Political Developments In Russia Research Articles

Cross-Border Cooperation Against the Odds?

What impact did changes in the geopolitical environment have on grassroots cross-border cooperation within the Barents Euro-Arctic Region in the years before Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022? Drawing on interviews, surveys and document studies from two evaluations made in 2007 and 2020 of the Norwegian Barents Secretariat’s grant programme, conducted by the authors of the present article, we analyse the development over time of cross-border cooperation in Russia’s northwestern and Norway’s northernmost regions. The context in which the programme was conducted in 2020 differed significantly from that in 2007. The period was one of increasingly strained relations between Russia and the West. In particular, the 2014 events in Ukraine resulted in a new geopolitical environment that posed a challenge to the ideals of cross-border trust and people-to-people cooperation. Moreover, internal political developments in Russia led to more centralized power structures and control, also regarding civil society. Although we had expected these developments to have had a negative impact on the programme’s goal achievement, we find that the programme was closer to achieving several of its objectives in 2020 than in 2007. Competence transfer went both ways, both sides benefitted more equally and despite the geopolitical complications, the number of groups involved on both sides of the border did not decrease. The article identifies the main challenges between partners, and how they were overcome.

Развитие регионов России в условиях неопределенности внешней среды

The economic, technological, social, and political development of Russia is affected by unfavorable external circumstances. The purpose of the article is to reveal the features of the external environment uncertainty, assess its impact on the economic systems of the Russian regions, and to propose a mechanism of adaptation to future recessionary phenomena. The article uses methods of analysis and synthesis, induction and deduction, comparison, economic analysis; a systematic approach. The authors present the results of comparative analysis of Russian regions’ development indicators in 2019–2021 and 2022. It is determined that the speed and effectiveness of overcoming uncertainty factors depends on the adaptive abilities of Russian regions and the speed of decision-making. The key directions of state policy measures to maintain the stability of the economic systems of the regions are substantiated.

Современные особенности и тенденции развития Российского государства (конституционно-правовой аспект)

The purpose of this work is to identify the trends and prospects of socio-political development of Russia at the present stage of its development. Guided by the paradigm of the fundamental importance for the political and legal system of the country of its constitutional act, the authors chose the method of legal analysis as the main method of research, attempting to achieve the goal of the work by considering the evolution of the basic law of the country - the Constitution of the Russian Federation. Thus, studying the constitutional process in dynamics, as well as drawing on the experience of a number of foreign countries, the authors of the article use historical and comparative research methods. The relevance and relevance of such research is due, among other things, to the fact that the last year and a half have been marked by a clear decrease in the activity of the scientific community in terms of studying the significance of constitutional amendments and their impact on the political future of the Russian state and society. Complicating the achievement of this task is the fact that the first chapter of the basic law of our country (on the foundations of the constitutional system) must remain unchanged and, therefore, it is impossible to trace the domestic socio-political transformations of the deep level by its evolution. Nevertheless, formulating conclusions, in the final part of the work, the authors identify a number of trends and prospects for the near future of our country, first of all, its state component. The practical significance of the work lies in the possibility of using its predictive component in the process of Russia's political development over the coming years.

Může podnikatel zakázat či podmínit přístup ke službám ruským občanům z důvodu války na Ukrajině?

The paper deals with the current issue of consumer discrimination from the perspective of the Russia-Ukraine conflict. The subject of the study is the assessment of whether an entrepreneur can completely prohibit or condition access to services to Russian citizens, or whether it can do so against persons supporting the war in Ukraine or Putinʼs regime. This conduct is assessed in particular from the point of view of illegality under Section 6 of the Consumer Protection Act, which very strictly enjoins an entrepreneur not to discriminate. The paper provides a summary of the related case law, raising the question whether, in view of the current political developments in Russia, these case law conclusions can continue to stand in the same form.

Мусульманские подданные в имперской практике по аккультурации кавказских инородцев: исторический опыт Дагестана конца XIX - начала ХХ в. (на примере системы образования)

Modern realities regarding educational policy in the regions dictate the need to be guided by many nuances in Russia. The importance of education for non-Russians was also perceived as one of the most important components of the policy of the Russian Empire in the periphery, the main function of which was the nationalization of the peoples of the outskirts. Taking into account the fact that in pre-revolutionary Russia the "national school" was considered as a Russian national school, it is obvious that the presence of schools of other nations, for which Russian was not the mother language, could not take place. Based on this, the purpose of this article is to consider issues related to the policy of acculturation in the national periphery by introducing the state language — Russian in all spheres of life, including in the field of education. Dagestan was specifically chosen as a geographic area for the study, as a region of other cultures, where the vast majority of the population professed Islam, and the education system from time immemorial was an extensive network of Muslim religious schools. In the time we are studying, the latter became part of the so-called. "Muslim question" in the context of the general development of the Caucasus region. The attempts made to implement the policy of the "school-religion" tandem, the essence of which was to direct the Gentiles to the Christian-Russian future by establishing foreign schools and parochial education, did not lead to positive results. The chronological framework of the work covers the end of the 19th — beginning of the 20th centuries. The choice of such temporary boundaries was caused by the peculiarities in the political development of Russia under the conditions of the post-reform imperial-liberal model and the building of new relationships with the Muslim part of the population of the outskirts. As a result, a direction was developed that combined the loyal and delicate attitude of the authorities, on the one hand, and the manifestation of caution regarding Islamic life in the region, on the other, which took place throughout the entire period studied by the authors of the article up to the revolution of 1917.

Russia and the World: 2022 IMEMO Forecast

Abridged English-language version of the annual IMEMO forecast ‘Russia and the World: 2022’ is dedicated to the analysis and the forecast of key trends in the world economy and international relations in 2022. The primary focus is on the issues that are of fundamental importance for ensuring stable economic and political development of Russia in the near (2022) and more distant future. In the preparation of the paper, the long-term experience of predictive research carried out by IMEMO RAS was used. The paper consists of three parts: global trends, economics, and foreign policy. Among the global trends accelerated digitalization and all related social, political, and economic changes; focus on technological competition; climate/environmental and energy agendas are coming to the fore; increasing geopolitical and geo-economic tensions and the raging global pandemic of COVID-19 are highlighted. In the world economy, the authors of the paper expect an increase in inflation, acceleration of digitalization amid intensifying technology competition and the pursuit of digital sovereignty, acceleration of decarbonization, launch of demethanization process, and shifts in food systems. The paper further assesses the prospects of the leading industry drivers of world economic growth in 2022: production of semiconductors; pharmaceuticals and biomedicine; rare earth, non-ferrous, and ferrous metals. In the next section of the paper, political and social trends are analyzed in the countries of North America, Europe, Pacific and South Asia, Post-Soviet space. The final section of the paper gives the forecast of the relations of the Russian Federation with its key foreign partners. Against the backdrop of the renewal of the global economy, which includes energy transition and accelerated digitalization, it is becoming vitally important for Russia to conduct a comprehensive balanced restructuring of the national economy and social sphere. Translation: Artamonova U.Z., Samarskaya L.M., Sokolova P.S., Urumov T.R., translation editors Mamedyarov Z.A., Moiseeva D.E.

History of Russian Law and Its Interpretations

This essay examines methodological nuances connected with historical research of Russian law. These nuances are studied against the backdrop of two books published respectively by Professor Ferdinand Feldbrugge and Professor William Pomeranz on Russian legal history. The methods employed by these authors reveal specific features of Russian legal language and mentality which can be helpful in explaining the dissimilarities between legal and political developments in Russia and the West. They place particular emphasis on the development of legal language and productively analyze many current issues of Russian law through the lens of history of concepts. These books are evaluated as important contributions to comparative analysis of Russian and Western legal cultures. The key events of Russian legal history are considered in a perspective that sheds light on the current challenges faced by Russian law.

Georgia relations after the 2008 War

The article discusses the role of NATO in the Russian-Georgian military conflict, their impact on regional security. The origin of the conflict was mainly caused by the new Geopolitical situation in the epoch of formation of multi-polar world order, where the main focus was made on the period of the establishment of new relations between the United States and Russia. The main reasons for the origin of the conflicts and the dynamics of their development are also presented in the work. The role of the countries involved in the conflict between the parties, which have a great impact on the geopolitical situation of the region. How did Georgia go through 10 years, what conclusions did it make or did not manage to make after the war with Russia, what has changed or has not changed in the country's domestic and foreign policy priorities. For the security system of Georgia tendencies existing in the relations between Russia and the West, internal political developments in Russia and Ukraine are particularly important. Research of the ways of originating the conflicts in the modern world is becoming increasingly important. The article analyzes the directions that have contributed to the origin and development of the conflict. For all the international turmoil and tensions, it caused, the Five-Day War in Georgia was a limited military operation for a military organization such as Russia’s. On a strategic level, the war was combined with other measures such as diplomatic ones, but militarily it cannot qualify as a grand military operation. It was successful in that it reached the main military objective of the operation, to take irreversible control of Abkhazia and South Ossetia, but the Russian casualties and the deficiencies and problems it struggled with during the operation have implications for the future development of its military. This is obvious from the analyses made in Russia and from statements from its military and political leadership.

Between Neo-nationalizing Russia and Brexit Britain

L’article analyse l’évolution, au cours des années 2000 et 2010, de l’engagement civique et de la mobilisation politique des migrants russophones de l’espace post-soviétique vivant au Royaume-Uni, et souligne l’importance de la position intrinsèquement transnationale de ces migrants entre plusieurs influences politiques. Les transformations de leurs mobilisations sont régies par : le contexte évolutif des opportunités d’immigration au Royaume-Uni ; les avancées technologiques des nouveaux moyens de communication ; des changements politiques plus importants en Russie et au Royaume-Uni ; et de manière significative, la disponibilité de structures d’opportunités spécifiques pour la mobilisation. Les principales structures d’opportunités offertes à ces migrants dans les années 2000 ont favorisé leur mobilisation en tant que communauté de migrants minoritaires définie culturellement et les ont incités à faire partie d’un réseau mondial de « compatriotes » russes. Une nouvelle structure d’opportunités est apparue au début des années 2010 sous la forme d’un mouvement de protestation transnational contre la corruption politique dans la Fédération de Russie. Cependant, alors que le gouvernement russe mettait en place des politiques entraînant de la part des Russes résidant à l’étranger un éloignement de plus en plus grand des événements politiques en Russie, de nombreux Russes britanniques ont commencé à rechercher de nouveaux modes d’engagement. La politique du Brexit est devenue pour eux une nouvelle structure d’opportunités.

Великая российская революция 1917 г.: экономические предпосылки, интерпретации, последствия

The article presents a review of an international scientific conference organized by the MSU Faculty of Economics together with academic council "Center for Social Sciences" on October 24-25, 2017. The conference was devoted to the centenary of the Great Russian Revolution. The conference participants presented their views on historical and economic aspects, as well as social basis of the Great Russian Revolution. The article reveals its influence on subsequent economic, social and political developments in Russia and the world, and its connection with the present.

У истоков российского конституционализма. «Потаенные» конституционные проекты государственных преобразований в России в XVIII – начале XIX в.

Article is devoted to a problem of development of the constitutional ideas in pre-revolutionary imperial Russia having, according to the author, importance for judgment of features of political development of Russia and the Russian constitutionalism, in particular. The thought that the first projects of the constitutional restriction of the monarchy in Russia have appeared long before development of the known plan of the state transformation of M. M. Speransky and the constitutional projects of Decembrists is proved in article. The author investigates value of the first in political history of Russia of the projects of restriction the monarchy representative institutions which have arisen during «palace revolutions» («events of year 1730», the constitution project of Panin-Fonvizin, the project «The appointed diploma to the Russian people» by the count A. R. Vorontsov, and others). In article the attention is paid that the majority of these projects were created by unofficially narrow group of supporters in the mode of strict privacy is paid and were result of fight in ruling elite for political influence. At the end of 18th - the beginning of the 19th century supporters of the constitutional board were the representatives of the most progressive noble aristocracy suggesting to carry out transition to constitutional monarchy by means of the constitutional reforms, there are more and more popular ideas of cancellation of the serfdom, development of local government and others. The special place in article is allocated to the characteristic of the constitutional project of year 1820 of «The state authorized diploma of the Russian Empire» («The authorized diploma of Novosiltsev») prepared by N. N. Novosiltsev at the request of tsar Alexander I, representing, according to the author of article, the considerable phenomenon in development of the Russian constitutionalism confirming enough high standard of knowledge and the cultures of that time in the field of state law and the state construction.

THE CAUSES AND BACKGROUND OF THE WOMENʼS MOVEMENT IN UKRAINE ILLUSTRATED BY WOMENʼS ASSOCIATIONS (second half of XIX – early XX century)

The article deals with comprehensive analysis of the womenʼs movement in Ukraine. More thorough attention is given, in particular, to the role of Ukrainian civil societies in Western Ukraine (the second half of the nineteenth – early twentieth century). The authors emphasized that in order to find a unifying idea it is very important to realize the importance of involving women to public life, learning the historical lessons of the womenʼs movement of the first wave, understanding the traditions of the movement and so on.The authors have traced the actions and active participation of women in life of the nation to realize their democratic right in order to influence political, economic and cultural life of the state, to improve their sociopolitical activity and social status, for formation of a new national women type.The main causes and background of the process of womenʼs emancipation illustrated by numerous womenʼs associations who actively fought for the development of law, national culture and education. Despite the political development of Russia and Austro-Hungary, womenʼs movement in Ukraine took place within and in accordance with the processes held in womenʼs movement in the countries of the European world.In order to define the relationship between womenʼs societies in Western Ukraine and Naddniprianski region the authors have analysed the activities of womenʼs cultural and educational societies in the local public and political life. The analysis says that women activities were not directly linked with feminism but concerned the promotion of new psychological perception of women in society.The article reveals the importance of social activity among famous Ukrainian-women and determines their impact the on the successful establishment and development of the organized womenʼs movement, its public recognition and awakening of national consciousness among all Ukrainian people.The article shows that the womenʼs movement as in whole Ukraine so Western Ukraine in particular, proved to be in a pressing need of that time. The movement campaign was formed and was developing under contemporary political, social, economic and cultural objectives aimed at the growth of Western Ukraine. The author highlights that the most characteristic features of the womenʼs movement in Western Ukraine was the dominance of the concept of liberal feminism, which is closely connected with the purpose of national liberation struggle and the formation of organizational structure, which resembles in type its contemporary European counterparts.The suggested theoretical statements and conclusions in the article provide new materials for understanding, awareness and analysis of important cultural and educational activities of womenʼs associations in the set period necessary to complete and holistic playback features of educational thought and history of national education.

Учредительное собрание или власть Советов: проблема выбора пути развития России в 1917 г.

the article examines the period of political struggle in Russia from February 1917 to January 1918, when it was a question of the political future of Russia. The article discusses the relations between the Provisional government and the Soviet of workers “and soldiers” deputies. Special attention is paid to the activities of the Interim government on the preparation of the Constituent Assembly and the drafting of the future Constitution of Russia. The author of the article analyzes the reasons, not allowed to implement democratic liberal-bourgeois way of development of Russia, and the victory of the Soviet model of political development.

Историческая память: институционализация в общественном сознании и в государственной политике

The authors of the article studied the phenomenon of historical memory of the generations and analyzed the tendencies of its conceptualization, defined its dialectical relationship with contemporary processes of globalization, democratic consolidation and political modernization of the government and the society. Based on the current international situation, as well as political development of Russia, the authors substantiate the conceptual idea of the right to historical memory and draw a conclusion about its natural institutionalization in the public consciousness and the state policy in the Russian Federation.

POLITICAL OPPOSITION IN THE HYBRID REGIME: THE POST-SOVIET RUSSIA EXPERIENCE

Political development of Russia during last two decades is more often considered by researchers as transformation process from one form of the hybrid regime - defective democracy, to another one - competitive authoritarianism. Thus, political experience of Russia gives the opportunity for comparative analysis of political opposition evolution in the context of different hybrid regime types. How do regime characteristics influence the dynamics of opposition competitive opportunities? Is it possible to calculate real political opposition competitive opportunities under such conditions when electoral results are essentially slanted and cannot be evidence of real support for oppositional actors on the part of citizens? The measurement procedure of political opposition competitive opportunities by means of the index analysis is presented in this article. The proposed coding scale of opposition merits and demerits valuation considers both structural possibilities and regime incentives that determine resources distribution between government and opposition. Measuring of opposition competitive opportunities dynamics in Russia during 1993-2012 made it possible to reveal specific features of influence of various forms of the hybrid regime on oppositional actors’ evolution.

The securitization of democracy: Freedom House ratings of Russia

This article explores the claims of Russian officials that US assessments of economic and political developments in Russia, particularly those of Freedom House (FH), are excessively critical and often used to justify global dominance. To assess the validity of such claims, three different influences are considered: culture, power, and special interests. The article finds that all three, each with roots in the cold war, play a role in shaping assessments of Russia and help to explain why FH's analysis of Russia is more critical than the analysis of other organizations. The politics of special interests is found to be particularly influential and reflects the interests of US national security policies and priorities. Such priorities are also linked to a politics of memory derived from the cold war, which often influences perceptions of Russia as a threat rather than as a potential partner.

Российский иммигранты в Аргентине: социологический анализ сообщества

Russian immigrants exerted a significant impact on the formation of the Argentine nation at the turn of XIX and XX centuries. At that time, immigrants from Russia were fourth-largest diaspora in Argentina. Over the past century, immigration from Russia to Argentina showed a pronounced wave pattern that primarily depended on the political developments in Russia. After experiencing a period of cultural and economic prosperity in the early and mid-XX century, modern Russian diaspora in Argentina declined considerably in terms of scope and level of its social influence.

How Russians View Electoral Fairness: A Qualitative Analysis

There is a broad consensus that the Duma and presidential elections held in Russia in 2007–2008 failed to meet internationally recognised democratic standards. Post-election public opinion surveys, however, show that most Russians thought that the elections were mainly fair. This discrepancy between the views of international observers and of Russians themselves has not been adequately explained. The main aim of this article, utilising data from a series of focus groups, is to identify potential explanations for why so many Russians assessed these elections as fair, when there was so much evidence to the contrary. Why did so many Russians view egregiously unfair elections as fair? What, furthermore, can this tell us about Russians' political values and what are the possible implications of this for Russia's political development?

The Trade-offs between Security and Civil Liberties in Russia's War on Terror: The Regional Dimension

Abstract: This article focuses on Russia's antiterrorist campaign in 2000-04 to discern and analyze dynamics in the trade-offs between security (1) and liberties. An analysis of these trade-offs in four separate regions of the Russian Federation demonstrates that enhancing the powers of the security apparatus at the expense of liberties may help reduce the threat of terrorism in the short-term, as local agents of terror divert part of their operations to freer regions. However, such a strategy eventually backfires at the local level, as suppression of liberties generates political resentment, one of the root causes of terrorism. (2) The repressive laws and practices presented by the authorities as the price the public has to pay in the war on terror can bring only limited short-term gains in this war, while producing a lasting detrimental effect on freedoms and civil liberties in Russia. Moreover, given the fact that Russia is in a state of transition, the intended and unintended effects of the authorities' antiterror policies in the researched period, and beyond, could determine the course of Russia's political development. Key words: civil liberties, political violence, Putin, regions, Russia, terrorism ********** This article begins by outlining our methodology, including an explanation of the criteria used to select the research period and the regions (3) to be studied, as well as a list of the watch points used to evaluate the scale of terrorist threats, the effectiveness of authorities' responses to these threats, and the impact on civil liberties. This article has an overview of the horizontal escalation of the terrorist threat in Russia, the authorities' responses to this escalation, and the impact of their responses on liberties in 2000-04. The empirical data covering the regions in question--the Chechen Republic (Chechnya), the Republic of Dagestan, Moscow, and St. Petersburg--came not only from open sources, but also from interviews with experts and officials, inquiries with relevant government agencies, and extensive field research. This article explains why official antiterrorist efforts largely failed in three of the four regions over the researched period, and has policy recommendations on what authorities should do to break the vicious circle of suppression and resentment. The recommendations are followed by appendixes that list and describe the most significant terrorist attacks in the Chechen Republic, the Republic of Dagestan, Moscow, and St. Petersburg in 2000-04. Methodology Definition of Terrorist Attack There are differences in the expert and academic communities as to what constitutes a terrorist attack. This article uses the definition that is common among experts on this subject: an act of political violence that inflicts harm on noncombatants, but is designed to intimidate broader audiences, including official authorities, and is an instrument of achieving certain political or other goals. Researched Period The terrorism threat in Russia made a qualitative leap in 1999, when a wave of apartment building bombings rocked three Russian cities, including the capital. We chose, however, to analyze the period of 2000-04, because it coincides with President Vladimir Putin's first term in office. (4) Although Putin formulated the executive branch's antiterror policy after becoming director of the Federal Security Service (FSB) in 1998, he did not have the opportunity to implement his vision until he was elected president in the spring of 2000. During his first term, Putin slowly reversed the policies of his predecessor, Boris Yeltsin. Yeltsin preferred a decentralized administrative model for ruling the country, giving broad powers to the regions, while largely avoiding the suppression of civil liberties--except in Chechnya--even during the first Chechen war. Putin, by contrast, believes that only a highly centralized government can prevent the disintegration of Russia at the hands of North Caucasian separatists and terrorists. …

Intellectual Constructs and Political Issues

essays in this section introduce us to three authors of liberal persuasion whose works touch on Russia's political development and, at least by implication, on meaning of citizenship in Politics, however, was not their central concern: for Vladimir Gessen, it was law and legal theory; for Evgenii Trubetskoi, spiritual renewal; and for Boris Nolde, law and functioning and history of Russian state. One is struck by diversity of their interests, subject matter, and temperament. Indeed, on basis of these articles, it seems as if they are inhabiting different countries and intellectual worlds. question of citizenship is central only to writings of Gessen. It is peripheral to major themes elaborated by Trubetskoi and Nolde. Randall Poole's analysis of thought of Evgenii Trubetskoi contains only one mention of word citizen, toward end (233), where it has somewhat pejorative connotations. evolution of Boris Nolde's political ideas, traced by Peter Holquist, reveals no special interest in subject, though Holquist discusses implications for citizenship of Nolde's ideas of human and federalism. Nonetheless, all three articles reflect on question of citizenship, if only by omission. Trubetskoi's progressive theology and Nolde's progressive statism overshadow question of citizenship. They envision transformations in Russian institutions and political culture that might enable liberal norms to prevail, but questions of individual do not detain them. Both Gessen and Trubetskoi suggest a utopianism and reliance on philosophical schemes characteristic of Russian intelligentsia, though both reject violent solutions and positivism characteristic of intelligentsia. Nolde advances idealized conception of an enlightened bureaucracy that had motivated Russian reformers since reign of Nicholas I (1825-55). All three viewpoints find grounds for hope in intellectual constructs that have little basis in institutional realities of early 20th-century Russia, and it is this absence in writings of thinkers of extraordinary intelligence and erudition that lends their thought both an evocative power and an air of pathos. This pathos comes out with special force in Eric Lohr's article, The Ideal Citizen and Real Subject in Late Imperial Russia. Lohr begins by providing an astute and helpful discussion of principal concepts of citizenship in recent historical writings on prerevolutionary first of these--elaborated by Dov Iaroshevski, Mikhail Dolbilov, and Yanni Kotsonis--bases citizenship primarily on obligations citizen owes to and is expressed by term grazhdanstvennost'. Liberals, in contrast, entertained a vision of citizenship as universalized and extended and immunities from state (177), and this was conception that Vladimir Gessen formulated in his work of 1909. But Gessen did not reject existing laws or institutions. He was torn ... between seemingly antagonistic aims: promotion of rule of existing law, and promotion of his idealistic variant of citizenship rights (183). Gessen's respect for existing law derived from works of positivist jurists, especially N. M. Korkunov, and their promotion of the consistency of law and acceptance of legal order by subjects of state (183). Russian had evolved as a legal entity encouraging respect for law, a view set forth in Gessen's Administrativnoe pravo, published in 1903. But Gessen and other liberals also criticized Korkunov's theory for its validation of power of autocrat over his subjects. He sought basis for a critical legal posture in Kant's conception of universal and transcendent grounds of natural rights. From works of Leon Petrazycki, he derived notion that citizens would develop an internal consciousness of natural right. …