Political Forces Research Articles

The Specifics of the Relationship between the State and Business in Modern India

India, a member of the BRICS and the SCO, can play an important role in deepening Eurasian integration. However, in order to make possible the use of its integration potential, it is necessary to fully understand the specifics of this country, the nature of its existing political and economic system, which, in particular, is determined by the established model of relations between the state and business.Aim. To identify the features of the system of relations between the state and business, which has developed in India during the period of economic reforms and determines the potential and specifics of its political and economic development.Tasks. To trace the main stages of the evolution of relations between the state and business in the Republic of India, to assess government policy in relation to the main types of business and various business structures, to identify the degree of influence of private business on the policy and dynamics of economic development of the country.Methods. Systematic and comparative analysis, scientific generalization, expert assessments. Results. The article provides a scientific generalization of the evolution of models and methods of interaction between the state and business of the Republic of India, an assessment of their effectiveness from the point of view of socio-economic development of the country.Conclusions. The formation of the system of relations between the state and business in modern India was determined by the needs of the economic and social development of the country, the essence and forms of which were determined by the dominance of the relevant political forces and ideologies. At the initial stage, the use of repressive and coercive regulatory methods led to the establishment of a patron — client relationship between the state and business in all industrial sectors, focused on obtaining rent. However, subsequently, the growing inefficiency of the Indian economy and the growth of corruption forced the country’s ruling elites to reconsider their political and economic views and switch to a policy of economic liberalization, as a result of which India began to acquire the characteristic features of a “development state”. Currently, in a regulated market economy, the state, on the one hand, seeks to ensure greater freedom of the market, private entrepreneurship, promote greater openness and internationalization of the economy, on the other hand, weaken and limit large capital to protect small and medium-sized enterprises. At the same time, the relations between the state and business continue to be largely clientelistic, which, according to many experts, hinders further economic liberalization and increasing the global competitiveness of the Indian economy.

Punctuated Land: An Exploration of Conflict Through Photographic Practice

Punctuated Land (2019-2023) is a practice-led research project that, through photography, explores the enduring legacies of conflict and the historical and political forces that enable and perpetuate its normalization. Recurring visits to Israel/Palestine, tracing Israel’s de facto borders, and spending time in the occupied territories of the West Bank, were methods of observing how conflict gets inscribed on the verges and in the overlooked; including trees and other natural entities. This paper examines how living in ongoing conflict filters into the ground and into language, and how this informs how we view and interpret images. Traces and their photographic representation become the means to make visible the impact of maintaining dominance over the land. Practices of control and discrimination that appear in the landscape are reflected in the use of language, the interpretation of local laws, and the exercise of power over access and restrictions. While the mechanisms of violence and occupation promote a vision of this land as desolate and barren, this photographic project explores poetic and subtle visual methods to capture the traces of human presence that highlight the multiplicity of narratives and the entangled coexistence of collective memories.

The Cold War History of Wheat Flour in South Korea, 1945–1960: the Discourse of Corruption and the April Revolution of 1960

ABSTRACT One way that the United States conducted the Cold War was through its surplus food programmes (Public Law 480), which fed the hungry and supported anticommunist regimes. Consequently, South Koreans consumed over fourteen times more wheat flour by 1960 than during the preceding Japanese colonial period. This study presents a nuanced exploration of 1950s South Korea, using wheat flour — a central commodity in US aid — as a focal point to unravel complex political dynamics. It challenges the traditional binary narrative of authoritarianism versus liberalism, demonstrating how the Rhee regime’s promotion of wheat flour consumption reflected multifaceted strategies of corruption. This article underscores the unintended consequences of US aid, highlighting the intricate interactions between foreign assistance and local political, economic and social forces. By analysing the local responses to wheat flour distribution, it reveals how US aid, while aimed at bolstering anticommunism, inadvertently facilitated corruption and influenced public sentiment.

A meta-ethnography of the factors that shape link workers’ experiences of social prescribing

BackgroundSocial prescribing is gaining traction internationally. It is an approach which seeks to address non-medical and health-related social needs through taking a holistic person-centred and community-based approach. This involves connecting people with and supporting them to access groups and organisations within their local communities. It is hoped that social prescribing might improve health inequities and reduce reliance on healthcare services. In the UK, social prescribing link workers have become core parts of primary care teams. Despite growing literature on the implementation of social prescribing, to date there has been no synthesis that develops a theoretical understanding of the factors that shape link workers’ experiences of their role.MethodsWe undertook a meta-ethnographic evidence synthesis of qualitative literature to develop a novel conceptual framework that explains how link workers experience their roles. We identified studies using a systematic search of key databases, Google alerts, and through scanning reference lists of included studies. We followed the eMERGe guidance when conducting and reporting this meta-ethnography.ResultsOur synthesis included 21 studies and developed a “line of argument” or overarching conceptual framework which highlighted inherent and interacting tensions present at each of the levels that social prescribing operates. These tensions may arise from a mismatch between the policy logic of social prescribing and the material and structural reality, shaped by social, political, and economic forces, into which it is being implemented.ConclusionsThe tensions highlighted in our review shape link workers’ experiences of their role. They may call into question the sustainability of social prescribing and the link worker role as currently implemented, as well as their ability to deliver desired outcomes such as reducing health inequities or healthcare service utilisation. Greater consideration should be given to how the link worker role is defined, deployed, and trained. Furthermore, thought should be given to ensuring that the infrastructure into which social prescribing is being implemented is sufficient to meet needs. Should social prescribing seek to improve outcomes for those experiencing social and economic disadvantage, it may be necessary for social prescribing models to allow for more intensive and longer-term modes of support.

Commanding heights: the role of wealthy ‘starchitects’ in city remaking

Censuses of the world’s super-rich now include among their ranks several architects whose personal financial position stems from their status as influential ‘starchitects’. We discuss the economic, political and social forces that concentrate fortunes in the hands of a professional elite who are increasingly also members of a global wealth elite. The rise of such starchitects exemplifies how capital flows are generative of subsidiary but important classes of professional agents who have accumulated significant fortunes as a result of city (re)making. Thus a select few in this field possess the kind of ‘money power’ that is generative of a capacity to direct changes in the built environment. Courted by city administrations and super-rich clients starchitects are increasingly charged with delivering symbolic projects that reinforce expansionary circulations of capital. We develop a concept sketch of how a global cadre of starchitects and their practices are fundamentally aligned with the shift of many cities to plan star-driven vehicles in order to capture capital. We discuss three elements that are crucial in determining the agency of starchitects: first, economic and political constraints or opportunities; second, normative conditions within industry and city institutional contexts; and, third, the important role of professional and power networks.

Keeping the academy queer: Lessons from the queer community for the future of public affairs education

ABSTRACT Academics are becoming more thoughtful on where they want to live as the culture war on queerness has entered higher education. Universities, in order to recruit the best and the brightest, need to consider how to create an environment that retains and attracts diverse talent. In this article, we examine how to recruit and support LGBTQIA+ faculty, acknowledging that universities are part of wider cultural and political forces. We use heteronormativities, creative class, and queer geographies to better understand the current state of the LGBTQIA+ community. We start by exploring the heteronormative and cisnormative assumptions about the community. We link university and creative class cultures and their impact on town-gown queer realities. Finally, we conclude with a look at the different steps a university can take to make their organization a more welcoming and inclusive place for LGBTQIA+ faculty and their families.

РОЛЬ МЕЛИСА ЭШИМКАНОВА В ФОРМИРОВАНИИ МЕДИАПРОСТРАНСТВА И ПОЛИТИЧЕСКОЙ КУЛЬТУРЫ КЫРГЫЗСТАНА

This article explores the characteristics of political culture and the development of media space in Kyrgyzstan. The creation of pluralism in the information space is considered one of the significant accomplishments in the country's political system. The media acts as an intermediary between society and the government, fulfilling the functions of the "fourth estate" despite facing pressure from various political forces. The figure of journalist Melis Eshimkanov, who was willing to confront the political system and establish the traditions of an independent and democratic press, embodies the unique features of his time. M. Eshimkanov's perspectives were influenced by the transitional period of Kyrgyzstan's development, which saw the overlay of democratic values

동북아 역사상 마한문화의 위상과 익산

Iksan’s historical and cultural status and source in the history of Northeast Asia occupy a very important position. Iksan had already attracted attention as a center of Bronze Age culture based on the recovery of a large amount of archaeological relics in the 1970s. The ruins of Buyeo, Iksan and Jeonju(Wanju) within a 60km radius of Iksan were set as the ‘Iksan Cultural Area’. It is presumed that technological innovations were achieved in regions including Iksan by residents who came down from the political upheaval in Liaodong and the northwest region. Archaeologically, the founding period of Mahan is believed to be between the 3rd and 1st centuries B.C. in connection with the introduction of iron culture. In this case, the Mahan small states of Iksan is likely to be the Geonma states that appears in China's records of the 『Samkukji』. This small state’s name is connected to Jimomilji in the 「Gwanseumeungheomgi」 and Jimohyeon, Jimamaji, Geummajeo, Geumma in the geography of the 『Samguksagi』, showing regional historicity. Also, considering the spatial scope of Mahan as the southwestern part of the Korean Peninsula in Gyeonggi, Chungcheong, and Jeolla regions, Iksan small states is considered to encompass the Geum River and Mangyeong River areas such as Okgu, Impi, Hamyeol and Geumma. In the late 4th century, the Iksan region was subordinated to Baekje along with the western regions of Jeollabuk-do, including Gunsan, Jeonju(Wanju), Gimje, Buan, Jeongeup and Gochang, and was incorporated into the local system after the transfer of the capital to Ungjin. After the 5th century, the Ipjeom-ri and Ungpo-ri tombs and the Sanwol-ri ruins in Daeya-myeon in the Geum River area related to Iksan show that they came under the control of central political forces. Even in the 6th century, Iksan was an important area through the fact that even Baekje’s Geummajeo, Geumma-gun, and Geumma-san were continuously mentioned in the literature records. Even in the 7th century, the theory of Iksan as the capital and separate capitals means that it had the same weight and importance as Sabi, the capital of Baekje at the time.

«В Коауиле провозглашается коммунизм». Эпизод из истории Мексиканской революции (1912 г.)

The article deals with a little-known and little-studied episode from the history of the Mexican Revolution of 1910-1917, the proclamation of communism by anarchist guerrillas in the state of Coahuila in 1912. A brief but vivid history of the guerrillas, organized by the Magonists from the Mexican Lib-eral Party (PLM) at one of the key moments of the revolution, is considered in the context of the general role of the anar-chist movement at various stages of the revolution in Mexico, of evolution of its ideology, strategy and tactics. An attempt has been made to assess the significance of the events under consideration for the development of the anarchist movement in the world. PLM, led by brothers Riсardo and Enrique Flo-res Magon, was in 1906-1908 the first political force that launched a rebel movement against the dictatorship of Porfirio Diaz, and in 1910-1911 made a significant contribu-tion to the overthrow of the regime. However, after this, the leadership of the Mexican Liberal Party officially switched to the position of anarchism, and its supporters tried to organize a guerrilla movement with the aim of carrying out a social revolution in Mexico. Although the PLM rebel forces were crushed by superior government forces in 1912, and many of their members were killed, the proclamation of anarchist communism by a group of guerrillas on February 9, 1912 in the Mexican state of Coahuila, one of the traditional areas of influence of the Magonists, was the first act of this kind in the history of world anarchist movement and served as an example for anarchists in other countries.

A New Normal in the Past: Learn from Historical Events in Bagelen After the Java War (1825-1830)

The article analyzes the historical mental situation in Bagelen after the Javanese War, a situation similar to the 'new normal' era. This term was popular towards the end of the COVID-19 pandemic when everyone was forced to adapt to a situation created by a power relation context as the 'new normal' era. In the context of the post-Java War era, the contestants, both winners and losers, were both forced to adapt to the colonial socio-cultural and political forces of the 'cultuurstelsel' era as the 'new normal'. This study explains how both sides adapted to the new normal, following their respective historical and devotional duties. The victor sought to explain his moral responsibility by building political legitimacy and new hopes in the form of imaginings of an age of prosperity in Bagelen, while the loser sought to atone for defeat by building a new civilization outside Bagelen. As the winner, R.A.A. Cokronegoro wrote an autobiographical account of the Java War which became known as Babad Kedung Kebo as the political legitimacy capital to build the city of Purworejo. At the same time, as the loser Prince Diponegoro also wrote an autobiographical account of the Java War which became known as Babad Diponegoro. As for his followers, consisting of the Kyai and students, they went into a diaspora, leaving the Bagelen area to build the city of Purworejo.

An urban political ecology of populism

In this paper we develop a relational understanding of populism informed by urban political ecology. We argue that an urban political ecology of populism is necessary for a popular-democratic denunciation of the environmental claims of the far right. This article thereby aims to further develop a critique of liberal environmentalism and right-wing populism. We do so by first staging a dialogue between literatures in urban political ecology and Gramscian inflected readings of populism. Both have sought to interpret how spatial – and ecological – claim making becomes central to struggles over hegemony. The second half of the paper analyses these tensions in the Dutch farmers movement, which has become one of the most important political forces in the Netherlands since 2019. Abstracting “the local”, “the rural” or “the farm” out of the broader processes of urbanisation is central to struggles over the representation of farmers. Right-wing movements thus seek to further a broader disillusionment with formal politics, while effectively deploying spatial and ecological abstractions that pit the “rural” against the “urban”. We conclude by instead emphasising the crucial connections between populism and ecology, and call for a popular-democratic political ecology.

The state-of-the-art in sport tourism geographies

The geography of sport offers valuable theoretical and conceptual frames to inform the study of sport-related tourism. While all sports share fundamental aspects such as rule structures, elements of competition and aspects of physical play, the manifestations of these dimensions of sport are enormously diverse. Sport and tourism are socially constructed phenomena. The constant evolution of sports in different societies raise a spectacular array of opportunities – and challenges - for tourism development. This review paper explores the development of the field of sport tourism over time, tracing the academic study of sport tourism to two seminal pieces of work that were published in 1989. It reviews current and emerging avenues of research in this dynamic field, highlighting gaps in the literature that focus particularly on the environmental and technological dimensions of sport tourism. We conclude that the social, economic, technological and political forces of change in our societies will continue to reshape (and be reshaped by) the geographies of sport and tourism.

Back to the Future: Placing the Florida Decision in Historical Context

In January 2024, Florida’s Board of Education eliminated the sociology course, ‘Principles of Sociology’ as one of its core requirements for obtaining a general social science education in its college and university system. Florida’s Commissioner of Education, Manny Diaz, led the charge, claiming that sociology has been ‘hijacked by left wing activists’ and is a purveyor of ‘woke ideology’. Some within the profession would agree with Diaz, and certainly, many university administrators would as well. Of course, there are varying representations of sociology, and what Diaz and others are targeting is critical sociology and its commitment to the interrogation of power. However, these political dynamics are not new. The history of critical sociology has reflected a similar pattern that it is being played out currently. The ebbs and flows of critical sociology’s place within the discipline, the state and profession’s suppression of it, its resurgence linked to external social and political forces, and its precarious existence within the university have been true of critical sociology since its origins. This paper offers a historical context for better understanding the current attack on the field of sociology and raises the question, what should critical sociologists do about it?

Affective Turn, or Return?

The ‘affective turn’ suggests that we pay attention to how affects create subjectivities, build communities, and shape new forms of politics in the making. It invites us to move beyond established humanities and social science paradigms and toward richer forms of contextual analysis by studying how bodies – human and otherwise – ‘act and are acted upon’ (Gregg and Seigworth 2010, 1). The ‘affective turn’ requires sensitive attention to a host of cognate terms and concepts – sentiment, emotion, reverberation, resonance, atmosphere, and far beyond, including the more specific trans-category of ‘affective politics’ as well as affective reinterpretations of the social. Music has long been recognized as a site where affective politics play out. However, existing scholarship often view Baruch Spinoza, Silvan Tomkins, Gilles Deleuze, and Brian Massumi as the founding fathers of affective thinking at the expense of related work in the broader tradition of music philosophy. We address this lacuna by discussing the relationship between music, affect, and politics in the work of Plato, Aristotle, Al-Farabi, Qian Sima, Johannes Tinctoris, René Descartes, Johann Gottfried von Herder, Jean-Jacques Rousseau, Theodor Adorno, Antoine Hennion, and Tia DeNora, as we aim to broaden, nuance, sharpen, and situate contemporary understandings of affective politics in music studies. In doing so, we discuss whether the affective turn is, perhaps, better understood as a ‘return’ to cross-disciplinary music research that situates the understandings of affective politics, relational agency, and political emotions within a longer history of music philosophy that, taken together, provide a more robust theoretical argument for the social and political force of musical sounds.

Pembentukan dan Perkembangan Parmusi Cabang Padang Pariaman (1968-1971)

This study examines the formation and development of the Indonesian Muslim Party (Parmusi) Branch in Padang Pariaman during the period 1968-1971. Parmusi was established in 1968 with the goal of reviving the legacy of Masyumi, which was disbanded by Soekarno. The establishment of the Parmusi branch in Padang Pariaman was formalized through Decree Number 214/1/1968. Although initially expected to become a new political force, Parmusi faced various challenges, including intervention from the New Order government and Laksusda. Under the leadership of Raisuddin Muchtar and Alhadar Alam, Parmusi endeavored to consolidate support and participate in the 1971 elections, despite encountering electoral fraud and political pressure. Parmusi’s campaign and political activities were often closely monitored by intelligence and government officials. The results of the 1971 elections showed that Parmusi secured 7 seats in the Padang Pariaman Regional House of Representatives, although it remained under the dominance of Golkar. This study provides insights into local political dynamics and the struggles of an Islamic political party amid state surveillance and intervention.

Public agricultural research, political economy, and climate change: A literature review

AbstractImpacted by both economic and political forces, agricultural research serves as a critical approach to alleviating the adverse effects of climate change. Focusing on public agricultural research in the United States, this paper provides a literature review on research and development from the perspectives of the market environment and political economy. It also examines the current assessment of agricultural research effectiveness in addressing the challenges of climate change. A bibliometric analysis is conducted to appreciate the knowledge dynamics in the nexus of agricultural research, political economy, and climate change. Future research directions related to public agricultural research are discussed.

Foreign Policy Aspects of the Activities of the State Duma of the Russian Federation of the First Convocation (on the 30th Anniversary of the Start of Work)

The article considers the foreign policy aspects of the activities of the State Duma of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation of the First convocation. The specifics of the main results of parliamentary votes of this period, which were related to international-political realities, in the context of their relationship with the conceptual foundations and implementation of Russian foreign policy, have been characterized. Features of the composition and nature of the activities of the lower house of the Russian parliament of this period have been identified. The conceptualization of the Russian Federation’s foreign policy has been analyzed. The initiatives and decisions of the State Duma of the Russian Federation of the First convocation in the field of foreign policy and international relations have been assessed. It is shown that these were due to the specifics of its personal composition, where there was no strict factional discipline and a clear advantage of any political force, which determined the need for situational interaction. The normal work of the lower house of parliament became possible largely due to the efforts of its Chairman, who took a centrist position. It is substantiated that the State Duma, operating in conditions of complex socio-economic problems and the colossal weakening of Russia’s international political positions, demonstrated significant activity in international political initiatives that covered a wide range of topical issues with an emphasis on the situation in the states of the post-Soviet space. These decisions were relatively balanced, which was explained by the approximately equal distribution of resources between the so-called “left”, “right”, “centrists” and “national patriots”, as well as the presence of “common bloc” issues, positions on which coincided or did not cause obvious contradictions. The international political initiatives of the State Duma of the First convocation were distinguished by greater realism and emphasis on the protection of national interests than the content of conceptual documents and the foreign policy course pursued by the state. This happened against the background and simultaneously with the beginning of the process of rethinking the foreign policy approaches of the Russian Federation, which had a significant influence on it.

Imperialism after decolonization? British relations with Bahrain from the withdrawal East of Suez to the Iranian Revolution

There is a growing consensus that the end of empire did not necessarily equate with a severing of imperial ties. Some historians have even argued that there was a shift from formal to informal empire in Britain’s relations with the emerging Gulf States. This is especially so with respect to Bahrain which had represented the epicentre of Britain’s position in the Gulf. Nevertheless, an analysis of British relations with Bahrain from the withdrawal East of Suez to the Iranian Revolution belies any notion that Britain succeeded in establishing an informal imperial position after 1971. Not only were Britain’s economic interests in Bahrain eroded by growing competition from its industrial rivals, but also its political and military position was challenged by the encroachment of regional powers. Any hope that Britain could retain an imperial role in Bahrain was undermined still further by the emergence of new internal political forces in Bahrain beyond the direct control of either the ruling family or Britain itself. The unfeasibility of maintaining an imperial relationship with Bahrain after 1971 persuaded British policymakers to seek to establish recognizably post-imperial relations with the Emirate in the decade following the withdrawal from East of Suez.

Stories of world Politics: Between History and Fiction

The discipline of International Relations is defined by a fundamental tension between history and fiction. On the one hand, historical approaches are crucial in tracing the origins of international order, contextualising key concepts, and uncovering marginalised voices. On the other, the discipline is invariably caught in its own mythologies, which shape what is “real” and “true” in global politics. Instead of treating the ambiguous distinctions between history and fiction as problems to be definitively resolved, this Special Issue takes up these tensions as generative for understanding, manoeuvring, and even disrupting and (re)imagining the field of IR. Examining these dynamics from several perspectives – from the writing of history to the political force of fictional imaginaries – the articles in this Issue show that the relation between history and fiction is a constitutive force of the international, in both theory and practice. Bringing together historical and critical perspectives, the Issue elucidates how ideas of history and fiction, reality and storytelling, facticity and imagination shape and are in turn shaped by world politics. Historical approaches to IR, we argue, can do much more than adjudicate between these amorphous categories. Here, we pursue the possibilities.

The Media and the Administration of Elections in Cameroon

One of the critical ways to determine the degree of democracy in a country is to see how free its press is. However, it is not only about seeing how the press is free but also how well it is participating in the political process, including the administration of elections. This paper argues that in Cameroon, the political liberalism of the early 1990s was associated with the emergence and proliferation of press freedoms. This 'new' media has been involved in the administration of elections in two fundamental ways: political communication and political socialization. The mass media in Cameroon has contributed to providing Cameroonians with political facts, raising public awareness and, to some extent, keeping the government responsive to demands for electoral reforms. The print newspaper, TV, and radio combined have emerged as prominent political communication and political socialization forces in the political landscape. However, they have not really operated without partisan tendencies. They continue to grapple with some challenges, which are mostly connected with door-to-door, face-to-face, limited/disproportionate outreach and coverage, government control of media and social media.