Political Dogma Research Articles

Mining and Writing in the Work of Joe Corrie, Constant Malva, and Jules Mousseron

In 1933 Henry Poulaille launched Prolétariat, a monthly anthology of international proletarian literature. The first issue was devoted to mining. Among the miner-writers included were the Scot Joe Corrie, the Frenchman Jules Mousseron, and the Belgian Constant Malva. For Poulaille, they gave authentic voice to the subterranean hell of the mine while eschewing political dogma. This article aims to examine and nuance Poulaille's assessment by following the evolution of Corrie, Malva, and Mousseron across a century. I compare their representations of mining, attitudes to class struggle and politics, and relationships to the broader cultural and linguistic fields.

Social action advertising: motivators and detractors in cause-oriented behaviors

PurposeIt is an arduous process for corporations to determine if social action advertising is a complementary fit with their respective brands. This study aims to explore opportunities and disadvantages when brands consider cause-related partnerships as part of their overall marketing strategy. There are motivators and detractors related to social actions promoted by brands. It is essential for organizations, institutions and corporations to better understand if, or when, to use advertising that contributes to the social good.Design/methodology/approachPhase one of the study was a qualitative analysis conducted through personal interviews. Coded passages from interviews were aggregated into themes, which later defined ten social action advertising measures. The second phase in the study was a quantitative analysis (N = 506) that tested consumer involvement with the social action advertisement “You Love Me.” The spot was designed for the Dr. Dre Beats brand, in response to the George Floyd murder in 2020.FindingsBrands need to carefully examine their own histories, political associations and concern for all consumer segments, prior to evoking social change. Differentiations arising from political views and gender identity are discussed. Regressions indicate “social ads that use stereotypes” was the key significant predictor of emotional involvement. Consumers feeling “respected and represented in social action ads” was the key significant predictor of fact-based cognitive involvement. “Social action ads distorted through virtue signaling” were 38% more likely to effect brand purchase when consumers viewed the social action ad.Research limitations/implicationsThis is a nonfunded research study. Respondents who participated in interviews, and those selected for data collection, were solicited through convenience and judgmental nonprobability sampling. These data are racially and financially biased. Seventy-six percent of respondents in the racial variable were white; 51% stated they were “wealthy and have a lot of assets.” Neither variable is representative of the general population. In the future, researchers should collect a nonbiased stratified probability sample that would more closely reflect the general population and consumer audience.Originality/valueThis paper builds on the recommendations of Farrukh et al. (2021) who call for more published research in the areas of human rights violations and social change. The results of this study represent a cautionary tale. Political dogma within a polarized society has created pressure for chief marketing officers to integrate political values into brand values. The risk of creating adversarial factions has created a risky environment for brand developers and strategists (Mahoney, 2022).

The Axis of Hate: Identitarianism, Afroxenophobia and Vigilantism

This is an investigation into the similarities and shared values between Identitarianism, xenophobia and vigilantism, by analyzing recent xenophobic and vigilante attacks of foreigners and migrants in Europe and Africa. Identitarianism or the European brand of the Far-Right political dogma is built on adherence to the concept of homogeneity of race or ethnicity, culture, religion, language, and the general aspiration of a body politic. This is the same as basic foundations of Pan-Africanism design. Identity Politics is typified by the systematic exclusion of people with dissimilar ethnicity, racial characteristics and disparate socio-political belief-systems. The three axis of hate, namely Identitarianism, Xenophobia and Vigilantism were conceptually analyzed using refereed papers that were freely available on the Internet to shed light on their relationships and similarities. The aim was to show how these concepts are being deployed by certain socio-political elements in Europe against Africans and other migrants or even legal immigrants. It also shows broadly, how Africans in some African nations deploy the same tools of hate and exclusion on other Africans of different nationalities by way of physical attacks, and economic sabotage and invasion of businesses owned by foreigners. Such experiences have in the past, occurred in Nigeria, South Africa, Ghana, Uganda, Gabon, Angola, Kenya and others. Key finding is that the European brand of Identitarianism and Xenophobia; in all of its hostilities are not intrinsically different from Afro-Xenophobic foundations of Pan-Africanism and African societies even today. What is different is that Identity Politics is actively practiced within the culturally relative African democracies, where the Party in power doles out appointments and contracts to both deserving and undeserving Political Party operators, related persons and entities.

Critique of Totalitarianism in Shaikh Ayaz And Habib Jalib’s Poetry: A Comparative Study

Shaikh Ayaz and Habib Jalib are very renowned figures of Pakistani modern literature. Following the trend, their literary works tend to highlight their contemporary issues. Totalitarianism is a very internationally recognized political dogma which deals with controlling a state with one-man power. In the modern political discourse, it is named as dictatorship. Therefore, the study is concerned with locating the critique of totalitarianism in the poets’ poems. The researchers find the objective of finding the theme of totalitarianism in the comparative manner. The researchers answer the question that how the theme of totalitarianism is dealt with, by both poets comparatively. The research follows the comparative textual analysis method of research and is qualitative in design. The Researchers have examined some similarities and differences between the poets while treating the subject of Totalitarianism. The findings of the study rely on understanding Ayaz as an international totalitarian critic, and Jalib as a national critic. The study is significant to understand Pakistani political literature.

Evidence, schmevidence: the abuse of the word “evidence” in policy discourse about education

ABSTRACT I examine the ways in which words such as “evidence” are used inappropriately to support policy that may be formulated for convenience, cost or political dogma. I interrogate the processes by which this happens, as words and terms are bestowed with symbolic power to support and promote favoured policy. I examine the ways in which such power may be acquired and deployed by exploring the use of the word “evidence” and its derivatives in education discourse. Via corpora and discourse analysis of extracts from policymakers’ statements, speeches and assertions I examine how “evidence” – a powerful word in lay use because of its association with research and reason – is used habitually as a proxy for the specification of actual evidence, simply to add weight to an argument or to impart legitimacy on a policy position. I conclude that the idea of “evidence-based” persists only because of its value in enabling and promoting particular policy agendas.

Double Dealing Homunculus, Jung, and Fascistic Proclivities

Fascism is a system of government merging the most extreme features of both authoritarianism and totalitarianism, and is classically considered to be at the far-right end of the political continuum, and sees racial hygiene, political violence, battle, and expansionism as means that can attain national rejuvenation. Emergence of Fascism in the last century in Europe, which had been raised up from somewhat democratic settings, has not been overlooked by intellectuals, who are in search of origins and physiognomies of Fascism. While many of researchers appreciate Fascism as a sociological phenomenon that demands psychological autopsy, there are investigators, as well, who are in search of developmental, biological, political, economical or administrative backgrounds of Fascism. In this regard, the connection between Jung and Fascism, also, was an intricate story that has been reflected again in a number of new studies. In the present article, Fascism, as a political dogma in the spectrum of authoritarianism, though not an unfamiliar administrative scheme in the globe and history, has been looked over psychosocially, along with some remarkable standpoints of some of the most known intellectuals, who were studying Fascism, Fascists, and masses in close proximity.

King Faisal College: An educational initiative in Baghdad, terminated in 1948

Analysis is made of the circumstances that could have led to the demise of a unique Iraqi Government educational initiative in the 1940s established in Baghdad of an elite secondary school with the name of King Faisal College. It was intended to provide special educational programmes while catering exclusively to gifted high school boy students chosen from all over the country. The analysis serves to show an abject example of how an educational project planned to serve the long-term national interests could be irreversibly damaged by petty political squabbles among its young students. It shows how political, religious and sectarian juvenal dogma could have been nurtured also by external interests targeting young students who were largely destined otherwise to have a very bright future.

Finding the Eye of the Octopus: the Limits of Regulating Outsourced Offender Probation in England and Wales

This article discusses the constraints on, and conflicts over, the oversight and regulation of mixed public-private entities, using the part-privatisation of the probation service in England and Wales – a policy called Transforming Rehabilitation (TR) – as its case study. The article shows how TR embodied a policy and set of practices that effectively undermined both institutional and political forms of scrutiny. Actions informed by neoliberal political dogma effectively strained regulatory systems, and short circuited the most important dimension of accountability in a liberal democracy – accountability of ministers to parliament. Ironically, although TR was subject to extensive regulatory scrutiny, the article concludes that these mechanisms were controverted by ministerial disregard for rules, procedures or the advice of civil servants, demonstrating that regulatory structures struggle to trump willfully pursued but ill-advised policy.

Theater and Society in Early Colonial Manila

This article explores the social location of theater and performance in the early colonial Philippines. While very few of the plays written and produced in Manila have survived, chronicles, letters, relaciones de fiestas, and other forms of documentation contain a wealth of references to and descriptions of performative events in the city. By studying this corpus, the article explores the multiple social uses of theater in the city and the performative practices of the different ethnic groups, religious orders, and civic authorities. Public performance usually drew large, multiracial urban masses together. On the one hand, this helped domesticate social conflict in an astonishingly diverse city by integrating, in an orderly hierarchy of public visibility, the different social and ethnic groups of Manila. On the other hand, attempts at regulation, or even prohibition, of certain theatrical practices and traditions speak to a tumultuous, perhaps unmanageable, cultural practice that allowed for dangerous forms of sociability and potential misreadings of political and religious dogma.

Идейное наследие Шарля де Голля. I. Парадоксы восприятия, исторической памяти, политической философии

The personality of General de Gaulle, which once divided the French, now holds the first place in their national imagination. In recent years, all kinds of politicians have increasingly laid claim to his legacy. Ironically, the new reverence for de Gaulle has grown with the demise of Gaullism and intensified with French elites turning to an alternative Euro-Atlanticist and neoliberal paradigm. In this paradox, the “obsession with Gaulle” has taken on very different meanings. For some it is a rhetoric instrument or compensatory nostalgia, but for many it is indeed a symbol of disagreement with political dogma of the last decades. De Gaulle's shadow over today’s France is inextricably linked to the appeal and relevance of his ideas. His political philosophy stands out by a kind of multiple synthesis of opposites, often overlooked and underappreciated. De Gaulle's cornerstone ideas directly resonate with fundamental dilemmas that are now at the heart of controversies within societies and internationally, including those between West and Russia, West and East. His search for a dialectical conjunction of national, European and global imperatives is of particular interest.

Introduction: Socialism to Be Embodied

This article belongs to the special cluster, “Family, Gender and (dis)Abled Bodies after 1953”, guest-edited by Maike Lehmann and Alexandra Oberländer. While the ideal of the New Socialist Wo/Man was never fully realized and seems to have been abandoned across the Eastern Bloc after 1953, the question still arises what role individuals were to play within the socialist system. As dichotomous conceptualizations of state and society have been repeatedly criticized in recent years, we propose to look at how the role of the individual was imagined by different actors in Eastern European countries and how the ideals inherent in these imaginations were (to be) embodied. One possible avenue would be to explore the role of official language for subjectivization processes as they have been discussed during the last twenty years in Soviet studies. We, however, want to turn the attention towards the body and its role in shaping the individual in a cluster dealing with the impact family, gender, and dis/ability (were meant to) have on the formation of an individual body and its place within broader society. This is to explore some of the ways in which anybody could become somebody in socialist Eastern Europe and might help to shift the attention from dichotomous conceptualizations of political dogma and social practice towards an exploration of socialism as a diverse, yet specific cultural system.

Employing Trafficking Laws to Capture Elusive Leaders of Destructive Cults

In the 1970’s and 80’s in the United States, American newspapers raised public awareness about cults. Capturing headlines were articles about women, and later men, who followed Charles Manson to the extreme length of committing “Helter Skelter,” a cold-blooded killing spree. Cults continued to exist, out of sight and unobserved, until each next tragic occurrence when they would again be the topic of a news story. Even when cults did not achieve “front-page” status in the news, they continued to recruit adults and raise children born into the group.Because cults are undocumented and do not appear in our census, it is difficult to estimate how many are in the United States today. Estimates range from 2,500 to 8,000 cults in the United States, with their membership ranging from a few individuals to tens of thousands in any given cult. According to the International Cultic Studies Association (“ICSA”), an organization that monitors cults and provides education and counseling, approximately 2,500,000 Americans have joined cultic groups since the 1970s. Some cults are benign, others destructive; cults may change over time, sometimes from benign to destructive, sometimes vice versa. Benign cults appear not to inflict physical or emotional trauma to their members. In contrast, destructive cults do harm members, in large part because they are characterized by exploitatively manipulative and controlling interpersonal dynamics. Destructive cults are the focus of this paper. (The term “cult” is more commonly used in the United States; whereas, “sect” is used more prevalently in Europe.) Cults continue to evade our justice system here in the United States and abroad. This paper seeks to offer a fresh legal framework, which, I posit, could aid in the capture and prosecution of cult leaders for their crimes.In Part I, I describe how cults function. In Subpart (A), I describe a young girl’s (Elissa Wall) tragic marriage into a lifetime, and expected eternity, with a relative whom she initially resisted. Cults use four processes of control involving the mind, behavior, emotion and information, explained in (B). In Subpart (C), cults are categorized as religious, political, terrorist groups, psychotherapy, and commercial. The shortcomings of our legal system to provide remedies is set forth in Subpart (D). In Part II, international and American efforts to prevent and combat trafficking are presented. In Part III, I posit that law enforcement and the international community use the anti-trafficking laws and resources in capturing cult leaders, prosecuting them for the harm that they inflict on their adherents, and to provide services to former cult members. In this way, the religious or political dogma of cults is not an obstacle to holding them accountable for their criminal behavior.

Liu Na'ou: The Fate of “Middling Modernity” and the Global Pure Film Movement in Republican-Era Shanghai

The Pure Film movement to elevate cinema as an art form enjoyed a global following amongst commercial to avant-garde filmmakers and theorists during the interwar period. In East Asia, the influence of this vibrant discourse is perhaps best represented by the widely studied Japanese Pure Film movement, but little is known about its presence in China or the enigmatic figure Liu Na'ou who imported these discourses from the West, via Tokyo to Shanghai. Intended to improve the quality of Chinese films, these modernist film theories inevitably became embroiled in Liu's political campaign to protect freedom in the arts and entertainment against leftist political dogma of national defense and rising proletarianism. Following Liu's violent assassination for treason during the Sino-Japanese war, what is now considered Western Classical film theory became subject to the same stigma and taboo that has plagued the writing of Republican-era Chinese film history.

Naming a Star: Ursula Le Guin’s The Dispossessed and the Reimagining of Utopianism

AbstractMore than most of her works, Ursula K. Le Guin’s The Dispossessed feels unfinished, its perspective blurred. But through its flawed aperture one nevertheless sees why: its subject is all that is left unsaid and undone after a revolution. In this tale of two worlds, anarchist Anarres and statist Urras are implacably opposed. Yet each is continuous with the other. For its flaws, The Dispossessed, as a sociological novel, brilliantly analyzes where emancipatory politics can go wrong, using insights that were new even to social scientists in the early 1970s: the notion that power need not be formally titled or openly hierarchical in order to be effective and oppressive. In short, this is a novel about the dangers of informal power, and how revolutionary dogma can rhetorically mask it. But it stands out among Cold War era fiction for not portraying a flawed leftist society as a dystopia. Instead, Le Guin’s vision of Anarres is of a society that has become complacent, that has forgotten the permanence of revolution, where bad actors take advantage of political dogma and “non‐hierarchical” stations to exercise power in grotesque ways. Power never goes away, and Le Guin’s genius in The Dispossessed lies in showing us the myriad ways it endures.

A Political Companion to Philip Roth

A Political Companion to Philip Roth Maggie McKinley (bio) Claudia Franziska Brühwiler and Lee Trepanier, eds. A Political Companion to Philip Roth. Lexington: University Press of Kentucky, 2017. xi+284 pp. $60.00. Philip Roth has always had a fraught relationship with his own public role, particularly with regards to politics. He has been famously resistant to any kind of politicized label, from his chagrin at being categorized as a "Jewish American Writer" to his reluctance to accept the title of "Public Intellectual." He has also pushed back against those who would interpret some of his work as a symbolic commentary on contemporary politics: for example, when The Plot Against America was published in 2004 and was promptly read as a critique of the second Bush administration, Roth asserted that he wrote the novel "not so as to illuminate the present through the past but to illuminate the past through the past" ("The Story"). Yet Roth has never been able to completely distance himself or his writing from the political realm: as recently as January 2017, in fact, in an email about the perils of the Trump administration published in the New Yorker, Roth alluded to a political responsibility unique to writers. As he wrote, "I imagine writers will continue robustly to exploit the enormous American freedom that exists to write what they please, to speak out about the political situation, or to organize as they see fit" (Thurman). A Political Companion to Philip Roth confronts this conundrum of sorts, acknowledging Roth's reluctance to make fiction political while also exploring the way politics seems inextricable from Roth's writing. Indeed, the collection opens with Roth's published remarks for the 2013 PEN Literary Gala, wherein he uses his platform to criticize the government and attendant censorship he encountered in Prague in the 1970s. Each contributor thereafter deftly navigates Roth's caginess about politics, examining manifestations of political themes in his work while justly refusing to pin Roth down to any one political ideology or dogma, likely mindful of his remark that while so many forces in society attempt to "persuade, tempt, and control," readers "come to fiction to be free of all that noise" (Lee 186). [End Page 94] One of the merits of the collection is the way that it highlights the many variant ways the term "politics" itself can be understood across Roth's body of work. In doing so, it demonstrates a refreshing breadth of approaches and methodologies, likely arising from the fact that the contributors hail from a range of disciplines and draw from diverse areas of expertise. For example, Aimee Pozorski engages with trauma theory to argue that I Married a Communist "offers a politics of listening" (16) that "becomes the most effective form of engagement" (21). Michael Festl applies a methodology of political philosophy to the American Trilogy, finding pathologies in each novel that prevent Roth's characters from becoming reconciled to an American value system. Louis Gordon addresses the conflicting views on Zionism offered by different characters in The Facts, The Counterlife, and Operation Shylock, highlighting the dialogism that defines Roth's work. Andy Connolly explores politics of race and class in The Human Stain. Till Kinzel, Yael Maurer, and Debra Shostak all investigate various iterations of the politics of the body: Kinzel connects physical suffering in "Novotny's Pain" to the problems of American democracy; Maurer explores the relationship between the male body and political anxiety; and Shostak investigates gender politics in an array of Roth's novels, focusing primarily on the men but also devoting an intriguing and much-needed "coda" to Roth's less-discussed female characters. While each chapter offers a valuable contribution to the discussion of Roth and politics, there are some particular highlights that ground the collection, delivering especially focused readings of the political dimensions of Roth's writing and drawing together elements of surrounding essays. For example, Claudia Brühwiler's essay mines Roth's writing and biography for evidence of his role as a public intellectual, and her piece provides a throughway of sorts for ensuing essays to engage more deeply with political themes in Roth's individual works. In "The Politics of...

Страх как политика

Страх как политика

Using Information in Contemporary War

ABSTRACT: The Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIL) has sophisticated propaganda capabilities and expertise that can be turned against it. The United States should draw upon its expertise in political communication and psychological operations as well as adapt Russian precepts of operational shock and reflexive control to complement traditional military approaches. ********** The requirements for defeating the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIL) have many facets: a coherent policy, a confluent political strategy, traditional military and kinetic operations, and effective information warfare (TW) strategies. Despite their dominant role in ISIL's playbook, IW strategies are too often ignored. The group has used information warfare to expand its battlespace beyond the borders of Syria and Iraq to every television set on the planet--reaching anyone with Internet access. (1) American IW response must be as aggressive and strategic as kinetic military operations. Congress recognized the need to broaden military authority to counter ISIL messaging after US Special Operations Command commander General Joseph L. Votel argued the Department of Defense required more authority to counter recruitment and reduce the flow of foreign fighters. (2) This article, therefore, focuses on communication strategies and tactics the US military might employ in close coordination with kinetic operations as well as political and diplomatic efforts. We first examine the broader precepts governing information warfare, then apply them to define potential options for defeating ISIL. Fundamental Assumptions about Winning the War What steps will achieve battlefield dominance against ISIL in information warfare? One key lies in aligning a counter-ISIL narrative with our military objectives and the political goals of regional allies, which requires defining assumptions about US intentions. (3) First, battlefield victories--including victory in the information environment--are vital. Second, taking sides in the long-standing tensions between Sunnis and Shiites or making US policy the issue in the conflict should be voided. Third, the prominent public role Muslims should take in articulating a counter-narrative that discredits and delegitimizes the religious and political dogma of ISIL should be recognized. Public demonstrations denouncing ISIL require words and deeds to contribute significantly to success: Western countries should provide behind-the-scenes leadership and support, but Muslims must lead. The United States must clearly define the stakes, narratives, themes, and messengers, requiring careful target audience analysis (TAA) for language and content. (4) No single narrative or messenger fits every strategy. Components must be consistent, coordinated, and tailored to each target audience. Communication strategies must respect current political and military realities. Iraqi Sunnis comprehend ISIL brutality; however, they will not risk their lives to destroy ISIL to restore the status quo ante of Shiite repression. A winning IW strategy requires fresh approaches. Western commercial advertising methods do not work for politics or for changing behavior in military conflict zones. Consumers represent groups who have already decided to purchase. Brand advertising seeks to increase the hit rate of customers in a target group. A successful commercial ad campaign may change the minds of 10 percent of customers. But as Steve Tatham points out, a 10-percent change in the behavior of an insurgent group or hostile community is highly unlikely to be game changing in the context of the wider conflict. (5) The United States should not confuse political communication with commercial advertising. Branding and commercial advertising are the kiss of death for information warfare. Strategic Considerations for Information Warfare We define communication as words, deeds, images, or symbols that shape public opinion and attitudes to change behavior in order to achieve specific effects or end-states. …

Water crisis: the metropolitan Atlanta, Georgia, regional water supply conflict

Many large population centres are currently facing considerable difficulties with planning issues to secure future water supplies, as a result of water allocation and environmental issues, litigation, and political dogma. A classic case occurs in the metropolitan Atlanta area, which is a rapidly growing, large population centre that relies solely on surface water for supply. Lake Lanier currently supplies about 70% of the water demand and has been involved in a protracted legal dispute for more than two decades. Drought and environmental management of the reservoir combined to create a water shortage which nearly caused a disaster to the region in 2007 (only about 35 days of water supply was in reserve). While the region has made progress in controlling water demand by implementing a conservation plan, per capita use projections are still very high (at 511 L/day in 2035). Both non-potable reuse and indirect reuse of treated wastewater are contained in the most current water supply plan with up to 380,000 m3/day of wastewater treated using advanced wastewater treatment (nutrient removal) to be discharged into Lake Lanier. The water supply plan, however, includes no additional or new supply sources and has deleted any reference to the use of seawater desalination or other potential water sources which would provide diversification, thereby relying solely on the Coosa and Chattahoochee river reservoirs for the future.

History, Politics, and the Cartography of Sexed Bodies in Iurii Illienko’s A Prayer for Hetman Mazepa

This article explores the “corporeal” dimension of Iurii Illienko’s reconstruction of cultural and historical discourses in the 2002 film Molytva za het'mana Mazepu [A Prayer for Hetman Mazepa], which focuses on the hetman’s drama, his relationship with Peter I, and the defeat of Swedish and Ukrainian joint forces at the Battle of Poltava in 1709 that signified Ukraine’s submergence into a supranational, imperial community. Illienko’s cinematic space, in which plots of history and sexual politics are mapped onto one another, allows for conceptualizing the body as a site of political and cultural construction, contestation, and radical resistance. Demanding an intertextual approach that involves an open exchange between his cinematic domain and a “universe” of intersecting historical, cultural, ideological and political discourses, his multilayered re-memoration strategies expose both the fictionality and the political dogma surrounding the inherited mythologies. As a decentred reflection of the past, the film poses critical questions about competing histories and the dynamics of historical agency in colonial and postcolonial contexts, thus making a contribution to the protracted process of decolonization in Ukraine.

Political Dogma Stroll’s non political moral decision making

Ethical enigma kernelling concerns about actions against concerns about consequences have been dealt by philosophers and psychologists to measure “universal” moral intuitions. Although these enigmas contain no evident political content, we decipher that liberals are more likely than conservatives to be concerned about consequences, whereas conservatives are more likely than liberals to be concerned about actions. This denouement is exhibited in two large, heterogeneous samples and across several different moral dilemmas. In addition, manipulations of dilemma averseness and order of presentation suggest that this political difference is due in part to different sensitivities to emotional reactions in moral decision-making: Conservatives are very much inclined to “go with the gut” and let affective responses guide moral judgments, while liberals are more likely to deliberate about optimal consequences. In this article, extracting a sample from Western Europe, we report evidence that political differences can be found in moral decisions about issues that have no evident political content. In particular, we find that conservatives are more likely than liberals to attend to the action itself when deciding whether something is right or wrong, whereas liberals are more likely than conservatives to attend to the consequences of the action. Further, we report preliminary evidence that this is partly explained by the kernel of truth from the parodies – conservatives are more likely than liberals to “go with the gut” by using their affective responses to guide moral judgment.