Political Doctrine Research Articles

The significance of N. Ya. Danilevsky’s ideas for the formation of modern Philosophy of Law

The article analyzes the philosophical and historical ideas of N. Ya. Danilevsky and their significance for the development of cognitive capabilities of the Philosophy of Law. The leitmotif of the research is the idea that the theory of cultural and historical types developed by N. Ya. Danilevsky remains the property of only philosophers and historians, but is undeservedly overlooked by lawyers. The main reason for this situation is the complexity of the historical and philosophical reconstruction of his theory of cultural and historical types in the context of the analysis of the state and law. In addition, the article draws attention to the role of a one-sided Eurocentric understanding of the philosophy of the history of political and legal thought and the history of state and law. The ideas of N. Ya. Danilevsky are accompanied by significant distortions and falsifications in Western literature, primarily American and German. The methodology of the research is based on the use of traditional methods of analyzing political and legal doctrines, first of all their structural division, accompanied by a conditional separation of the logical and conceptual (theoretical) part and the concrete historical part.

"ДЕЦИЗИОНИЗМ ТАМ, ГДЕ ОТСУТСТВУЕТ ЛЕГАЛЬНОСТЬ": ОБ ОДНОМ ИЗ ТИПОВ ЮРИДИЧЕСКОГО МЫШЛЕНИЯ В ПОЛИТИКО-ПРАВОВОМ УЧЕНИИ КАРЛА ШМИТТА

The author of the article attempts to analyze the doctrine of decisionism, presented in Carl Schmitt’s work “On the three types of juridical thinking” (1934). In it, the German political philosopher and lawyer (1888– 1985) sums up some scientific results related to the very concept of decisionism and the corresponding decisionist thinking, having focused his very first treatise “Dictatorship” to that topic. “From the origins of the modern idea of sovereignty to the proletarian class struggle” (1910), and subsequently – the work “Political Theology. Four chapters on the doctrine of sovereignty” (1922). Among the three types of legal thinking considered by Schmitt (normativism, decisionism, thinking in categories of a concrete order), the greatest relevance belongs to decisionism, since it is in it that Schmitt sees the main means of combating abstract, faceless, anonymous and extra-spatial legal normativism, the consolidation of which in Germany contributed to both the reception Roman law, as well as the political and legal teachings of a number of normative legal scholars, the central place among whom was occupied by the Austrian lawyer G. Kelsen (1881–1973) with his theory of “pure” (abstract) law. The main factor that supports Schmitt’s research interest in decisionalism is its multiplicity (expressed in at least three of its subtypes: political, judicial, and autocratic). That feature of decisionalism suggests its relationship to the other two types of thinking considered in the “Three Types” (normative thinking and thinking in the categories of a specific order). In the first section of the article (“On three types of juridical thinking” by K. Schmitt. The decision to declare a state of emergency as the main feature of the sovereign), its author offers his commentary on Schmitt’s review of all three types of legal thinking, focusing his and the reader’s attention on the main thesis of decisionism (“He who makes an emergency decision is a sovereign”), on the distinction between normativism and decisionism and on the dependent nature of the latter on thinking in categories of a specific order. Particular attention in the article is paid to the issue of decisionism in American and English law (the second section “On the issue of the relationship between normativism and decisionism within the framework of case law”), since American law is partially built on judicial precedents, and therefore decisions of judges, and in English law Schmitt sees certain features of decisionism as the basis for the manifestation of thinking in categories of a specific order. The third section of the article (“Critical remarks regarding Schmitt’s political and legal doctrine of decisionism”) is focused on the consideration of at least two goals that Schmitt pursues by critically analyzing the doctrine of decisionism: the first (close) is to justify the feasibility of replacing normativism with decisionism; the second (prospective) is to prove the need to make existential decisions in case of emergency situations. In the process of analysis, Schmitt ignores the obvious fact that decisions of such a kind, not supported by the norms of law, contribute to the lawlessness of authorities acting as the sovereign.

All-Russian Conference with international participation “History of political and legal doctrines as a scientific and educational discipline”

All-Russian Conference with international participation “History of political and legal doctrines as a scientific and educational discipline”

Chrystologia na rozdrożu – heterodoksyjne motywy teologii politycznej cesarstwa w X i XI wieku

Christology at a Crossroads – Heterodox Motives of the Imperial Political Theology in the 10th and 11th Centuries The aim of this article is to present how heterodox, Christological constructions, arising from the controversies surrounding Chalcedonian dogma, existed in the 10th and 11th centuries in Western political thought. These constructions are described from two perspectives that were especially important for shaping the political doctrine of German emperors. Firstly, the illustration of the Aachen Gospels is mentioned because it symbolically contains the principles of the political theology of the Ottonian Empire. Secondly, the views of the Norman Anonymous, who wrote during times of intensified Caesarean propaganda in connection with the dispute with the papacy that took place in the 11th century, are analysed.

SOVIET ANTI-RELIGIOUS PRACTICES THROUGH THE PRISM OF TEACHERS' MEMORIES

The article analyzes the Soviet public policy of «scientific atheism». The analysis was carried out on the basis of oral historical narratives, archival documents, local history materials. It is noted that in the second half of the 20th century the main way of fighting against religion and the church was mass atheistic propaganda. It was justified by the political doctrine of «scientific atheism» and reinforced by a system of state-administrative pressure. With the help of propaganda, the Soviet intellectual elite created an image of the church as an «internal enemy» in order to use it in the process of forming an imaginary community called the «Soviet people». The territorial boundaries of the publication were delineated by the Lviv, Ternopil and Ivano-Frankivsk regions, on the territories of which the memories were recorded. Attention is given to the textual analysis of memories, which in turn is oriented to the reproduction of the meaning that the teachers placed on their specific life experience today, as well as to the study of the sequence in which the events are arranged in the narrative now, in the present time. It is important in this context to understand the structural difference between what the narrators experienced and what they told, as well as to consider the narrative as containing purely contemporary interpretations and evaluations of the narrators. The article examines how former teachers recall the «struggle against religion», aimed at the atheization of society and their (co)relation to this policy. It describes the involvement of teachers in anti-religious practices which was a sign of the Soviet era, through the organization of educational and educational processes in such a way, to prevent schoolchildren from freely visiting temples or celebrating religious holidays. It was concluded that memories of participation in anti-religious practices reveal a deep psychological discomfort in former teachers, so they resort to psychological defense mechanisms, describing themselves as hostages of their chosen profession, as well as sufficiently formal fulfillment of the requirements of atheist education. Keywords: teachers, memories, anti-religious practices, atheism, Soviet era, totalitarianism.

ПРОБЛЕМА ДЕРЖАВНОЇ ПРИНАЛЕЖНОСТІ ЗАХІДНОЇ ВОЛИНІ У КОНЦЕПЦІЯХ ТА ПРАКТИКАХ ПОЛЬСЬКОГО ПОЛІТИКУМУ (КІНЕЦЬ ХІХ СТ.– ПЕРША ЧВЕРТЬ ХХ СТ.)

The article reveals the study of the state affiliation issue of the Western Volyn territory in the concepts and practices of Polish political groups of the 19th‒20th century and their prominent ideologues. The revival of the Polish state was the only common political aim of the conceptual grounds of the leading Polish doctrines of incorporation and federalism. Nevertheless, practical methods and ways of realising the set objectives of the concepts mentioned above in the geopolitical dimension differed significantly. The nationalist views of the Polish politician R. Dmowski formed the basis of an incorporative political program, which stipulated the restoration of an independent Polish state within the borders of 1772 with the inclusion of Ukrainian lands – Volyn territory. The political beliefs of the Polish national leader J. Piłsudski were based on the concept of a federal union of Poland, Lithuania, Belarus, and Ukraine, which in turn considered the revival of the historical tradition of state‒building. According to this concept, Western Volyn should have belonged to Poland. Analysing the evolution of the concepts mentioned above in terms of historical events of the 19th and 20th centuries and their content related to Ukrainian issues, the author highlights that the western Ukrainian lands, in particular, Western Volyn, were accepted exclusively as Polish and a priori should have been the territory of the restored Polish state. The formation of the “illusory image” of Volyn as a Polish territory directly impacted the region’s further development. In particular, it influenced the relations between the neighbouring peoples ‒ Poles and Ukrainians. The establishment of official diplomatic relations between Poland and soviet russia, outlined in the Treaty Riga 1921, marked the victory of “incorporated” views over federal ideas. Meanwhile, the threat of expansion from the russian Bolsheviks contributed to the emergence of the Promethean political doctrine. Creating an independent Ukrainian state was one of the crucial elements aimed at functioning as a buffer zone between Poland and the Soviet Union. At the same time, the territory of Western Volyn was supposed to belong to Poland.

Speaking the Unspeakable: The status of “non-Muslims” in Indonesia

The citizenship of non-Muslims has long been a matter of debate in Islamic politics (fiqh al-siyasah). The problem arose especially after the new world order in the early 20th century, in which citizenship was no longer based on religion. In the literature of fiqh al-siyasah, the status of non-Muslims is divided into four categories: 1) kafir dhimmi (non-Muslims who receive protection); 2) kafir harbi (infidels who are permissible for an assault); 3) kafir mu'ahad (infidels who are bound by a peace treaty with Muslims); and 4) kafir musta'man (infidels who are given asylum in an Islamic country). This paper discusses one of the dictums of Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) —the largest Islamic organization in Indonesia — which did not situate non-Muslims in the category of infidels as known in Islamic political doctrine. Rather, it considered non-Muslims as citizens. Through direct observation in the process of discussion and relevant data tracing, including debate in the media, this paper argues that NU’s decision on the status of non-Muslim citizens is the extend of post-traditionalism’s Islamic character which perceives non-Muslims as having the same status as Muslims and should not be called infidels. This is the consequence of NU's acceptance toward the nation-state notion that sees the equality of all citizens.

GEOSTRATEGY OF UKRAINE: A MATHEMATICAL MODEL OF BUILDING SECTORAL INSTITUTIONAL-ORGANIZATIONAL STRUCTURES

Structuring the geostrategic landscape entails using integrated modeling methods to expand strategic horizons to forecast the development vectors of political and economic systems. The reasons for the barbarous war of the Moscow regime against the Ukrainian state have a significant basis both for theoretical study and further practical implementation of the obtained data into political and security practices. Examining the cause-effect complex of articulation of destructive paradigms has become the subject of many sciences. However, requiring their completed conceptualization within the political reality, individual phenomena are poorly studied from the standpoint of economic representation in the context of mathematical modeling of institutional implementing strategic national interests in the most crucial areas of life. Thus, public infrastructure policy is one of the reference areas. The development of the geostrategy of the modern Ukrainian state actualizes the task of elaborating precise mathematical models for assessing geostrategic processes, primarily the economic component. Clarifying the economic foundation of the war against Ukraine makes it possible to identify the facts of falsification in the modern political reality of those economic concepts which focus on the genocide of the Ukrainian nation under the guise of the development concept, reform, modernization, integration, etc. The paper articulates the conditionality of referring to the mathematical dimension of geostrategy implementation as exemplified by state infrastructure policy, analyzes the models of rendering political and economic decisions, specifies essential characteristics of institutional structures, and determines the algorithm for selecting experts. The article extends the central author’s idea of a clear distinction between geopolitics and geostrategy. Therefore, mathematical modeling assists in proving the nullity of argumentation and the lack of logical and other prerequisites for implementing Ukraine’s economic policy in the interests of third countries. It is concluded that the scientific study of alternatives to building institutional structures carrying out geostrategy, combined with articulating the economic dimension of their efficiency in the most important areas of life, constitutes an essential layer of political and economic doctrines. They should lay the groundwork for the design of the geostrategy of the modern Ukrainian state outside the context of stigmatization and attempts to rewrite history, semblance of the geostrategic landscape in a space-time format, and imposing destructive economic models on Ukraine.

The political question doctrine in the practice of the Constitutional Court of Ukraine: expedient "self-restraint" or a springboard for malpractice

Introduction. The paper studies the problem of the distinction between the following categories: "politics" and "law". Appeal to the political question doctrine and its introduction into national practice is an important achievement of the Constitutional Court of Ukraine, but the definition of its scope and limits is still an open question. Purpose. This paper is intended to shed some light on certain problem aspects associated with the scope of the political question doctrine and politicization of the Constitutional Court of Ukraine, notably by analysing the relevant legal positions of the Constitutional Court of Ukraine, taking into account the political results, which took place in connection therewith. Results. The line between legal and political issues is quite thin. Taking into consideration the foregoing and that the final decision on whether the respective issue is political shall be taken by the Constitutional Court of Ukraine at its absolute discretion, the definition of the scope and limits of the political question doctrine becomes more and more important. The analysis of the decisions outlined herein and their outcomes shows that certain legal issues have been ignored by the Constitutional Court of Ukraine in favour of the political goals pursued by public authorities. In some cases, a lack of action has been a precondition for the satisfying of political interests, and in other cases the “convenient” legal positions. Conclusion. Decisions of the Constitutional Court of Ukraine shall not be acts of political will. The mission of courts is to resolve issues of law, therefore, the motives of political expediency cannot be at the core thereof. The Constitutional Court of Ukraine is not a tool for perusing political goals. The political question doctrine shall not be used as a springboard for malpractice, as its idea is that courts shall either refuse the hearing of political questions or perform their function when the issue of law takes place. The lack of clear criteria that would allow to distinguish political issues from legal ones causes certain legal uncertainty and unpredictability. It is obvious that the Constitutional Court of Ukraine should not take over functions that are not inherent hereto and turn into an expression of political will.

NUCLEAR MISSILE PROGRAMS IN THE POLITICAL DOCTRINES OF THE UNITED STATES

The article examines the characteristics of nuclear missile programs in US political doctrines. Methods of historical reconstruction and analytical interpretation were used during the research. A description of the patterns of dynamics of the doctrinal foundations of US nuclear missile policy is given.
 The article highlights the components of nuclear missile programs in political doctrines, including areas of increasing funding for nuclear missile programs, the nature of external threats in which nuclear missiles can be used, technological features of nuclear missile weapons improvement in the context of nuclear energy development. The purpose of this article is to reveal the natural features in the dynamics of changes in the political approaches of the ruling political forces in such policy areas as deterring and preventing the proliferation of such weapons. The importance of the nuclear missile potential of the US military for political dominance and national security, influence on international relations and the formation of foreign policy doctrine in general is shown. The discussions of scientists are covered, in particular, the positions of scientists on the causes and factors that influenced the changes in the doctrinal foundations of US nuclear missile policy in the process of ensuring national security and international security in general. It is established that the genesis of the doctrinal bases of the US missile and nuclear weapons policy documents in the policy of national and international security is determined by three components: deterring external aggression and preventing the proliferation of nuclear weapons; dependence of doctrines on the ideologies of the political regimes of the ruling US parties; constant correlation of approaches to ensuring national and international security by means of nuclear missiles. It has been proven that American political doctrine in international politics gives one of the key places to the US missile and nuclear potential.

NON-USE OF NUCLEAR WEAPONS IN DOCTRINAL MEASUREMENTS OF NUCLEAR ROCKET PROGRAMS OF WIRED COUNTRIES OF THE WORLD

The article examines the positions of scientists on the concept of non-use of nuclear weapons in the provisions of the political doctrines of the nuclear missile programs of the leading countries of the world. In particular, the features of the argumentation of scientists and analysts regarding the expediency of introducing a policy of non-use of nuclear weapons first in the presence of a real military threat are studied. An analysis of the interpretations of the proportionality of the concept of non-use of real indicators of threats is carried out. In the course of the study, a significant number of political science and other methods were used, among which the doctrinal method of research took the main place, thanks to which the position of the concepts of the non-use of nuclear weapons in the political doctrines of the leading countries of the world was established, and the concepts of scientists on the phenomenon under study were characterized. Among other methods, the method of structural-functional analysis, the comparative method, and others were used. The result of the study was the provisions on the presence of natural political and methodological properties of the concept of the non-use of nuclear weapons, presented in research positions.

Greenpeace, Political Purposes – “There and back Again”; Reflections on New Zealand Charity Law

Abstract The political purpose doctrine, a key part of the charity law landscape for many common law jurisdictions, has been subject to much judicial and academic criticism over the years. Its continued influence on the charity sector in relation to whether or not charities can operate effectively, or indeed, whether they may lose their registered status, gives rise still to such criticisms. It is against this backdrop that this article critically assesses the doctrine in light of newly-emerging decisions from the New Zealand courts that have fundamentally changed the charity law landscape from a national perspective, and considers some of the issues associated with this newly-evolved doctrine. Thus, what can be said is that New Zealand charity law jurisprudence is evolving and this article provides some useful insights in to contemporary charity law issues predominantly through the New Zealand lens as but one legal approach, and also compares some of these issues against two international perspectives.

THE GENESIS OF THE US NUCLEAR WEAPONS PROGRAMS

The article examines the main stages in the development of nuclear missile programs of the United States of America from the moment of their development to the modern period. In the course of the research, general scientific research methods were used, as well as logical methods and empirical methods. In particular, historical methods of scientific knowledge, comparative methods, methods of deduction and induction were used, historical reconstruction and analytical interpretation of the development of US nuclear missile programs were carried out. The main factors that influenced the features of various stages of the formation and development of nuclear missile programs in different periods of the Republican and Democratic rule are presented. The main characteristics of the stages of development of nuclear missile programs in North American military doctrines are shown during the periods of domination of various political ideologies. Particular attention is focused on the periods of the presidency of the presidents of the Democratic and Republican parties, the differences in the development of these programs. The article substantiates that the development of American nuclear missile programs is a complex and important scientific problem, given the presence in the United States of the status of the most powerful state in world politics. It has been substantiated that this factor is one of the main reasons for its influence in world political processes in the conditions of post-bipolar development of international relations. It has been proved that the dynamics of the development of US nuclear missile programs was influenced by security factors that were formed in the process of aggravating international relations with states with nuclear potential, trying to influence world politics, as well as in the context of strengthening the fight against international terrorism. It is shown that at the present stage, in comparison with the initial period, the deterrence criterion is fundamental in the US nuclear missile political doctrine, due to the fundamental transformation of the American military doctrine.

Mutually Intelligible Principles?

Are the nondelegation, major questions, and political question doctrines mutually intelligible? This article asks whether there is more than superficial resemblance between the nondelegation, major questions, and political question concepts in Wayman v. Southard, 23 U.S. (10 Wheat.) 1 (1825), an early nondelegation case that has become focal in recent nondelegation and major questions scholarship and jurisprudence. I argue that the nondelegation and political question doctrines do interact conceptually in Wayman, though not as current proponents of the nondelegation doctrine on the Supreme Court seem to understand it. The major questions doctrine by contrast conscripts the nondelegation concept while overwriting its relationship with elements of the political question doctrine. In West Virginia v. EPA, 142 S. Ct. 2587 (2022), Justice Neil Gorsuch and his adherents have, in effect, subverted key aspects of Chief Justice John Marshall’s reasoning in Wayman while outwardly relying upon it to claim legitimacy. I conclude that faithfully reading Wayman urges a political question rationale for lower courts to decline to reach the merits of major questions and nondelegation challenges in the wake of West Virginia

Administrative procedural and litigation aspects of the review of governmental actions

The main aim of this paper is to investigate the administrative procedural and litigation aspects of judicial review of governmental actions under the scope of the political question doctrine in Hungary. Governmental actions, due to their political nature, are usually excluded from judicial review, which means that an important safeguard of rule of law does not apply to them. As a result, serious constitutional concerns arise, especially when these decisions, in addition to their political nature, have a legal nature, too, or are administrative adjudicative ones. In these cases, procedural safeguards are even more important. The paper therefore examines such borderline cases in the practice of the Hungarian administrative courts and of the Constitutional Court regarding the existence of judicial review in these cases. The research has not comprehensively covered judicial practice, but focuses only on some characteristic decisions. In addition to examining court cases, the paper covers the statutory background and the theoretical foundations as well.

General Perspective on Islamic political thought: Views of Prominent Modern Islamists

The collapse of the Caliphate triggered a substantial debate among experts about the Caliphate. The Khalifah has traditionally been the sole type of Islamic politics that has existed since the Prophet's time (SAW). As a result, the early Muslims developed a complete philosophy that addressed the caliphate's beginnings, the qualification of the caliph, the nature and process of election, and the purpose of government. Modern Islamic political doctrines have remained nearly comparable to the previously theoretically idealised notion of the caliphate presented by famous Muslim intellectuals and jurists such as al-Mawardi, al-Ghazali, and al-Baqillani. It was a reworking of the caliphate concept and its detailed organisation. This new method has been written about by Hasan al-Banna, Sayyid Qutb, Abul-Ala Maududi, and others. This paper is an endeavour to recapitulate the views of modern writers on Islamic polity.

Consciousness, Creativity, Innovation, and Survival

Creativity is an individual event, but it only becomes meaningful with social acceptance, and society and our survival as a species faced with climate change will be determined by our creative solutions to problems so well-known their recitation has become cliché. Therefore, our proficiency in understanding the creative process and our success in nurturing its dynamic in our culture will also determine how we as a species navigate the cataclysmic change that is coming. One does not need to be sophisticated in historical analysis to recognize the impact a single creative individual can have in a society supportive of breakthroughs, and how harmful suppression of creative initiative because of religious or political doctrine can be on a culture, both the individuals and the commonweal. This paper presents decades of research studying creativity and describes a recurring six step process that notably creative individuals across history have reported. If we can come to better understand the relationship between creativity, intuition, and innovation, and the process that invokes moments of genius we will make ourselves better and more insightful researchers, clinicians, and business people. And here is the promise: Someone who undertakes the journey may change both themselves, and the course of history.

Mark Aurelius political and legal ideas on human rights as a significant contribution to roman legal thought

The article is dedicated to a general overview of the political and legal ideas of Marcus Aurelius on human rights. In today’s period of fatal events, when the worst episodes of the past are becoming a reality again, namely the unleashing of an unprovoked brutal war against Ukraine by the Russian Federation, the world community is obliged to discuss human rights issues in the natural and legal aspects. In this regard, it seems necessary to turn to the origins of ideas about subjectively significant state and legal phenomena, devoid of problematic and veiled ideas. Undoubtedly, the world today needs more ideas full of humanity and the common good, ideas of the right decisions, which in their numbers can become something of a catalyst for peace around the world. Such political and legal ideas are able to change the world and adjust a certain group of people to the direction of development and improvement, rather than impoverishment and degradation. Among other things, it is important to take into account historical experience and views on the state and law, analyzing which can be at least closer to the truth in the relevant issue.
 The significance of the Roman Empire, which for some time stretched over large areas from England to Syria in the context of the concepts of history of state and law and political and legal doctrines is extremely great. The Roman Empire largely shaped world culture, science, law, art and education. The influence of the same Roman law on the jurisprudence of medieval and new states is enormous. The Roman Empire, both during its existence and after its disappearance, became a symbol of the development of law. Of great interest in this regard are the political and legal teachings of Marcus Aurelius - Emperor-philosopher, who introduced the idea of a state with equal law for all, governed by equality and equality of all, and the kingdom in which the highest good is the freedom of subordinates. The philosopher believed that the state should have the same laws for all, respect the freedom of citizens, and govern on the basis of equality and equality of all citizens.
 This philosopher pursued a balanced policy, his rule is characterized by respect for the people, the Senate and its members. Aurelius reign was called the «Senate Renaissance» because the emperor himself emphasized his obedience to the senate, which was the highest imperial power at the time. Marcus Aurelius directed his policy to help orphans, slaves, the poor and the sick, donated money to help all those in need. During this historical period, attitudes toward slavery and violence against them changed, and their murder was recognized as a crime thanks to Marcus Aurelius. In this article, the authors evaluates the main ideas of the Roman Stoics. The the authors clarifies some principles of equality of human rights and the functioning of the state in this direction, in particular on the basis of political and legal views of Marcus Aurelius.

EPISTEMOLOGICAL ASPECTS OF THE RUSSIA-UKRAINE MODERN WAR

Ideas on the political nature, causes, motivations of the parties and the very essence of the Russia-Ukraine hybrid war of 2014–2022 are presented. Ideological preconditions, reasons and current consequences of the Russian armed aggression against Ukraine, as well as the evolution of the formation of the political and security doctrines of the ruling regime of Russia from quasi-liberal views to the expansionist concept of “restoration of historical Russia” and justification of aggressive war against Ukraine are considered.
 The authors’ theoretical framework for examining the political nature, essence and causes as well as specificities of this war is based on the provisions of classic military theory as well as their further development. These fundamental ideas are gaining new relevance in the context of hybrid war with the simultaneous presence of elements of military confrontation pertinent to third-generation war and factors pertinent to the new type of sixth-generation war. Conclusions are based on an analysis of a number of conceptual documents by Russia’s leadership over the past 15 years.

Sweden, Inc.: Temporal Sovereignty of the Realm and People from the Middle Ages to Modernity

Sweden, Inc.: Temporal Sovereignty of the Realm and People from the Middle Ages to Modernity