Electoral Politics Research Articles

Proportional Non-Voter Sortition: Legislative Inclusion for Non-Voting Citizens

Democratic electoral systems characteristically take a Count-and-Report Approach to enfranchised citizens’ failure to turn out in political elections: The number of non-votes is counted and publicly reported, but non-votes are given no effect in the allocation of political offices. We morally assess this model in the context of legislative elections, and argue that it is pro tanto less desirable than another, counterfactual model which we label Proportional Non-Voter Sortition. This model provides that citizens’ non-votes shall be legislatively represented by legislators who are selected by lot from the non-voting part of the demos, and whose share of seats is proportional to the aggregate rate of non-voting in the legislative election. Our assessment of the two models specifically turns on the claim that a democracy’s legislature should reflect the full diversity of political views that exists within its demos (legislative inclusivity), and it offers two reasons to expect that Proportional Non-Voter Sortition serves legislative inclusivity better than the Count-and-Report Approach: 1) Proportional Non-Voter Sortition uniquely incentivizes political parties to integrate non-voter views into their political agendas and mobilisation activities; and 2) Proportional Non-Voter Sortition additionally enables the legislative articulation and advocacy of non-voter views by placing people in the legislature who are descriptively representative of non-voters. Through our discussion of different models for the post-electoral management of non-votes, we contribute to a body of normative democratic theorizing about citizens’ non-voting, but raise a distinct question that so far has remained unexplored.

Party Financing in Ghana: A Case for Regulated Elite Funding

This article explores party financing in the developing world, analyzing an African case to suggest ways of improving regulations as part of reducing corruption in the political process. With evidence from a nationwide survey conducted in Ghana, we argue that the economic situation of developing countries creates the required policy environment for the implementation of regulated elite funding of political parties. Building the will of political actors is cardinal for these conditions. We also offer suggestions on how political will can be built to increase transparency and openness in electoral politics and party funding in general.

The Impact of Social Media and Public Behavior on the Result of the U.S. Presidential Elections

Since COVID-19, more and more people helplessly rely on the virtual world. Today, nearly 94 percent of Americans have access to the internet, which means that there are 331.1 million internet users nationwide. In the recent society, hints and encouragement about voting are inevitably put on someone who is on social media. The information they received is extremely possible to influence their decision making on the political level. In the previous two elections in 2016 and 2020, social media seemed to play a vital role during the process. This paper investigates the inherent relationship between the result of the elections and public behaviors on social media through data comparison and case study, and also tries to figure out whether they affect each other directly or not as well. Due to the uncertainty and the ambiguousness, other factors, such as Public emotion. The occurrence of images and videos, Social media algorithms, Fact checking organizations, that may exist will also be taken into account to ensure the all-sided consideration. Overall, after many sets of data comparison shows that the social media does not directly affect the result of the presidential election, however, the outcome is the combination of each factors that were mentioned above. All in all, this study offers the voters several other aspects they have to think about when they are making such political election decisions, which force them to think deeper and wider.

Gendered Panethnic Solidarity: The Experiences of Asian American Women in US Electoral Politics

Gendered Panethnic Solidarity: The Experiences of Asian American Women in US Electoral Politics

Goldilocks' Purgatory: The Public Transcript of Performative Governance in Singapore

This article introduces a novel concept—Goldilocks' Purgatory—to explain how the Singaporean state rhetorically communicates to itself, and to internal and external audiences, of the logic and correctness of its political and policy decisions. By framing every decision as a carefully deliberated moderate choice that balances between two extreme and unsavoury options, state actors convince themselves and their audiences that their decisions are legitimate, justifiable, optimal, and worthy of support. This transcript is socially rooted in a civil service that analyzes public policy via basic macroeconomic models of dichotomized trade-offs, politically rooted in the People's Action Party's (PAP) continued electoral success and political dominance, and economically rooted in neoliberal global capitalism that prizes regulatory conservatism. This article further specifies how to empirically identify and measure Goldilocks' Purgatory, and illustrates its expression over time through an analysis of public pronouncements on Singapore's most contentious public policies—those related to immigration and foreign workers. Ultimately, Goldilocks' Purgatory explains why criticisms of Singapore politics and public policy are neutered and minimal, and why the country's electoral politics is so valence-focused and slow- moving.

Political Leadership, Institutional Memory and the Implementation of Health in All Policies: An Explanatory Case Study of the Health 2015 Public Health Programme in Finland

Our study sought to examine how and why political leadership and institutional memory affected the implementation of Health 2015, a public health programme prepared following the principles of the Health in All Policies (HiAP) strategy, between 2001 and 2015 in Finland. We analysed the data using a realist explanatory case study method. We found that the HiAP strategy did not have a strong leader who was able to generate interest in HiAP among other policymakers. This contrasted with the Finnish success story in previous decades when several interested elected politicians and high-ranking civil servants promoted the implementation of healthy public policies. Our results also pointed to institutional amnesia. During the implementation of Health 2015, a transition to project-based implementation, the retirement of many long-term policymakers and a change from the financial steering of local authorities to steering by information took place. The subsequent institutional amnesia was followed by discontinuity of previous institutionalised HiAP implementation structures and practices, such as intersectoral working groups.

Political uncertainty and sovereign bond markets

AbstractWe analyze the effects of political uncertainty on prices and liquidity of sovereign bonds. Specifically, we investigate Italian government bonds during the European sovereign debt crisis and focus on political summits and elections. We find a significant drop in prices in combination with high illiquidity and sell-side pressure before the events. The event returns are significantly positive and followed by a positive price trend. The effects are stronger when uncertainty, as measured by the EPU index, is high and economic conditions are weak. In addition, political uncertainty also affects the primary market and we find significant costs associated with issuing sovereign bonds in highly uncertain times.

The Effect of Media Framing on Public Perception of Political Financing in Kisii County, Kenya

Political financing involves using financial resources to influence the political process and election dimension. The media has been at the forefront of shaping how the public perceives political financing and attitudes. The aim of political financing is to balance the imperative of maintaining fairness and integrity in a political process aimed at gaining the trust of the voters. The current study therefore seeks to examine the effect of media framing on political financing in Kisii County, Kenya. The study objectives were; to assess the media definitions of the use of Money for Political activities in Kisii County, Kenya; to explore the communicative framing patterns that influence political financing in Kisii, County, Kenya; to examine media proposals on strategies used by politicians to finance in their political campaigns in Kisii County; to assess the implication of media framing on political financing in Kisii County, Kenya. The study was anchored on the agenda-setting theory, cultivation theory and framing theory. The current study employed a descriptive research design which accommodate both quantitative and quantitative data to carry out this study. The target population, were total of 155 respondents including ({(Governor (1), MPs (9), MCAs (45), two members of the community from each of the 45 wards (90), and media personnel operating within the county (8)). The study employed a purposive sampling technique, given that the data required is based on the specific respondent. Additionally, given the small target population of 155 respondents the study employed census method. The study employed both a structured questionnaire for quantitative data collection and interview schedule qualitative data. Quantitative data were analyzed using descriptive analysis and inferential statistics while for qualitative analysis study used thematic analysis and findings presented in terms of tables, charts and graphs as well as quotes from your participants respectively. The results of the regression analysis reveal that all the media-related factors examined have a positive and statistically significant impact on political financing in Kisii County. The unstandardized beta coefficients indicate that the Implication of Media Framing has the largest effect on political financing (0.297), followed by the Media Definition of Politician’s Use of Finance for Political Gain (0.347). The Communicative Framing Patterns Used by Media and the Media Proposal on Strategies Used also have depicted a positive influence, with coefficients of 0.109 and 0.231, respectively. In conclusion, the findings underscore the central role of media in shaping political financing in Kisii County. The study recommended that media outlets in Kisii County adopt more transparent and informative framing when discussing political financing.

Student-feminist movement relationships in post-dictatorship Brazil and Chile

ABSTRACT This article traces youth-led movements in Brazil and Chile in the 2000s and examines the relationship among them. Drawing from ethnographic fieldwork from 2018 to 2022, it discusses young activists who sought to shift and broaden student movements; feminist movements, their relationship to student movements, and the use of digital platforms; and the role of partisan politics. The findings underscore universities and high schools as critical sites of continuing student movements, but also dynamic spaces in which activists could experiment and develop new political projects. For example, activists articulated struggles and crafted new repertories such as choreographed street performance. They replicated these new repertoires through social media and in relation to electoral politics. I show how, not without contention, student movements pushed feminist movements to be more intersectional and less elite, and feminist movements helped reveal sexist and patriarchal dynamics in both university structures and student movements. The cases of these movements in Brazil and Chile contribute to understanding how social movements shape one another across space and time, and sheds light on the range of their educational contributions.

Does civil war violence stimulate women's participation in politics? Examining election candidacies in post war Nepal

ABSTRACT How does wartime violence shape women's representation in post-civil war politics? Some scholars argue that civil war violence alters the gender roles in society, empowering women in post-war politics. Others suggest that experience with civil war violence may deter women's participation in politics as women are often victimized during wars and are perceived as less capable of preventing violence than men in countries vulnerable to political violence. We test the generalizability of the findings with micro-level data from Nepal. We find that civil war violence does not stimulate the proportion of women candidates in districts where civil war violence was high in Nepal. However, civil war violence appears to increase the proportion of women winning elections. Nonetheless, the stimulative effect of violence on women's success in electoral politics appears to diminish over time.

Konsep Esse dan Ens dalam konstruksi politik menjelang Pemilu 2024: Sebuah analisis media sosial

The focus of this research is to examine more deeply the meaning of Esse and Ens in the political construction ahead of the 2024 elections in Indonesia. The author places social media analysis as an important part of the political construction of the 2024 elections by way of a philosophical review of Thomas Aquinas and Martin Heidegger. The purpose of this research is to express the idea of Esse and Ens in social media regarding the hot issue of the 2024 election. The main objective is to criticize the philosophical meaning of Esse and Ens behind the news circulating in the community. Social media plays a vital role in studying and observing the political development of the 2024 elections in Indonesia. The concept of Esse and Ens provides a sharp injection that election construction is also related to the philosophical meaning of metaphysical studies. Social media can ultimately be seen as something that exists (Ens) and an understanding of 2024 election politics (Esse). The research method used is a critical reading of several sources in the form of articles from various journals on Esse and Ens, literature books on the role of social media in the complexity of modern life. The finding of this paper is that the role of social media in the form of Ens affects the lives of Indonesian people. So that with a significant influence it makes the understanding of the politics of the 2024 elections stronger and more correct. Because the review of Thomas Aquinas and Martin Heidegger becomes real and rooted in the social life of Indonesian society.

The Role of Fake News in Political Campaigns and Elections: A Global Perspective

In the digital age, the proliferation of fake news has emerged as a critical issue in political campaigns and elections worldwide. This paper examines the multifaceted role of fake news in influencing public opinion and electoral outcomes across various global contexts over a one-year period. It explores the mechanism through which misinformation is disseminated, particularly through social media platforms, and its impact on the democratic process. Employing a combination of qualitative and quantitative research methods, the study analyzes data from multiple countries to understand the pervasive influence of fake news. Is also scrutinizes the efforts taken by governments, civil societies, and media organizations to combat the spread of false information. The findings reveal a complex interplay between fake news, media literacy, and political propaganda, underscoring the challenges faced in safeguarding electoral integrity. This research not only contributes to the academic discourse on political communication and media studies but also offers practical insights for policymakers, media professionals, and the public in fostering a more informed and resilient democratic society.

Does Policy Uncertainty Boost Vaccine Hesitancy? Political Controversy, the FDA and COVID-19 Vaccine Hesitancy in Fall 2020.

Vaccine hesitancy is associated with political and institutional distrust, but there is little research on how people's trust responds to political events. We revisit the fall of 2020 when evaluation of new COVID-19 vaccines collided with an impending national election. Drawing on a political Bayesian perspective, we assess abrupt changes in attention to political events and test hypotheses on subpopulation response: (1) partisan, (2) educational, and (3) ethnic and racial. Analysis of daily changes in news reporting and social media use in 2020, combined with detailed analysis of two-large scale surveys fielded at the time, focusing on questions of COVID-19 vaccine hesitancy and safety concerns about COVID-19 vaccines. Vaccine hesitancy in the US spiked from late August to early October 2020. We identify several plausible triggers for this spike, all pertaining to the FDA and electoral politics. Heightened vaccine hesitancy occurred among Democrats, Asian and Black citizens, as well as college-educated respondents. Turbulence mainly affected those who were initially most trusting in government and vaccines. Asian-American vaccine confidence recovered; that of Black Americans did not. Electoral politics may destabilize citizen assumptions about vaccine authorization and boost uncertainty, thereby undermining public willingness to take approved vaccines.

The weight of office? A scoping review of mental health issues and risk factors in elected politicians across democratic societies.

The mental health and capacity to govern of democratically-elected politicians have become burgeoning topics of interest. Notably, in fulfilling demanding and high-stress roles, political officeholders could encounter distinctive risk factors, yet existing research literature about these subpopulations remains underexplored. This scoping review aimed to systematically examine the breadth of available evidence on mental health issues and risk factors affecting democratically-elected politicians internationally and to identify future research needs. Using pre-defined eligibility criteria based on JBI guidelines, a systematic keyword search was conducted in May 2024 of MEDLINE, Scopus, and APA PsycNet, supplemented by snowballing techniques. Only those studies reporting primary, empirical evidence on mental ill-health or risk factors with psychological correlates from serving politicians in "Full" or "Flawed" democracies (per Democracy Index) were included from 1999 to 2024. Titles and abstracts were screened and the full-texts of potentially eligible literature were assessed before extraction and synthesis. Eighteen sources met the eligibility criteria, cumulatively encompassing ~3,500 national, state, and municipal politicians across seven democracies (Australia, Canada, the Netherlands, Norway, New Zealand, the United Kingdom, and the United States). Cross-sectional surveys were predominantly utilized, with lesser use of mixed-methods approaches, qualitative interviews, and longitudinal cohorts. Violence emerged as a key concept, with twelve sources (66.7%) underlining its psychological toll and certain data indicating a disproportionate impact on female officeholders. Furthermore, four sources (22.2%) explored general psychopathology trends, revealing varying but sizeable mental ill-health and high-risk alcohol consumption rates, and two studies (11.1%) demonstrated adverse effects from specific occupational conditions. Current literature suggests that democratically-elected politicians can face complex mental health challenges. However, significant research gaps remain, including a paucity of prevalence estimates, longitudinal data, and intervention studies. Equally, the underrepresentation of most democratic countries accentuates the need for a more diverse evidence-base to better support the mental wellbeing of politicians worldwide.

A gestalt shift? Reflections from researchers turned elected representatives on the real-world use of evidence in policy making

This practice piece will present a comparative reflection of how the use of evidence in policy looks when viewed from the outside, as a researcher, with how evidence use is experienced when working as a policy maker. The three authors are unusual in sharing an experience of studying evidence use in policy before becoming elected politicians who are involved in policy making and who have therefore gained a very different, more direct experience of how evidence is used in policy-making settings. Synhaeve has studied evidence use in secure youth care and is an elected councillor and was elected national member of parliament for the Democrats 66 Party in the Netherlands, McMahon has studied evidence use in public health and is an elected councillor for the Labour Party in England, while Heap has studied evidence use in social security policy and is an elected councillor for the Green Party in Scotland. The practice piece will consider to what extent their perspectives on evidence use in policy have shifted as they have moved from researcher to political representative and policy maker, and will consider to what extent these experiences have been shaped by their substantive policy interests and the political systems in which each is operating. It will conclude by summarising the collective insights that have emerged for the three authors as they have shifted to viewing evidence use from the perspective of an insider, who is using evidence in making policy, rather than an outsider, producing evidence with a view to influencing policy.

‘I do feel proud that almost everyone I know voted’: The emotional foundations of dutiful citizenship

Democratic politics in many parts of the world seems increasingly characterised by intense emotions, bitter divisions and growing polarisation. Amidst this charged political atmosphere it is a common refrain that an emotional politics forfeits rational dialogue and threatens our democracy. In contrast to such claims this article argues that emotions are central to citizenship and political participation. Drawing upon qualitative archival material from the British Mass Observation Project (1983–2017) the article explores the enduring emotional dimensions of dutiful citizenship. Civically engaged respondents experienced electoral politics emotionally and with a striking intensity. In contrast to accounts which associate dutiful citizenship with dry notions of duty, responsibility and obligation, this article begins an exploration of the emotional underpinnings of dutiful citizenship; the deep and abiding feelings citizens can have towards democratic politics and their political engagement. Findings indicate that a wide range of emotions are central to the evaluative and sense-making processes of dutiful citizens and the ways in which they are mobilised for sustained political engagement. The article concludes by suggesting that a focus on the emotional and expressive aspects of dutiful citizenship may help to cultivate committed young democrats for the future.

Nakba and the US-Israel Imperial Regime

Abstract The US-Israeli genocide is best understood as the end game of empire, the culmination of failed Anglo-American and Zionist policies in the Middle East and, indeed, virtually the entire non-Western world. It is the outcome of a US-sponsored apartheid system in Israel, largely carried out by the IDF and other militarist forces in the West Bank, East Jerusalem, Gaza, and Israel itself and funded by American financial assistance and weapons transfers to the Israeli army. The threats of multipolarity to US/NATO hegemony, Britain being the major junior partner, pushed the Trump and Biden administrations, along with the British Tories and post-Corbyn Labour Party, to support de facto the “final solution” in Gaza and the rest of Palestine. This article puts the Israeli assault on the people of Gaza, the Hamas-led attack on October 7 being the main pretext, in historical perspective. It argues that it is a logical sequence of the pre-war Zionist idea of an exclusive Jewish state and US and UK post-war power politics in the Middle East and in two imperial states’ respective domestic electoral politics.

Research on the Reform and Transformation of Singapore's Political Election System and Political System

Singapore is an important country in Southeast Asia, which has been established for less than 60 years. In the early days of its establishment, its survival situation was very difficult. But under the struggle of the People's Action Party (PAP) led by Lee Kuan Yew and the "founding generation" of the people, Singapore has harmoniously coexisted with different ethnic and religious groups and has forcefully embarked on a rapid development path. According to data released by the World Bank, as of 2022, Singapore's per capita GDP has reached over 82000 US dollars and has been steadily increasing for many years. The People's Action Party has won every election since its founding and has been in power ever since. However, as the public increasingly enjoys the oversight and balance of the government by the opposition in parliament, the party's support rate for the election has gradually declined, and its vote share in the most recent election has dropped to 60%. The rapid development of Singapore since its founding cannot be separated from the continuity policies implemented by the fixed ruling party, which attract a large amount of foreign capital investment. However, the people's call for democracy forces the ruling party to face strong opposition in the upcoming general election. For the ruling party, more support from voters for the opposition party has entered an irreversible path. This article will explore the path of political system reform in Singapore.

Politicians’ Theories of Voting Behavior

While political scientists regularly engage in spirited theoretical debates about elections and voting behavior, few have noticed that elected politicians also have theories of elections and voting. Here, we investigate politicians’ positions on eight central theoretical debates in the area of elections and voting behavior and compare politicians’ theories to those held by ordinary citizens. Using data from face-to-face interviews with nearly one thousand politicians in 11 countries, together with corresponding surveys of more than twelve thousand citizens, we show that politicians overwhelmingly hold thin, minimalist, “democratic realist” theories of voting, while citizens’ theories are more optimistic and policy oriented. Politicians’ theoretical tendencies—along with their theoretical misalignment from citizens—are remarkably consistent across countries. These theories are likely to have important consequences for how politicians campaign, communicate with the public, think about public policy, and represent their constituents.

Shades of party activism: understanding ZANU-PF youth activists

This article contributes to debates on authoritarian renewal and youth party activism in Africa, based on case study research with youth who are active in the Zimbabwe African National Union-Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF). While youth activism and electoral politics is a subject of rich scholarship, there is limited knowledge on the motivations and agency of the party youth of hegemonic ruling parties. The study engaged a diverse group of ZANU-PF youth to understand their journeys into party activism, how they negotiate the discourses and authoritarian practices promoted by ZANU-PF, and their political agency on behalf of and within the party. The article analyses the everyday ways through which youth activists take part in ZANU-PF structures and activities, noting the dimensions of class and gender. The findings demonstrate the existing ‘shades in activism’, with some youth being born into the party and others joining in search of opportunities, but this does not exclude the possibility of some wanting to promote the prosperity of others. Some self-proclaimed loyalists embrace ZANU-PF narratives, while most are highly critical of the ruling party. We argue that everyday forms of youth activism may constitute authoritarianism from below. Whether ‘at the front’ or ‘at the back’, all ZANU-PF youth contribute to the reproduction of the systems and networks of ZANU-PF, and thus authoritarian renewal, especially because the room for contestation and change from within the ruling party is limited.