions between types of human. It makes for an empirical exemplification of Joanna Bourke’s What It Means to be Human, though Bourke is not cited here.2 This is augmented by an exploration of the politics of intimacy as an expression or technology of imperialism and dispossession, and of evangelical pity as “a modality of power” (19). Most importantly, Lydon’s book mines a deep-seated political framing of colonial context as domestic realm, replete with figurations of family, parenthood and childishness that were made to serve the natural and cultural dominance of the metropole and of whiteness over Indigenous ways of life. Here metaphors of family and manhood, in the context of religious or imperial affiliation, were the emotional tools of subjugation, control, conversion, civilization...

Leadership in Perspective of the Organizational Frame

This qualitative research is a case study focusing on leadership style and how leaders in School of Education Science, Nanjing Normal University (SES, NNU), carry out their leadership. Interview method is used for the study with 5 questions, 1) What are your major responsibilities? 2) What do you look for when you observe subordinates? 3) What are some ways you provide to support for subordinates? 4) What would you say are the most pressing issues that you are deliberating on now? 5) How would you describe your leadership style? Respondents in this study are two leaders in SES, NNU. The theory of the organizational frame by Bolman and Deal (2008) is used to analyze the response and date I have collected. By study, I want to see, 1) How the leaders in SES, NNU make sense of their organization, 2) How they apply their leadership into practice leadership according to the character of their organizational situations, 3) What implication we can have to our practice? I find that two leaders understand SES and its staff. They carry out their leadership in perspective of structural frame mainly and show some skills for political frame and that of human resources as well. Their practice implies us that organization frame provides a foundation for leadership style. What’s more, organizational analysis, tacit understanding of the organization, appropriate measures, harmonious relationship and positive role by leaders and subheads are important for effective and efficient leadership.

Critical pedagogy

While environmentalism is often associated with different non-governmental organizations, agencies, movements, institutions, and grassroots groups, one of the least understood types of environmentalism is so-called radical activism. This article will argue that the label of radicalism or even terrorism attached to some forms of environmental activism precludes learning about the causes of environmental crises. Based on the work of Paulo Freire in critical pedagogy and eco-pedagogy, this article supports the position that learning about social and political framing of “radicalism” as well as the issues that drive this “radical” action help the development of critical thinking and ethical judgment in students. By analyzing student reflection essays on the film If a Tree Falls: A Story of the Earth Liberation Front, this article draws lessons in ecological citizenship and critical thinking.

Fluidities and Fixities: Examining the Alignment of Digital Platforms Within Nairobi's Heterogeneous Infrastructural Configurations

Across the Global South, digital platforms have become increasingly present in the understanding, management and operation of cities and their infrastructures. In examining the impact of digital platforms within urban infrastructures however, the experiences of cities of the South, and especially informal urban settlements, remains significantly overlooked when considering the impact of digital technologies on urban processes. With digital technologies and associated platforms becoming ever more embedded within the infrastructures of informal settlements, the lack in understanding around the consequences of this insertion for one billion of the world’s population, is something that urgently needs to be addressed. This paper attends to this deficit by examining how digital platforms are being designed in respect of the socio-technical setting of informal settlement infrastructures and the consequences for infrastructural change of their insertion. Focusing on four digital platforms deployed within Nairobi’s water and energy infrastructures, the paper builds on the theoretical efforts of urban political ecology framing infrastructures as power laden socio-environmental constructions and goes on to utilise the analytical entry points provided by the notion of heterogeneous infrastructural configurations. The findings identify that, although the digital platforms developed new avenues for infrastructural change via opportunities for utilising data as leverage, they also created fixities for users that caused disjuncture with the natural fluidity that existed within the informal settlements. The findings note that not only do digital platforms reconfigure dynamics of power within heterogeneous infrastructural configurations but they also create opportunities for learning around the intersection of infrastructural flexibility and digital fixities.

Exclusionary Politics and Organized Resistance

ABSTRACT In seeking to overthrow, reform, or separate from an existing political system, both violent and nonviolent resistance organizations emerge. A common finding shows that democracies face violent resistance more so than autocracies. Studied less remains the pattern of organizations using nonviolence in efforts to topple autocratic regimes. What explains these trends in conjunction with one another? I put forth a theory contending that exclusionary politics frames the organizational use of violence and nonviolence in resistance campaigns. To test hypotheses, I analyze an original dataset of over 500 resistance organizations (1940–2014). I complement the large-n tests by reviewing resistance organizations that formed amid Lebanon’s Civil War (1975–1990) and Cedar Revolution (2005) using field methods, qualitative contextualization, and process tracing. The results reveal that the relationship between the target political system and the degree of inclusion of a resistance organization’s constituent identity group helps explain the adoption of violent strategies.

Domovinski rat u hrvatskim znanstvenim časopisima

Autori analiziraju kako se u vodećim društveno-humanističkim znanstvenim časopisima u Hrvatskoj obrađivala tematika Domovinskoga rata. Kronološki je rad podijeljen na dva razdoblja: od 1991. do 1999. te od 2000. do 2018. godine. Rad ne sadržava bibliografiju znanstvenih i stručnih radova na temu Domovinskoga rata, nego samo one najvažnije koji su, prema mišljenju autora, pridonijeli boljem razumijevanju Domovinskoga rata.