Country's Political Development Research Articles

Причины возникновения «бархатных революций» как нового типа социально-политической дестабилизации в XXI в.: теоретический анализ

The global processes of the late 20th – early 21st century post factum demonstrated a significant change in trends in the political development of countries, which primarily affected the so-called technologies of “color revolutions” – the external dismantling of politically undesirable figures from the highest echelon of power in favor of more loyal ones. Although at present there is a common understanding of the reasons of color revolutions (which include the existence of internal economic and political problems; the availability of information and financial resources representing the interests of leading foreign countries; specially / indirectly created problems in the economic and social spheres; the unwillingness of the current undesirable government to cooperate with the opposition), it is necessary to consider such events in more detail in order to identify additional characteristics that will allow a better understanding of the mechanisms of political destabilization and get a more complete picture of possible threats to national security of the Russian Federation.

Imperialist terrorism in Northern Africa

This article posits that US-led imperialism remains the most fundamental contradiction to be assessed when analysing the material, social and political development of countries in Northern Africa. After grounding its conceptual discussion around the Marxian analytical character of imperialism, the article focuses on the military–financial nexus and then assesses the ideological implications of this. It argues that imperialism operates according to rational and interlinked strategies that deploy the systematic use of violence and intimidation that are central to undermining the political and developmental potential of Northern Africa. The discussion shows how imperialist policies curb the space of national autonomy required to advance a developmental path in the interests of popular classes and regional solidarity, at both the material and ideological levels.

History of the Conditions and Political Situation of Kingdoms in Indonesia

The aim of this research is to examine the political conditions and situations that influence the Indonesian government. This research aims to examine the political conditions and situations that influence the Indonesian government. With a focus on political science, organizational structure, and inter-organizational relationships, this research uses a multidimensional approach to understand the evolution of policy between countries in the area of political science, organizational structure, and inter-organizational relationships. This research uses a multidimensional approach to understand the evolution of policy between countries in area. Using historical analysis, this research examines political evolution from the past to the present, identifying significant changes and key factors that influence the political system in each country. Political evolution from the past to the present, identifying significant changes and factors which influences the political system in each country. A comparative approach is used to compare political systems, power structures, and interactions between kingdoms, possibly identifying differences and similarities that influence political stability in various kingdoms. In addition, learning studies will provide deeper knowledge about the political dynamics that influence and shape government in Indonesia, as well as their implications for the country's political development. More in-depth knowledge about the political dynamics that influence and shape the Indonesian government, as well as their implications for political development country.

Information security of the domestic and global community

The article examines the state of information security in Ukraine in the conditions of Russian military aggression. The possibilities of realizing the goals specified in Ukraine's Information Security Strategy under martial law conditions are analyzed. It is shown that Ukraine's national interests require favorable conditions for the country's political development. Thus, the interests of the individual consist in the actual provision of political rights and freedoms of citizens, society needs to strengthen democracy, and the interests of the state are expressed in the need to effectively protect the constitutional system of sovereignty and territorial integrity of the country, establish, and maintain political stability, including the strength of state power and its institutions. Based on Ukraine's national interests, strategic and current tasks of the state policy on ensuring information security are formed in the information sphere. Practical information activities have been proven to improve the state's efforts to resolve crises peacefully significantly. Conversely, ignoring informational factors and often deliberately altered information can provoke the most radical attitudes and outbursts of hostility, leading to catastrophic consequences. It is argued that the use of information technologies by the military has opened new opportunities for ensuring the state's defense. Possession of information resources and their protection in the military sphere has become the same indispensable attribute as weapons, ammunition, transport, etc. Ukraine's victory in the information conflict during the war with russia will contribute to achieving its strategic goals. It is substantiated that Ukraine's Information Security Strategy reflects the state's interests, which are expressed in the need to effectively protect the constitutional system of sovereignty and territorial integrity of the country and establish and maintain political stability, including the strength of state power and its institutions. The analysis of the implementation of the Strategy's goals showed that this process continues despite all the difficulties of martial law. Keywords: information security, Information Security Strategy of Ukraine, national interests of the state, information technologies, information struggle.

THE CRISIS OF LEGITIMACY FROM THE POINT OF VIEW ОF THE FUNNEL OF CAUSALITY

The problem of legitimacy of political institutions and institutions of state power is considered. Various approaches to determining the legitimacy of government are analyzed, but the main emphasis is on the level of trust and what exactly reduces the level of trust in government institutions Emphasis is placed on the factors that affect the fall of trust and lead to crisis phenomena in the political environment and destabilize society in general. The points of view of M. Weber, R. Dworkin and A. Buchann on legitimacy are compared, which give rise to different views on political obligations and normative conditions. A crisis of legitimacy is a situation in which the legality of the existing social order is questioned and distrust of the existing government is openly expressed, which demonstrates the inability of the government to assure society of the necessity and optimal functioning of existing state institutions. The reasons for the delegitimization of power are determined (the lack of proper representation of the interests of social groups and sufficient vertical mobility in the political system in combination with social inequality), which ultimately lead to the radicalization of attitudes in society, the strengthening of the opposition and, in general, distrust of state institutions The methodology of the “Funnel of Causality allows to combine different levels of society and take into account the effects of the environment. First of all, the macro level (economic development, the influence of geopolitical actors, historical traditions,national mewntality etc.), radical economic changes, the development of civil society, the political activity of various social groups, the growth of crisis phenomena, as a result of radical transformation. Due to the fluctuating nature of the country's political development during the years of independence, revolutionary situations arose, and the very legitimacy of the government, even at the macro level, was called into question.

A road maintenance management strategy evaluation and selection model by integrating Fuzzy AHP and Fuzzy TOPSIS methods: The case of Ethiopian Roads Authority

The construction industry is the most important for the social, economic, and political development of countries. The road construction sector is the largest in the construction industry. Inappropriate road maintenance leads to an inefficient and random way of spending maintenance costs. Therefore, road maintenance needs to prevent deterioration that shortens the service life of the road. Thus, the study was focused on a road maintenance strategy evaluation and selection model by integrating Fuzzy AHP and Fuzzy TOPSIS methods. The evaluation was a multiple-criteria decision-making problem. The fuzzy AHP technique was used to determine criterion weight. To deal with the uncertain judgment of decision makers, a fuzzy TOPSIS method is applied as an evaluation tool in a fuzzy environment where the uncertain, subjectivity, and imprecise judgments of decision makers are handled with linguistic values parameterized by triangular fuzzy numbers. To achieve the objective, the data were collected from primary and secondary sources. The method of data analysis for this study was made by integrated methodology, and the analysis was made by using Microsoft Excel. The study revealed that quality, maintenance time, environment, production cost, and profit are the most important selection criteria. The finding of the study revealed that periodic maintenance was the best relative closeness value among the considered alternatives. This study recommends that the analysis method can be implemented by the Ethiopian Roads Authority to demonstrate its practicality in selecting the appropriate strategy.

The Socioeconomic and Political Level of Development of Countries in View of Digitalization of Public Administration

In the twenty-first century, the information revolution has led to the global digitalization of modern society, encompassing all countries of the world and leading to change in all spheres of human life, including economic, social and political. E-government makes the administrative process convenient, transparent, and fully accountable to the community, improving sociopolitical and democratic processes in the countries, and creating an effective information and technology platform for developing the business environment. In line with the administrative reform e-government is a strategic choice for the country, which aims to increase the competitiveness of the State and improve the well-being of its people. The article examines the influence of the level of digitalization on the level of socioeconomic and political development of countries. To test hypotheses, hierarchical agglomerative and iterative methods of cluster analysis, econometric models were used. The E-Government Development Index, Doing Business, The Global Competitiveness Index, The Social Progress Index for 114 countries for 2014–2019 were considered as the research information base. The results showed a significant positive effect of increasing the level of digitalization on the socioeconomic development and quality of political institutions of countries, which manifests itself with a different time lag. In addition, the results of an econometric analysis show that there is no difference in the intensity of the influence of the factor of digitalization in countries with different income levels. The results can be useful in the formation and adaptation of a strategy of socioeconomic development and competitiveness, in the assessment and systematic analysis of a digitalization strategy.

تطور العلاقات السعودیة – الإیرانیة وآثارها على القضیة الفلسطینیة خلال الفترة من 2001 – 2016م

The topic of this chapter revolves around the internal and external determinants of Saudi-Iranian relations for the period from 2001 to 2016, and this chapter aims to interpret and analyze relations between countries in order to determine the extent of the continuity of relations and predict the behavior of countries. The study in this chapter concluded: 1- Explaining the stages of hardening and then detente in relations, according to each stage, its leaders, their personal characteristics and their actions. 2- The extent of the influence of geographical factors, human resources, national personality and the political development of countries. 3- The political environment in the countries is closed and the decision is for the guide, as he is the highest authority according to the constitution (Wilayat al-Faqih). 4- Likewise, the king, his deputy, the decisions, and the matter is a consultation in the royal family, who number 7,000 princes, and are involved in all fields. 5- With the emergence of oil, agreements were concluded with the United States, then crises occurred in the region and foreign forces were called in, then the events of September 11, 2001, then the war on terror, the occupation of Afghanistan and Iraq, and other repercussions.

Political elites in deliberative democracy: beliefs and behaviors of Chinese officials

AbstractPolitical leaders and elites play an enormous role in shaping a country's political development. Participatory and deliberative governance represents a major trend of political development around the world; while many studies focus on the ordinary people involved in public deliberation, little is known about the roles elites play in facilitating or impeding the progress of this deliberation. Utilizing a new survey on Chinese officials, we offer the first empirical study that reveals Chinese officials’ perceptions and practices of deliberative democracy. We find that cultural and political traditions alongside personal and social factors have deeply shaped elites’ understandings of democracy, especially the new socialist deliberative democracy. Chinese officials understand democracy largely according to the Confucian tradition ofminbenand the Chinese Communist Party's (CCP) political heritage ofmass line, both of which emphasize that officials should listen to the people and make benevolent policies for them. While many embrace the significance of deliberative institutions for improving democratic governance, others emphasize the pragmatic value of consolidating the status quo, or believe it is merely a political show. Democratic oriented officials in the Chinese sense – those who view themselves as servants of the people who should respond to their needs, value public input, are willing to converse with the people in an equal manner, and are less concerned about risks in social stability – are more likely to engage the public in daily decision-making through various channels. Our study suggests that different practices of authoritarian deliberation may lead toward distinct prospects for democracy.

Knowledge and Information in Global Competition: A New Framework for Classifying and Evaluating Manipulative Communication Techniques

Mass media initiated exhibitions of information and knowledge streams account for a significant factor of opinion-forming in modern digitalized nations and thus influence their country's political development. Within the framework of a globalized environment, this information has the ability to shape worldwide opinion and international policy decisions across geographical boundaries. Similarly, however, information and knowledge that does not flow freely has an impact on the behind the scenes decisions of world affairs. Selective manipulation, consumed through hidden channels, is therefore a powerful tool for shaping both social and organizational environments. Currently no classification approaches exist in order to identify and evaluate this type of manipulation. Therefore, this article will discuss this type of manipulative communication and align each category into an assessment model. Forty-two varieties of manipulative arguments will be identified as well as classified along three-dimensions. A model has been developed which will serve as a tool to identify the degree and at which level manipulation was performed.

Data Analysis by Combining the Modified K-Means and Imperialist Competitive Algorithm

Data Clustering is one of the most used methods of data mining. The k-means Clustering Approach is one of the main algorithms in the literature of Pattern Recognition and Data Machine Learning which it very popular because of its simple application and high operational speed. But some obstacles such as the adherence of results to initial cluster centers or the risk of getting trapped into local optimality hinders its performance. In this paper, inspired by the Imperialist Competitive Algorithm based on the k-means method, a new approach is developed, in which cluster centers are selected and computed appropriately. The Imperialist Competitive Algorithm (ICA) is a method in the field of evolutionary computations, trying to find the optimum solution for diverse optimization problems. The underlying traits of this algorithm are taken from the evolutionary process of social, economic and political development of countries so that by partly mathematical modeling of this process some operators are obtained in regular algorithmic forms. The investigated results of the suggested approach over using standard data sets and comparing it with alternative methods in the literature reveals out that the proposed algorithm outperforms the k-means algorithm and other candidate algorithms in the pool.

Russia's Restive Future

When Russian Prime Minister Vladimir Putin announced his intention to return to the Kremlin for a third presidential term, he marked a significant milestone in the country's political development. More than just another assumed victory for Putin's party of power, his putative return to the presidency is without precedent in post-Communist Russia and signals a clear venture into uncharted territory. Even if Putin's triumph at the ballot box is all but certain, it is far from clear whether his next administration will be able to address the mounting pressures that weigh heavily on the Russian state. From the country's spiralling demographic crisis to its over-reliance on mineral exports and long-delayed reforms to the judiciary and political institutions, the risk of long-term stagnation and state decline is greater today than when Putin first took office more than 10 years ago. Indeed, the choices made during Putin's next term could have far-reaching consequences, not just for Russia's relationship with the US and the EU, but for his country's aspirations to reassert itself as a global power.

A Theory of Sport and Politics

The study of international relations purports to explain how nation-states and individuals interact around the globe. Yet one major area of such interaction – international sport – remains exceedingly understudied. This in spite of the fact that countries have gone to war over sport, fought for sovereign recognition through sport, and that citizens around the world have it as a daily part of their lives. Indeed it is astounding that a phenomenon that matters so much has been so little studied by a field that purports to explain relations between states and humans around the world. These deficiencies became more apparent in 2008 when we witnessed the world's biggest country hosting the world's biggest sporting event. The Beijing Olympics, though entertaining and exciting, showed how little we have thought about the link between sport and international politics. This article introduces a framework for understanding the link between sport and politics. Its point of entry is to argue that many of the questions about how China portrayed itself during the Olympics and whether the Games marked China's rise as a responsible power cannot be answered without first understanding how sport in general is related to a country's political development, and its sense of nationhood. My arguments do not represent new breakthroughs in political science, rather I attempt merely to offer a systematic way of thinking about how sports and the Olympics matter in world politics through three inter-related causal pathways relating to a country's sense of self, its diplomacy, and its capacity for change.

The Anatomy of Military Interventions in Asia

This article looks at the recent military intervention in the politics of Bangladesh—within the broader framework of the military's role in the politics of Asian countries, as it evolved in different stages and patterns over the years—identifies its main characteristics and prognosticates their implications on the future political developments in the country. The main hypothesis is that a new pattern of military involvement in politics is emerging in countries such as Pakistan and Bangladesh, which we will call ‘power without responsibility’, a trend that bodes ill for democratic developments in both the countries. In the current situation in Bangladesh, the military intervened, no doubt, to correct the mess, to use army language, not directly but indirectly by propping up their cohorts in the form of a caretaker government, where the policy directions and actions of the new government were determined essentially by the armed forces. Bangladesh military is fast imitating the Pakistani model, albeit in a different form, to place itself as an arbiter in each and every aspect of social, political and economic life of the country. Like in Pakistan, the Bangladesh army does not necessarily have to come directly into power. It can wield effective power and influence even while remaining in the background and, yet, constantly destabilize politics and deprive the democratic forces the necessary political space. The caretaker government remained in power by courtesy of the military and ruled at its bidding. If at all the current experiment of social and political engineering by the Bangladesh military succeeds, though doubtful, it can always take the credit for cleaning up the mess in the politics of the country and filling in the democracy deficit that the country is facing today. The responsibility for the failure can always be passed on to the caretaker government whose civilian façade has been kept deliberately to confuse and hoodwink the domestic constituency and the international community. So, a new model of military intervention in politics—rule without responsibility and accountability—has emerged in Pakistan and Bangladesh, which obviously has both long- and short-term implications for political developments in Third World countries and, thus, requires closer scrutiny and analysis.

2008 Malaysian Election: The End of Malaysia's Ethnic Nationalism?

The article proposes that there are three basic paradigms of nationalism: secular nationalism, ethnic nationalism, and theocratic nationalism. These paradigms form an integral part of the postcolonial state‐building project. The article discusses how Malaysia selected the ethnic nationalism paradigm and how this directed the country's political development and the way it addressed the challenge of ethnic pluralism. It argues that ethnic nationalism best accounts for Malaysia's inability to achieve full democracy. The March 2008 election and the possibility of the collapse of ethnic nationalism and the transition to a more open democracy are explored.

Democratic Backlash? Revisiting Competing Explanations for the 1977 Post-Emergency Electoral Verdict in India

The general elections for the lower house of the Indian parliament, the Lok Sabha, in 1977 marked a double transition for the country's political development. After a 21-month period of emergency government, imposed in June 1975, the elections signalled a return to the democratic rules of the political game and at the same time they effected a significant change of government at the national level for the first time in post-independence India. The 1977 general elections seemed, according to most scholarly and journalistic assessments, to have been a resounding ‘vote for freedom’ and to have ushered in an era of democratic revival. Until today a more systematic evaluation of the power of the various competing explanations advanced for the 1977 results seems to be wanting. Based on the analysis of available data, this article finds that the 1977 vote on the whole was less a ‘vote for freedom’ or democracy and against the oppressive Emergency regime, but rather the result of successful collaboration of a number of former opposition parties and the consequent reduction in the fragmentation of the anti-Congress vote.

Ireland and immigration: explaining the absence of the far right

ABSTRACT Garner seeks to explain the absence of far-right political formations in the history of the Republic of Ireland, especially in relation to immigration. He argues that the ‘mainstream’ nationalist parties have implemented a racialized governance of Ireland via the issue of citizenship (in the referendum of 2004). While hegemonic ideas on the racial purity of indigenous populations and the highly ambivalent attitudes and policies on immigration pursued over the last decade are characteristic of a broader European trend, this has not, in the Republic, been accompanied by meaningful far-right political mobilization. Ireland has frequently been seen as sui generis in political terms, and indeed emerges in some ways as a counter-case: increasing hostility towards Others has been identified in the midst of rapid economic growth and political stability. A variety of issues related to the country's political development have given rise to an especially small left-wing vote, a nationalist centre ground and longlasting domination by a single populist party, Fianna Fáil. This party has been partnered in government since 1997 by a free-market party, the Progressive Democrats, who have contributed to Ireland's movement towards neo-liberal policies and a highly functional approach to immigration. The transition from country of emigration to country of immigration has thus taken place against an ideological backdrop in which the imperatives of labour demand and consolidating domestic support for reform have made an uneasy match, resulting in the racialization of Irishness. The state has, however, amended the Constitution in order to qualify jus soli citizenship entitlement in the case of particular categories of people: those whose parents are not Irish nationals. The significant stakes of these changes are analysed in the context of state responses to Eire's transition to a country of immigration, and the role of nationalist-populism in the country's political culture.

ETHNIC IDENTITIES AND CULTURAL CAPITAL: AN ETHNOGRAPHY OF CHINESE OPERA IN SINGAPORE

This article weaves the trajectory of Chinese opera in Singapore with the country's political development. Starting in 1965, the year of Singapore's independence, it attempts to debunk the myth that national culture is resistant to global culture by describing the state's systematic erosion of local culture. From the late 1970s onward, with economic progress, state fears of “Westernisation” led to a centring of Chinese culture in national culture; this was followed by a mini-revival of Chinese opera that coincided with the emergence of Confucian ethics as national discourse and as a culturalist explanation for the “Asian miracle” of the 1980s. This article shows that globalisation's effect on local cultures is not a straightforward process. Instead, it is a complex relationship where the flourishing of a local culture depends on the changing recognition and valuation of cultural identities, ethnicity, and language as cultural capital. This in turn implicates the structural features of national policies and globalisation processes that determine the recognition and valuation of this cultural capital. The use of “cultural capital” as a conceptual tool to isolate the cultural and social components of Chinese opera demonstrates that a local culture flourishes or withers according to the effects of globalisation and national policies on such cultural and social factors.

Who’s in Charge in the Kremlin?

his country away from internal liberalization and a foreign policy rooted in constructive international engagement. Debates rage in Russia and beyond over Putin's consolidation of presidential power and despite his consistent protestations to the contrary the possibility he may amend the Russian constitution to extend his presidency indefinitely. Is Vladimir Putin too powerful for Russia's good? Events of the last year suggest a quite different trend in Russia's political life. The question is no longer simply one of Putin's appetite for autocracy. Instead, the threat to Russia's political, economic, and social stability is that, increasingly, no single person is really firmly in charge in the Kremlin, and that uncertainty will only grow as the next presidential election approaches. There are plenty of troubling signs that Putin's inevitable loss of influence over the course of events in Russian politics is already well underway. Divisions within Russia's party of power are deepening. The rivalries those divisions have created now threaten the country's political development, investment climate, and economic growth, and the Russian president seems unable to do much about it. Putin is still in the driver's seat. But, to paraphrase former presidential speechwriter Richard Goodwin, he may already have discovered that the steering wheel is no longer connected to the engine. Putin's loss of control arouses real anxiety in those looking for clear policy direction in Russia, because there has been an enormous consolidation of power in the Kremlin since the 1998 financial crisis, in which chaos in the Russian government led to a default on international debt. The more powerful the vehicle, the more dangerous it is that no one person seems able to steer it. As elbows begin to fly heading toward Russia's 2008 presidential election, battle lines have been drawn inside the Kremlin

Nigeria: The Politics of Marginalization

Jostling for power by Nigeria's myriad ethnic groups has, for better and for worse, driven the country's political development since before independence from Britain in 1960. What is new is a rhetoric of the impossible: the marginalization of everyone.