Political Editor Research Articles

A Chapter in South African Verse: Interview with Jeremy Cronin

Jeremy Cronin, a South African poet and politician who spent years in prison and exile, is presently a member of parliament and the deputy general secretary of the South African Communist Party. interview probes into his poetics and political orientation. Cronin views his prison poems as self-survival strategy, testament to the realities of incarceration, and an attempt to forge a voice of resistance and solidarity in opposition to apartheid and his own white South African upbringing. Cronin sees capitalism as barbaric progress, the need to wean the communist tradition from its own totalitarian habits, and globalization as turning the world into a market. Poetry for him offers the possibility of challenging leftist dogmatism through irony and its ability to evoke the local and the rooted against the standardization of globalization controlled by a few corporations. interview ends with three exemplary poems of Cronin. Introduction Amnesia classifies Third World countries as 'developing' (structurally adjusted amnesia) ... Jeremy Cronin. the Dead. Even the Dead: Poems, Parables and a Jeremiad. 1997 report-backs were straightforward: we were all behind schedule and over budget. I might add that we were almost past caring. It seemed impossible that we'd be finished in time for the official opening. builders were still knocking down walls left, right and centre, and establishing piles of rubble in every room. Ivan Vladislavic. The WHITES ONLY Bench. Propaganda by Monuments. 1996 Jeremy Cronin was born in South Africa in 1949 and grew up in that country. He spent a year studying in Paris in 1972-73, and lectured in philosophy at the University of Cape Town on his return to South Africa, only to serve 7 years imprisoned--from to 1983--in Pretoria's Maximum Security prison, for seventeen acts of terrorism. In other words, seventeen underground SACP/ANC pamphlets and newsletters, distributed between 1973 and 1976 warranted the incarceration. But the pamphlets in prison became poems. And the prisoner has gone on, after continued activism on his release from prison in the United Democratic Front (UDF) and another three years in exile in London, to spend now still another kind of time---as the Deputy General Secretary of the South African Communist Party (SACP), and serves currently as an ANC MP, with a portfolio in Transport. Cronin's writing persists in embracing not just poems, however, but polemic as well, for he also writes regularly--as circumstances and conditions enjoin--for, inter alia, the SACP publications African Communist and Umsebenzi, which he edits, as well as political editorials for such South African newspapers as the Mail and Guardian and Business Day and literary reviews for Sunday Independent. Pamphlets and poems, that is to say, continue to animate Cronin's contributions to the verse-making and critical writing of the South African story. But, as the museum worker describes the situation in Ivan Vladislavic's short story, The WHITES ONLY Bench, The builders were still knocking down walls left, right and centre, and establishing piles of rubble in every room (Vladislavic, 57). story's project was to construct a museum to the past, to apartheid, so that, once housed, it would not be reconstructed--another kind of structurally adjusted amnesia, perhaps, but as the committee learned when they convened to assess their progress, the institutional outcome was still pending: The report-backs were straightforward: we were all behind schedule and over budget. I might add that we were almost past caring. It seemed impossible that we'd be finished in time for the official opening (57). Left, right and center: the walls were coming down, to be sure, and the prepositions scattered throughout the preceding sentence suggest the still indeterminate outlines of the new directions and compelling directives that would have yet to ground the eventual construction, and, along with their attachments to nominal substantives, are reminders of the commitments and omissions that render the construction a pending, indeed transitional, one: report-backs . …

Robert May: Science for the people

When Sir Robert May (Fig. 1) was appointed chief scientific adviser to the British government five years ago he knew he was heading for interesting times. But no one could have quite predicted what he would have to face: bovine spongiform encephalopathy (BSE), the so called ‘mad cow disease’ infecting humans; bitter resistance to the introduction of genetically modified crops; fears surrounding global warming; the implications of Dolly the sheep; and a raft of other issues which have seen the public and other interests pitted against researchers. But May has relished the challenges and the experience as he now steps down. “The job was in many ways better and different than I imagined but in no way disappointing,” he says. May believes his academic background of 15 years of theoretical biology in Princeton before moving to Oxford in 1988 has stood him in good stead for the political battles that lay ahead. “I've moved from one area to the next, often dealing with things that are complicated but where one believes that only a few of the many elements in the complex web are really essential.” Often when he has moved into a new area, he has found himself having to persuade his new colleagues to think in a different way — an experience he believes has been very helpful. May has found the job as much spokesperson as adviser. At the height of some of the heated debates he has found himself in the spotlight exposed to heavyweight mainstream political editors and journalists. As a straight-speaking Australian he sometimes made mistakes, he admits. “It was an extremely steep leaning curve but I learnt a lot from my errors,” he says. The post is actually doubly tricky as the chief scientific adviser is also head of the government's Office of Science and Technology. But in the face of an often stuffy British civil service he found it “extremely useful to be Australian,” he says. He did not come into the office with a “messianic set of new big ideas,” he says. But the reality has turned out differently. May set up a major research project to look at different countries’ science spending and their output in terms of published papers. He found that British scientists were the most efficient, publishing the greatest volume of research for the lowest level of investment. The results have been well publicised and have achieved a breakthrough at a Treasury constantly questioning the value of funding for science. Subsequent funding has increased significantly and science now often gets a mention in some of the highest-level speeches by the prime minister and chancellor. May is also proud of the fact that he has concentrated on backing fundamental issues like improving postgraduate salaries and grants and investing in bricks and mortar. “I've avoided trying to support sexy areas of research,” he says. He is also pleased with his achievements in getting policy into the open. Much of his advice has been published and he hopes that this will continue. The job has also had its lighter moments. He was asked by the Queen to help her and her husband understand the significance of Fermat's last theorem in the light of media coverage of an Oxford mathematician's claim to have discovered a proof. The Queen was most grateful for his response but admitted later that the couple were little the wiser. May now returns to his academic base in Oxford to continue his research career but, notably, he will also become head of the prestigious Royal Society, Britain's foremost science academy. He welcomes his predecessor, Aaron Klug's, efforts to make the society more open and says he has no major plans for change. But with his record in government service: look out Royal Society.

In Memoriam: Laurence R. Marcus, 1947‐1999

An obituary for Laurence Marcus, On the Horizon political editor and author, 1996‐2000.

Civic Environmentalism: Tackling Tough Land-Use Problems with Innovative Governance

Click to increase image sizeClick to decrease image size Additional informationNotes on contributorsMarc K. LandyDebra S. Knopman's work at the Progressive Policy Institute (PPI) has focused on building a centrist political coalition around the idea of a “second generation“ of environmental policies. Such policies value incentives for continuous and efficient environmental improvement, enable environmentalism to thrive, and improve account ability and measurements using advances in enviromental monitoring and information technologies. Before arriving at PPI in 1995, Knopman was deputy assistant secretary for water and science at the Department of the Interior. Megan M. Susman focuses on various environmental issues, including climate change, sprawl, land use, and agricultural nonpoint source pollution, at the Progressive Policy Institute. Marc K. Landy is professor and chair of poltical science at Boston College. He is the lead author of The Environmental Protection Agency: Asking the Wrong Questions: From Nixon to Clinton, 2nd ed. (Oxford University Press. 1994) and the editor of the New Politics of Public Policy (Johns Hopkins Press. 1992). He also served on the panel of the National Academy of Public Administration. The authors may be contacted through Knopman, PPI, 6(X) Pennsylvania Avenue, SE, Suite 400, Washington, DC 20003 (telephone: 202-547-0001).

Sensational Stories, Endangered Bodies: Women’s Work and the New Journalism in England in the 1890s

The cry of labor has seized the world’s ear. The Press, the Legislature, and the world at large is listening to the voice of labor…. When this journal first resolved to secure a hearing for all working-class questions, there was scarcely a column of a leading London newspaper which was then open. Now, following our lead, every great daily paper has its labor section…. Nor is it only the press which is watchful. It is the readers of the Press….This self-promoting editorial in the Star in 1891 made a critical point: labor issues were becoming a standard feature in daily newspapers. Sweating, loopholes in factory legislation, and the famous Dock and Match Girls’ strikes were among the subjects found in the pages of papers such as the Star. This trend in reporting was part of the “New Journalism” that developed in England between the 1880s and 1914. In an attempt to cater to the tastes of mass audiences, there was a shift in emphasis from parliamentary and political news to sports, gossip, crime, and sex. Papers, for instance, reported on the brutal Jack the Ripper murders in the East End of London. New journalists and editors, like W. T. Stead and Thomas P. O’Connor, also produced interviews, exposes, and political editorials in order to influence public opinion and promote what Stead called “government by journalism.” Stead produced what has been called the most successful piece of scandal journalism of the nineteenth century, “The Maiden Tribute of Modern Babylon,” which depicted young girls for sale to older men. Passage of the 1885 Criminal Law Amendment Act, which raised the age of consent for sex to sixteen, was one of its political consequences.

Sensational Stories, Endangered Bodies: Women’s Work and the New Journalism in England in the 1890s

The cry of labor has seized the world’s ear. The Press, the Legislature, and the world at large is listening to the voice of labor…. When this journal first resolved to secure a hearing for all working-class questions, there was scarcely a column of a leading London newspaper which was then open. Now, following our lead, every great daily paper has its labor section…. Nor is it only the press which is watchful. It is the readers of the Press….This self-promoting editorial in the Star in 1891 made a critical point: labor issues were becoming a standard feature in daily newspapers. Sweating, loopholes in factory legislation, and the famous Dock and Match Girls’ strikes were among the subjects found in the pages of papers such as the Star. This trend in reporting was part of the “New Journalism” that developed in England between the 1880s and 1914. In an attempt to cater to the tastes of mass audiences, there was a shift in emphasis from parliamentary and political news to sports, gossip, crime, and sex. Papers, for instance, reported on the brutal Jack the Ripper murders in the East End of London. New journalists and editors, like W. T. Stead and Thomas P. O’Connor, also produced interviews, exposes, and political editorials in order to influence public opinion and promote what Stead called “government by journalism.” Stead produced what has been called the most successful piece of scandal journalism of the nineteenth century, “The Maiden Tribute of Modern Babylon,” which depicted young girls for sale to older men. Passage of the 1885 Criminal Law Amendment Act, which raised the age of consent for sex to sixteen, was one of its political consequences.

Forbidden Topics: Early Soviet Censorship Directives

Forbidden Topics: Early Soviet Censorship Directives Arlen Viktorovich Blium (bio) Translated by Donna M. Farina Never write about bureaucrats, Officers or soldiers, About strikes, political movements, Clergy, intellectual ferment, About peasants or ministries, Executions or Cossack atrocities, About police, arrests, Robberies or manifestos, But everything else— Must be exposed without fail! And when you write—make sure that you see “128” and “103” . . . Thus wrote the poet and satirist V. V. Trofimov1 in his 1905 poem “What You Can Write About,” published in the Christmas issue of the journal Fallen Trees [Burelom]. The numbers refer to the “political articles” of that period’s criminal code. But nothing is new under the sun: at the end of the eighteenth century, the great Beaumarchais gave his character Figaro these words: “I’m told that during my retreat at public expense, there has been established in Madrid a system of free trade, which extends even to a free press, and that, provided I do not write about the government, or about religion, or politics, or ethics, or people in power or with influence, or the Opera, or other theaters, or about anybody connected with something, I can print whatever I choose under the supervision of two or three censors.”2 These “denouncers” of censorship could not have imagined in their worst nightmare the total control that the Soviet “Ministry of Truth”3 would exercise from the first days of its existence. After all, Trofimov was able to publish his attack on censorship; Beaumarchais was able (with a few difficulties) to put on his Marriage of Figaro—and in the Court Theater at that (in 1783). As we have seen,4 in the 1920s even timid efforts at criticism of the Glavlit agencies inspired the most severe reactions. To stop criticism definitively, a special directive for censors was published in 1925: “It is forbidden to publish any article, notice, or announcement calling attention to the work of agencies responsible for controlling material before and after publication.” This directive proved insufficient: from time to time, information on the work of these agencies did slip into print. So another, more threatening directive was released two years later: Concerning material that discredits the work of the censoring agencies: the publication of any information (article, notice, etc.) discrediting the pre- and postpublication control of printed matter, or revealing the forms and methods of censors’ work, is prohibited. (I-f. 31, op. 2, d. 32, l. 8; d. 52, l. 90)5 [End Page 271] Directives such as this immediately became the most widespread and effective method of control. They were sent to all the local censorship branches and looked like this: RSFSR6 People’s Commissariat of Education Central Directorate for Literary and Publishing Activity (“Glavlit”) 24 October 1924 To all provincial [gublit] and regional [obllit] censorship agencies To all political editors and representatives of Glavlit in printing offices, publishing houses, newspapers and magazines. In conjunction with directive No. 828 dated 5 September of this year, Glavlit suggests that information about price policies or concrete steps taken in pricing should not be permitted in the press. This ban applies to policies for the whole Soviet Union and for individual regions; it covers information about prices paid not only by the grain-procuring organizations, but on the entire procurement market. The head of Glavlit (Lebedev-Polianskii) These directives were all strictly classified. “Secret” (or “Strictly Secret”), “Urgent” invariably appears at the top of each one. They were “to be strictly executed.” Any failure to do so was investigated at the highest level and led to sanctions against the censors involved “along Party and administrative lines.”7 The huge apparatus of Glavlit agencies became larger with each passing year. They were strictly guided by instructions from above and by the Glavlit directives; they had to display their vigilance and class consciousness by purging from print everything that the hand of Glavlit had not yet touched. This had to be done quickly, even before the appearance of the corresponding Glavlit directive, by “considering the local situation,” in response to the latest news, with guidance from Party documents and materials from the newspapers. From time to time, separate censorship directives were...

Oh yes - Blair was there as well

Nicholas Jones, BBC political correspondent, has written the first reporter's account of what it was like to cover the 1997 General Election. Campaign 1997 is published by Gollancz (£8.99). Because of its importance, and immediacy, we decided to break with convention and have two reviews of Jones's book - one by a newspaperman and another by a television political editor. Here are two aspects on one book...

"A truly superb reporter..."

In the British Journalism Review Volume 6 No. 2 in the middle of last year we published Ian Aitken's memorial service tribute to Louis Heren, the former deputy editor of The Times. It is not ourpolicy to make a habit of publishing such tributes; the tolling of the bell, sadly, is all too frequent, and journalism is losing some of its finest people too early. However we are publishing this tribute, again from Ian Aitken, to Gordon Greig the former political editor of the Daily Mail. It was delivered at a memorial service on November 1 st 1995 at St. Margaret's, Westminster.

Editorial politics in the Medieval Greek War of Troy

Editorial politics in the Medieval Greek War of Troy At a date in the fourteenth century, somewhere in the Greek-speaking Eastern Mediterranean, a massive translation was completed. The source text was the 30,316 eight-syllable lines of Benoit de Sainte-Maure's Roman de Troie, written two centuries before as part of a movement to secularise the history of Western Europe andtogive its rulers a Virgilian aristocratic genealogy going back to Troy.1 The fourteendi-century translation was made into the mixed learned and popular Greek which was the lowest register then in use in writing.2 In the terms of Western Europe, this was a translation into the vernacular rather than into the equivalent of Latin—we may call it an early text of M o d e m Greek. The translation runs to 14,400 fifteen-syllable lines, making it the longest work in that genre of Greek literature. It is usually called the ri6Xep.og trie, Tpco&Scu;, the War ofTroy.3 The War of Troy was probably commissioned by a western ruler of Greek-speaking subjects, for there are persuasive hints that one of its purposes was to establish western connections to the Trojans, w h o were, marginally at least, older than the Greeks. This would ensure that Greek claims for special cultural and historical antiquity via Homer would not go uncontested. The Frankish principality of the Morea, set up by the Fourth Crusade, is a likely place for such a project.4 The poem also has interesting implications for medieval Greek society: though Homer was a major setbook of Byzantine education, his authority was insufficient, at least in a Greek outpost under western colonial rule,tokeep outtiiisrival and very 1 Published by L. Constans (ed.), Le Roman de Troie, 6 vols, Paris, 1904-12. For ideological implications see F. Ingledew, 'The Book of Troy and the Genealogical Construction of History: The Case of Geoffrey of Monmouth's Historia regum Britanniae', in Speculum 69 (1994), 665-704. 2 R. Browning, Medieval and Modem Greek, 2nd edn, Cambridge, 1983, pp. 69-87. 3 An edition of the text by E. M . Jeffreys and M . Papathomopoulos has long been near completion. The writer of this article has been close to the process of edition, but this does not imply support from either of the editors for the arguments or conclusions expressed here. 4 E. M . Jeffreys, 'Place of Composition as a factor in the edition of early demotic texts', in N. Panayotakis (ed.), Origini della Letteratura Neogreca I, Venice, 1993, pp. 310-24. P A R E R G O N ns 13.2, January 1996—Text, Scribe, Artefact 38 M. J. Jeffreys different account. The War of Troy even mangles the names of Homeric heroes in returning them to Greek from a French source, itself derived via Latin from original Greek works of Dares and Diktys.5 Only the best-known heroes are recognised and restored to their authentic Greek forms. In this paper I will use the War of Troy to analyse the interface of a past manuscript world with modern scholarship and its print and electronic cultures. I shall concentrate on the impasse faced by those w h o wish to make the products of that past world available for m o d e m readers. There are extantfivemajor manuscripts and two substantial fragments of the War of Troy, all probably written somefiftyto one hundred and fifty years after the estimated date of its composition.6 It m a y be proved conclusively, by referencetomissing passages, that no manuscript is a direct or indirect copy of another. All the manuscripts tend to vary more from one to another than w e can accept with comfort under the rubric 'copy'. This substantial variation in copying results in part from the fact that the poem had been translated into the vernacular. It seems clear that in many cultures manuscripts using something like the regular spoken language of their scribes were less often copied with word-for-word accuracy than those adopting more learned linguistic levels. This has been shown, for example, by analysis of the flexibility of Anglo-Saxon and the comparative stability of Latin...

Man of the times

This is the tribute paid to Louis Heren, former deputy editor of The Times by Ian Aitken, former political editor and columnist of The Guardian. It was delivered at a memorial service for Louis Heren at St. Bride's, Fleet Street, on March 28.

Misjudgements

Critical QuarterlyVolume 36, Issue 2 p. 120-130 Misjudgements DENIS MACSHANE, DENIS MACSHANE DENIS MACSHANE is author of several books on international left-wing politics, including a biography of Francois Mitterrand. His latest book, International Lubour and the Origins of the Cold War was published by OUP. He is the European Political Editor of the New Statesman and writes for the Nouveau Quotidien in Switzerland. A former BBC reporter and president of the National Union of Journalists, MacShane is Associate Director of the European Policy Institute. He was elected as the Labour Party MP for Rotherham in May 1994.Search for more papers by this author DENIS MACSHANE, DENIS MACSHANE DENIS MACSHANE is author of several books on international left-wing politics, including a biography of Francois Mitterrand. His latest book, International Lubour and the Origins of the Cold War was published by OUP. He is the European Political Editor of the New Statesman and writes for the Nouveau Quotidien in Switzerland. A former BBC reporter and president of the National Union of Journalists, MacShane is Associate Director of the European Policy Institute. He was elected as the Labour Party MP for Rotherham in May 1994.Search for more papers by this author First published: June 1994 https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8705.1994.tb01046.xAboutPDF ToolsRequest permissionExport citationAdd to favoritesTrack citation ShareShare Give accessShare full text accessShare full-text accessPlease review our Terms and Conditions of Use and check box below to share full-text version of article.I have read and accept the Wiley Online Library Terms and Conditions of UseShareable LinkUse the link below to share a full-text version of this article with your friends and colleagues. Learn more.Copy URL Share a linkShare onFacebookTwitterLinked InRedditWechat Volume36, Issue2June 1994Pages 120-130 RelatedInformation

THE CONSERVATIVES AFTER 1992

The Political QuarterlyVolume 63, Issue 4 p. 422-431 THE CONSERVATIVES AFTER 1992 PETER RIDDELL, PETER RIDDELL Peter Riddell is political columnist and political editor of The Times. He was previously US Editor and Political Editor of The Financial Times and he has written two books on the policies of Mrs Thatcher, most recently The Thatcher Era—and its Legacy, published in 1991 by Basil Blackwell.Search for more papers by this author PETER RIDDELL, PETER RIDDELL Peter Riddell is political columnist and political editor of The Times. He was previously US Editor and Political Editor of The Financial Times and he has written two books on the policies of Mrs Thatcher, most recently The Thatcher Era—and its Legacy, published in 1991 by Basil Blackwell.Search for more papers by this author First published: October 1992 https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-923X.1992.tb00913.xCitations: 4AboutPDF ToolsRequest permissionExport citationAdd to favoritesTrack citation ShareShare Give accessShare full text accessShare full-text accessPlease review our Terms and Conditions of Use and check box below to share full-text version of article.I have read and accept the Wiley Online Library Terms and Conditions of UseShareable LinkUse the link below to share a full-text version of this article with your friends and colleagues. Learn more.Copy URL Share a linkShare onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditWechat Citing Literature Volume63, Issue4October 1992Pages 422-431 RelatedInformation

James Fenimore Cooper: an annotated bibliography of criticism

Preface Introduction Bibliography Biography General Studies Frontier and Indian Novels Literature of the Sea Social and Political Writings Miscellaneous Publications Author and Editor Index Subjects Index

Editorial

EDITORIAL POLITICS AND DISABILITY Over the eight years of President Reagan's administration we saw drastic cutbacks in services to deaf and deafblind people. This was sometimes done directly, by legislation , but generally accomplished in subtle, more devious ways. For example, key positions were filled by political hacks with no professional background in deafness or related disciplines. Often these individuals had no interests in disability. They used their offices as political pork barrels. The recent HUD scandals are a more publicized example of what happened in education. Another technique employed was to completely cripple existing government employees who had important jobs. Frequently their travel monies and budgets were taken away, leaving individuals who were knowledgeable about deafness and motivated to render service totally incapable of doing anything. They were left to sit all day in small "cubicles" in Washington's Switzer Building and kill time. Without funds or the ability to get out into the field, sitting around, or answering letters from constituents of congressmen or other busy work was essentially all that was possbile. None of this made government more effective. It simply temporarily cut costs while curtailing investment in disabled persons. For this failure to invest in the human resource which disabled people represent, society will pay dearly in the future. Deaf and deaf-blind people denied effective education and vocational/technical training will not contribute as fully to the economy as they otherwise could have. All of these devious ways to cut immediate costs and to circumvent the provision of services to disabled people stand in sharp, disgusting contrast to the gross waste of the departments of Defense and Housing and Urban Development. President Bush has come into office strongly voicing a more compassionate, realistic attitude toward education and disability. Thus far, he and his administration have been ninety-nine percent rhetoric. For the disabled, the other one percent, that is, the one specific act of the Bush administration (other than talk) has been the appointment of Dr. Robert Davila to Assistant Secretary for Special Education and Rehabilitative Services. Dr. Davila is an exceptionally bright, knowledgeable educator who has the background, commitment, and political skill to assure that funds and resources invested in disabled people will be effectively used. However, he will need administrative support and the autonomy to implement change. Whereas President Reagan hardly even condescended to give lip service to diabled persons, President Bush has made a point of verbalizing compassion, waving the flag, praising clean air, endorsing the family, and speaking highly of children. Deaf and deaf-blind people are now awaiting the action that would give integrity to his words. McCay Vernon, Editor AAD/July 1989 191 ...

Editor of politics

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The Gutman school; At what intellectual price

I remember reading Herbert Gutman's article on the early United Mine Workers union when it first came out (I happened to be an editor of New Politics then) and being happily surprised by its eye opening conclusions. But Herbert Hill's massive critique of it in this magazine's last number I now find overwhelmingly persuasive. Who could fail to be persuaded by Hill's erudition, logical acuity and eloquence? His critique strikes a major chord. There is nothing small-minded or picayune about it. It does not really contest the accuracy of the evidence Gutman gathered, nor does it call into question Gutman's integrity as an historian. What it does call into question is his judgment as an historian, the approach he brings to this particular subject. Every historian necessarily marks out the limits of his inquiry. He selects and appraises his data according to his hierarchy of values, implied or expressed. It is those values?along with his talent of course?that distinguishes him, that tells us where he stands in the community of historians and more generally in the life of his times. Thanks to Hill we realize to what extent Gutman discov? ered in the United Mine Workers of the 1890s a precious link with his own lifelong commitments to labor and peace and civil rights; com? mitments which the insurgent 1960s reawakened and revitalized. The result, however, was that he not only saw more than his discov? ery warranted, he failed to discover what was there, staring him in the face. This is what Hill demonstrates exhaustively and beyond the scintilla of a doubt. Though Hill rarely ventures far from the text, he provides a con? venient point of departure for a still broader discussion of what might be designated the Gutman school of scholarship, under whose vast rubric I include ethnic and feminist and economic as well as labor historians, historians of folk and popular culture, cliometri cians and anthropologists and documentary filmmakers. Whether aware of it or not, they tend to look at American workers from Gutman's angle of vision. Perhaps inspired as he was by E.P. Thompson's masterpiece, The Making of the English Working

The al-Fajr Poll

The public opinion poll carried out on behalf of al-Fajr and two media organizations puts to rest a number of misconceptions about the political attitudes of the Palestinian population living under Israeli occupation. The poll also rings a bell of danger and draws a dim picture of the future if present trends are not changed. One of the first myths that this poll will, I hope, put forever to rest is the political loyalty of Palestinians in the occupied West Bank and Gaza Strip. The declaration of the overwhelming majority of Palestinians (93 percent) that the PLO is their sole representative should permanently answer those who have tried to question the Palestinians' representation. This overwhelming support cannot be discarded as the result of the intimidation by the PLO of local political leaders. Neither can Israelis get away by claiming that PLO support is being bought by the PLO's Saudisupported fund. Nor was the public opinion poll conducted by political leaders or newspaper editors. It was carried out with average, everyday Palestinians: farmers, students, professionals, and housewives. Following this important statistic the policies of a number of key countries involved in the Arab-Israeli dispute must be put to question. How can the Israeli government expect to make peace with a leader such as King Hussein, who received a negligible 3 percent support from the Palestinian population? Similarly, how can the U.S., which claims to be pursuing peace in the Middle East, continue to refuse even to speak to the group that Palestinians insist represents them? Continuation of such futile attempts can only

THE MORE THINGS CHANGE … FLEET STREET'S HALF‐HEARTED REVOLUTION

The Political QuarterlyVolume 58, Issue 1 p. 53-61 THE MORE THINGS CHANGE … FLEET STREET'S HALF-HEARTED REVOLUTION SIMON JENKINS, SIMON JENKINS Simon Jenkins is a journalist and author, at present writing for the Sunday Times. He was for seven years political editor of The Economist and previously editor of the London Evening Standard. This article is based on his new book, The Market for Glory: British Newspaper Ownership in the 20th Century (Faber, London, 1986).Search for more papers by this author SIMON JENKINS, SIMON JENKINS Simon Jenkins is a journalist and author, at present writing for the Sunday Times. He was for seven years political editor of The Economist and previously editor of the London Evening Standard. This article is based on his new book, The Market for Glory: British Newspaper Ownership in the 20th Century (Faber, London, 1986).Search for more papers by this author First published: January 1987 https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-923X.1987.tb02574.x Read the full textAboutPDF ToolsRequest permissionExport citationAdd to favoritesTrack citation ShareShare Give accessShare full text accessShare full-text accessPlease review our Terms and Conditions of Use and check box below to share full-text version of article.I have read and accept the Wiley Online Library Terms and Conditions of UseShareable LinkUse the link below to share a full-text version of this article with your friends and colleagues. Learn more.Copy URL Volume58, Issue1January 1987Pages 53-61 RelatedInformation

Can Socialism Use Markets?

In Economic Affairs, January‐March 1985, the Editor invited socialist writers of varying kinds to debate the extent to which markets are workable under socialism or capitalism. Two British commentators ‐ the Political Editor of the New Statesman, and a Fellow of Ruskin College, Oxford ‐ and the President of the Hungarian Economics Association discuss the compatibility of choice in the market with state.