Political Discontent Research Articles

Temporary protection, refugee fatigue and political discontent in European Union cities of refuge

Experience with the recent activation of the Temporary Protection Directive (TPD) in the European Union has demonstrated its virtues as an emergency policy response to mass influx situations. However, in the absence of a long-term strategy to alleviate pressure, there is a risk that a sense of fatigue will emerge and intensify in cities of refuge, with this commentary presenting prima facie evidence of this issue. To mitigate the potential effect that refugee fatigue might have in terms of political discontent, we advocate a new temporary protection approach that embraces a genuine multi-level governance that recognises cities as key actors in refugee reception. The paradigm shift should prioritise cities when allocating funds to build reception capacity, as well as acknowledge the urgency of city-led relocation initiatives to alleviate the strain on overburdened cities. Finally, this commentary suggests the need to address one of the main drivers of fatigue: the uncertainty regarding the future for millions of Ukrainians once the TPD expires.

Representing rural Australia: political representation and rural discontent

ABSTRACT There is a distinct rural flavour to contemporary political discontent. Studies in the United States have found that rural populations feel politically neglected and resentful of city dwellers, resulting in significant partisan cleavages. Rural discontent and difference are enduring features of Australian federal politics, with rural populations often frustrated by their treatment from policy-makers in Canberra. To understand better contemporary rural discontent this article considers the views of those elected to represent rural people, rural MPs. It presents findings of an empirical study into how Australian federal rural MPs understand their role, their constituents, and the issues they face. Interviews reveal that the role of a rural MP is shaped by distance, by diverse people and localities, and by a sense that their constituents are misunderstood by urban Australians and policy-makers. The article considers how these interpretations of rural MPs intersect with sentiments of rural discontent.

Does Local Area Social Mobility Affect Political Alienation?

While existing research has considered how individual-level social mobility experiences affect a person’s political outlook, less attention has been paid to how historic levels of social mobility in local areas influence political attitudes and political behaviour. We link individual-level data from the UK Household Longitudinal Study to small area estimates of social class mobility derived from the decennial census. We find that living in a low absolute social mobility area was associated with a higher probability of voting ‘Leave’ in the 2016 UK European Union membership referendum. However, we find no evidence that historical social mobility rates in the local area predict abstention in general elections or attitudinal indicators of political alienation. Given declining rates of upwards mobility, and increasing levels of downwards mobility, our results have important implications for understanding geographies of political discontent.

Navigating push factors for emigration in turbulent water: the protestors of the Rif Hirak

ABSTRACT What happens when actors in social movements (SMs) fail to achieve their goals? Written against the general tendency in current scholarship, this article examines the case of the actors in the Rif Hirak activism, which emerged in northern Morocco following the tragic death of a fishmonger in the port of the city of Al Hoceima, to probe the impact of collective action on actors in SMs. To achieve this purpose, this article is twofold: First, it examines the link between repression and emigration. Second, based on online interview data gathered from a small sample of Hirak activists (n = 13), the article argues that, as the Hirak waned; the Rif activists resorted to emigration as a means to express political discontent and alternatively resist government repression. This demonstrates that a combination of factors intersect to justify protesters’ decision to emigrate. These intersecting factors include: (a) the threat of arrest and torture, (b) family pressure, (c) distrust in the state, (d) frustration with the lack of economic opportunities in the Rif, and (e) disappointment at the ability of the movement to bring about change.

Political discontent in Spain, diagnosis and solutions

The starting point is the presence of a widespread feeling of political confrontation and division among Spanish citizens. This is compounded by dissatisfaction with and distrust in a system that is perceived by many as elitist and out of touch with real needs. Several factors related to this perception of politics are explained and quantified. On the one hand, there are economic elements, such as the stagnation of GDP per capita, the persistence of a relatively high at-risk-of-poverty rate, and the rates of material deprivation. And in all these elements, a significant territorial inequality can be observed. There are significant differences between Spain, France and Germany over the period considered. On the other hand, political factors determine much of the public debate in Spain: Historical memory and the Spanish Civil War, as well as the terrorism of ETA and other terrorist groups. The emergence of new parties is analyzed, especially VOX. Finally, the enormous difficulty of finding a territorial structure of political power that would bring together the consensus of most political forces. It is necessary to find formulas for fiscal federalism that will make it possible to move away from the current decentralization of spending without the Autonomous Communities having their own tax capacity. This study concludes by pointing out the relevance of all these problems and the need to find solutions through democratic debate and deliberation with agreements.

An urban–rural divide of political discontent in Europe? Conflicting results on satisfaction with democracy

An urban–rural divide of political discontent in Europe? Conflicting results on satisfaction with democracy

Mob Lynching and Vigilantism in India: Analyzing Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita, 2023

Lynching in the US, especially after Reconstruction, symbolises racial injustice and white domination. Lynching was not limited to African Americans, although they were disproportionately targeted. Lynching began as frontier justice during the Revolutionary War but became a tool of racial terror and social manipulation in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. In lynching analysis, the "frustration-aggression" hypothesis suggests that economic hardship, demographic shifts, and political discontent may exacerbate mob violence. When people or organisations are irritated by perceived threats to their social or economic status, they may behave aggressively, including lynching. The term "lynching" comes from Revolutionary War Virginia colonel Charles Lynch. Lynch and other local landowners created an informal court system to combat governmental power breakdown and protect their communities from theft and other crimes. Under "Lynch's law," criminals were captured, prosecuted, and punished without due process. Lynch's law expanded to include other forms of extrajudicial vengeance in the US. Vigilance committees, popular in areas without strong law enforcement, sought to quickly impose extralegal vengeance.

Introduction: Regional inequality and political discontent in Europe

ABSTRACT What is the relationship between regional inequality and political discontent in Europe? This special issue addresses this question by studying the influence of the subnational context. Specifically, it examines the impact of unequal social conditions and economic growth on political discontent with national and international politics, as expressed in political behaviour, public opinion and policy preferences. This introduction outlines a research agenda that establishes the context of the special issue. It explains the key concepts of interest, summarises significant empirical trends, outlines explanatory models and discusses methodological challenges. In addition to establishing the research agenda that serves as the analytical framework, this introduction also presents the core findings of the special issue and discusses broader implications for future research and practice.

The Italian payback effect: the causal impact of the great recession on political discontent

ABSTRACT Grounding on the theories of economic voting and political opposition, this paper investigates whether the Italian Local Labour Markets (LLMs) most affected by the Great Recession reacted in the ballot box voting against the domestic institutions or in favour of anti-European parties. We exploit a recent econometric technique in the counterfactual framework, which adopts a non-parametric generalisation of the difference-in-differences estimator. Our findings show a causal negative impact on the share of Berlusconi’s party, the incumbent party during the crisis, statistically significant in those LLMs with the lowest institutional quality and in the Centre and in the Islands of Italy. We find no causal effect on the anti-European vote whatsoever. People living in the LLMs that suffered the most the effects of the Great Recession used their vote to harm the party in charge, which they deemed responsible for the economic consequences, with a payback effect.

“Yugoslavia has Nothing. Yugoslavia has No Bread. But Hungary Gives Us Bread”: Access to Food and (Dis)loyalty in a “Redeemed” Yugoslav Borderland

Abstract This article illustrates the socioeconomic background of rural political discontent in the post-imperial Yugoslav border region Prekmurje. The author argues that during the post-Habsburg political transition and ensuing social transformation, the fundamental lack of loyalty to the Yugoslav state among an important segment of the rural population of Prekmurje was rooted in insufficient access to food. Documents of court proceedings, official state reports, and findings of individuals with deep understandings of the situation on the ground reveal that this rural political mobilization was not so much a reflection of Hungarian propaganda or a “lack of appropriate national identification” among the local population—although, of course, these two factors cannot be ignored in a contested and linguistically and ethnically diverse region—but rather an outcome of the impoverishment of large sections of the peasant population.

Political conflict on Instagram during the COVID-19 pandemic in Europe: challenges of a cross-country comparison of visual content

ABSTRACT Research on political conflict often overlooks the role of visual-based platforms like Instagram in expressing political discontent, focusing primarily on textual content from newspapers and social media. This paper examines the practicalities and challenges of conducting visual research on Instagram, particularly in the context of comparative studies. We highlight the difficulties associated with sampling representative visual content. Through a small case study, we illustrate how hashtags associated with a single country can generate multiple conflicts, using indicators developed in political protest research and contentious politics. The existence of diverse debates within and across hashtags complicates cross-country comparisons of Instagram content and conflict dynamics. To address this issue, we propose an analytical tool for cross-hashtag analysis, allowing for the assessment of degrees of conflict.

Trajectories in the development of Amhara nationalism: Is it from rejection to embracement?

AbstractAmhara nationalism emerged in the Ethiopian political discourse in the 1990s, and has appeared at varying paces across time. This article examines whether the trajectories in Amhara identity conceptions go from rejection to embracing Amhara ethnicity. A qualitative data analysis is used gleaned from various sources including archives, opinions expressed in social media platforms, and key informant interviews undertaken largely in 2020. The article revealed how Amhara ethnicity has been built under various political contexts in Ethiopia. In the last, nearly three decades’ actors and political parties shift their subscription from Ethiopian identity to Amhara and the other way around. This shows the situationality, and variability of ethnicity, and more importantly, the weight of context in the construction of identity discourses and practices. The practice of “Amhara democratic nationalism”, with its Bolshevik ingredients, aimed to “discipline” Amhara, accompanied by the attitude of many ethnonationalist elites which consider all Amhara as an oppressor gave way to reactive ethnicity, and Amhara political identity is already established with essential implications for the current political discontent and future of Ethiopia.

Rising Market Power and its Political Discontents

Rising Market Power and its Political Discontents

Regional manufacturing composition and political (dis)content in Europe

ABSTRACT This article examines the relationship between changes in manufacturing employment and political discontent in European regions, using a multilevel hybrid model and data from the European Social Survey and European Commission. The analysis reveals that within regions, a decrease in manufacturing jobs leads to greater political discontent, but this relationship is not observed when comparing variation in manufacturing levels across regions. Additionally, the analysis demonstrates that this discontent manifests more as dissatisfaction with the government, rather than distrust in political institutions and actors. Native-born, lower social classes and individuals living in rural areas display more discontent, even after considering material factors. The study highlights the role of declining social status and identity threats due to manufacturing job losses as a likely driver of political discontent. It calls for more research on the effects of manufacturing transitions in Europe on the formation of political attitudes among various social groups.

Paying the piper for the Green Transition? Perceptions of unfairness from regional employment declines in carbon-polluting industrial sectors

ABSTRACT I study if industrial decarbonisation yields elevated perceptions of political and economic unfairness. Decarbonising industry is central for the Green Transition, but it will disproportionately affect regions where brown sectors, which have been made uncompetitive, are concentrated. I contribute to studies on political consequences of the Green Transition by exploring perceived unfairness as one outcome from these uneven effects. In regions where industrial decarbonisation and employment declines in brown sectors have been greater than in other regions, residents may feel that they have disproportionately borne the economic costs of industrial decarbonisation for their country, and may consider their governments to have neglected their interests. I test these expectations in 60 West European regions using past (2013–2018) employment and CO2 emissions trends from the three most carbon-polluting sectors, as proxies for industrial decarbonisation accompanied by employment declines in brown sectors, and combined them with micro-level data from the European Social Survey (2018). I find that regions exhibit elevated perceptions of economic and political unfairness only when they experience both relative CO2 emissions and employment decline in these sectors. As perceived unfairness underpins some of the political discontent observed today, this finding highlights the need for Green Transition policies that minimise labour market disruptions.

When Parties Become Movements: the Movement-ization of Established Party Organizations in Austria, Germany, and the UK

AbstractIn light of widespread frustration with representative democracy, political parties increasingly imitate social movements—a phenomenon scholars have conceptualized as movement-party hybrids, or movement parties. Strikingly though, research hitherto on the topic focuses on emerging parties and reveals little about movement-ization re-shaping traditional party organizations and, therefore, representative democracy. In 39 qualitative interviews with Social Democratic and Conservative party organizers in Germany, Austria, and the UK, I compare how different established parties experience demands for a movement-ization of their organization. Results show that established parties, too, face pressures to provide social movement-like experiences and de-formalization, yet their adaptation strategies differ as a function of political orientation, organizational heritage, member expectations, and political discontent. Whereas Social Democrats envision a more bottom-up and movement-inspired re-organization yet seriously suffer from the tensions this causes among different member and supporter groups, Conservatives (if at all) embrace movement-ization as a top-down steered strategic re-branding suggesting elevated policy efficacy.

A Photovoice Study Exploring the Subjective Constructions of ‘Born-Free’ Identities in a South African University

The South African identity has been shaped by nation-building discourse; it remains a point of ongoing political discussion well into South Africa’s democratisation. Literature suggests that ‘South Africans’ only exist through their creation by nationalist rhetoric; therefore, growing political discontent is reflected in a disentanglement from the ‘South African’ identity. This article, using photovoice, explores Black university students’ constructions of their identity in contemporary South Africa. The participants viewed the South African society as a divided one. Although they described the impact of nation-building discourse as having existed in the past, they spoke of it as a disingenuous sentiment that has faded with the passing of former President Nelson Mandela. Instead, the participants turn to their ethnic groups to establish a fluid cultural identity. The ‘bornfree’ generation is in a state of ‘in-between’: born after the official end of apartheid, they are thought of as having access to opportunities unavailable to previous generations. However, they continue to grapple with the challenges and unresolved legacies of the past. This project’s significant contribution lies in its emphasis on the perspectives and experiences of the ‘born-frees’ themselves. Existing literature shows that politicians and academics usually control discussions related to nation-building and transformation. Yet, the voices of the ‘born-frees’ are frequently side-lined, as they are perceived to lack firsthand experience of apartheid’s challenges. This study demonstrates that, even with democratic change, there are numerous aspects of ‘born-free’ lives that have remained untransformed.

Strukturbrüche

Abstract Since the end of the 1980s, Italian capitalism has been struggling. Low growth rates, increasing inequalities and relative impoverishment are compromising the pursuit of happiness and fuelling political discontent. Against this background of crumbling economic and social structures, the article explores historical and sociological perspectives on Italian capitalism’s contemporary dynamics. To this end, it first summarises some central lines of development and then maps existing explanatory approaches onto them. Third, it discusses what a historical contribution to these debates might look like. Finally, it recalls the promise of the Italian case within theoretical debates centred on the political economy of modernity.

The Role of Multistakeholder Initiatives in the Radicalization of Resistance: The Forest Stewardship Council and the Mapuche Conflict in Chile

AbstractMulti‐stakeholder initiatives (MSIs) that address sustainability concerns have grown in importance in recent years. These private governance measures involving market, state and civil society actors aim to resolve disagreements between stakeholders through stakeholder engagement practices. However, our empirical study of the Mapuche conflict in Chile shows how a multi‐stakeholder initiative contributed to the radicalization of a protest movement leading to an escalation of violence that left all actors worse off. The implementation of the Forest Stewardship Council (FSC) certification scheme, perhaps the best known MSI, exacerbated existing political discontent among the Indigenous Mapuche peoples who were resisting the expansion of industrial forest on their lands in southern Chile. Our findings indicate that MSIs cannot address the needs of marginalized stakeholders and may further undermine their interests. Our analysis enhances our understanding of the outcomes of MSIs by describing processes of radicalization as well as the role of the state in conflicts. The FSC certification scheme was incapable of addressing the key Mapuche demand for land rights. Instead, it raised false expectations, which coupled with corporate irresponsibility and state repression led to an escalation of violence. The increasing reliance on private governance measures in natural resource management, especially in countries of the so‐called Global South, can further exacerbate existing conflicts and hence it is important to understand how and why MSIs lead to negative outcomes.

The Fugitive Underground of British Blackness

This paper historicizes the riotous geographies of British Blackness by focusing on three so-called “riots” in London’s post-World War II development, the 1958 Notting Hill uprisings, the 1981 Brixton uprisings and the 2011 pan-London uprisings. Mobilizing debates in Black (British) Geographies, I challenge state narrations of these events as illegitimate expressions of Black Britons’ political discontent. Based on archival research, I expose such framings as ongoing attempts of whiteness to render Black British geographies “ungeographic” within a supposed white British geography. Employing fugitivity as method, I show how these riotous events constituted possibilities for escaping racialized spatio-political categories of British state geographies. I consider British Blackness as political category and as a historically contingent discursive construction that mobilizes people from the African diaspora in specific ways but also stretches beyond them. Thus, I ask: How does Blackness continue to escape attempts of capturing it in and through British state geographies and in what ways does this escape constitute a transfiguration of Black British (un)geographies? The three historical cases I examine exemplify the struggles between the state’s efforts to enclose and exclude Black Britons and their efforts to forge an underground of British Blackness in the wake of Empire.