Democratic Politics Research Articles

The Rise of Contractual Publics

The paper examines modern re-conceptualisations and re-contextualisations of publicness, proposing theoretical and empirical advancements in its conceptualisation. It critically analyses two significant developments following the English translation of Habermas’s seminal work, “Strukturwandel der Öffentlichkeit.” On the one hand, the book (re)affirmed the key role of communication and media in democratic politics and instigated a broad acceptance of the public sphere as a fundamental concept in academic discourse, leading to renewed research efforts and innovative developments. However, the subsequent conceptual fragmentation of (the concept of) the public sphere raised concerns about the loss of its original critical epistemic value. On the other hand, Habermas’s book obscured important sociological traditions, contributing to a divide between normative theory and sociological analysis, exemplified by a neglect of the habitual roots of public opinion and contractual bonds in the evolution of publics. These aspects gain relevance within the context of the platform economy and artificial intelligence governing internet communication. The paper concludes by introducing the concept of the contractual public, which draws on the evolving dynamics between public and private spheres, and proposing four strategies to revitalise publicness.

‘Thin’ loyalty and declining attachment to the African National Congress

ABSTRACT The African National Congress (ANC) has been an electorally dominant party in South African politics since 1994, with its vote share peaking in 2004 before falling to a low in the most recent 2019 general elections. Simultaneously, there have been much sharper declines in levels of ANC partisanship and assessments of government performance among the party’s own voters. This presents a puzzle: Why do a significant share of ANC voters continue to support a party that they do not ‘feel close’ to and do not believe is adequately managing the economy or the delivery of public goods? Based upon original qualitative data from semi-structured interviews with 111 intended ANC voters, I argue that there is a sizeable portion of ANC voters whose connection to the party is characterised by a conditional loyalty that falls short of a more thoroughgoing partisanship. The persistence of ‘thin’ loyalty alongside habitual and strategic voting for the ANC – especially among the ‘born free’ generation – has obfuscated the extent of decline in the perceived efficacy of voting and overall satisfaction with the outcomes of democratic politics.

A Litmus Test for Democratic Politics in Europe: Parliaments, Brexit and the Future of the European Union, JulienNavarro (Ed.) (London: Routledge), 2023.

A Litmus Test for Democratic Politics in Europe: Parliaments, Brexit and the Future of the European Union, JulienNavarro (Ed.) (London: Routledge), 2023.

Habermas and the mutations of the public sphere

In this article, I argue that concern with the public sphere and the necessary conditions for a genuine democracy can be seen as a central theme of Jurgen Habermas's work that deserves respect and critical scrutiny in the contemporary moment, when throughout the world liberal democracies are in crisis. My study intends to point to the continuing importance of Habermas' problematic of the public sphere and its relevance for debates over democratic politics and social and cultural life in the present age, in an era in which the Occupy Movements, Black Lives Matter, #MeToo, the Trump Resistance Movement, and Ukraine and Palestine Solidarity groups use social media to struggle against multiple forms of oppression. At stake is delineating a concept of the public sphere which facilitates maximum public participation and debate over the key issues of the contemporary era and which consequently promotes the cause of radical democracy and social transformation.

Literature Now and Democracy to Come: Jacques Derrida, Ben Lerner, and Leaving the Atocha Station

Abstract: On March 11, 2004, Madrid was hit by devastating train bombings. The attacks and the resulting protests play an important part in Ben Lerner's Leaving the Atocha Station (2011), but the novel is not simply about them. Instead, Lerner addresses the relationship between literature and politics. Discussing the influence of John Ashbery's and Allen Grossman's work on Lerner, this article shows how the novel develops an understanding of literature as an immediate mediation between the virtual and the actual. Responding to Lerner's challenge to consider "literature now," and drawing on Jacques Derrida's work on democracy to come, the article then explores how an experience of reading is, for Lerner, an experience of temporality and of exposure to an event to come that requires a decisive, improvised response. Concluding with the novel's recontextualization of the Spanish government's response to the Madrid bombings, the article argues that an experience of literature is an experience of deciding the meaning of what is happening here and now, mirroring an experience of democratic politics.

The Fall of Kentucky's Rock: Western Kentucky Democratic Politics since the New Deal by George G. Humphreys (review)

The Fall of Kentucky's Rock: Western Kentucky Democratic Politics since the New Deal by George G. Humphreys (review)

Rights beyond the Unencumbered Self: Property-Freedom and Federation against Property-Theft and Centralisation

This article offers a reading of Catherine Colliot-Thélène’s Le commun de la liberté (2022) as a major contribution to the renewal of the way of doing political philosophy characteristic of what may be called the “radical enlightenment”. It is claimed that the book forms part of the same politico-philosophical project as La démocratie sans “demos” (2011), i.e. the reconstitution of democracy on a new radical basis. Colliot-Thélène puts forward a bold defence of methodological individualism of rights as the key component of the grammar of democratic politics, at the same time that she considers the shortcomings of existing democratic systems from the standpoint of two symptomatic figures, the poor and the refugee. The second part of the contribution engages with three aspects which are at the core of Le commun de la liberté, namely the conception of property, the conception of citizenship and of personal statuses, and the theory of rights.

Truth over Democracy or Democracy over Truth?

Paul Feyerabend and Richard Rorty were both famously suspicious of an objective concept of truth, in part because they shared the suspicion that concepts like truth and reason were irrevocably anti-democratic. As Feyerabend saw it, an overreliance on a naive objectivist conception of truth and rationality encouraged a “tyranny of truth”, one according to which science should have an overly privileged role to play in deciding what society ought to do. Similarly, Rorty believed truth was a concept ill-suited for democracy. In this paper, I offer some brief reflections on the view that political truth is ill-suited for democratic politics. I argue that Rorty and Feyerabend are right that the concepts of truth and knowledge have political meaning, and that as a result, the question of “who knows” (and who doesn't) are partly political questions. But while Feyerbеnd was right to think we cannot give priority to the epistemic over the political in democracy, neither, I conclude, should we reverse that priority.

Social Media Use and Interpersonal Discussion in Democratic Political Process: Examining Differential Gains from Social Media

Social Media Use and Interpersonal Discussion in Democratic Political Process: Examining Differential Gains from Social Media

A Comparative Analysis of the Implementation of 'Consensus Democracy' in China and Switzerland

The Consensus Democracy Theory, put forward by Lijphart, emphasizes the construction of a multi-consensus democracy. Switzerland is a typical country putting consensus democracy theory into practice. Its consensus democracy belief is rooted in its historical development and domestic political practice, and has become a typical case of practice and research. China also has the soil of consensus democratic theory, that is, the exploration and practice of the fundamental political system of multiparty cooperation and political consultation under the leadership of the Communist Party of China. As one of the three basic political systems in China, the practice of Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference (CPPCC) system has prominent significance for the development of socialism with Chinese characteristics. Swiss democracy shares similarities with CPPCC because of the same theoretical model between China and Switzerland. On the other hand, differences exist resulting from different social systems and historical development. Exploring the similarities and differences is of positive significance for the further development of socialist democratic politics with Chinese characteristics in the new era.

STRATEGI KOMUNIKASI PARTAI POLITIK MELALUI MEDIA SOSIAL DALAM MENINGKATKAN POPULARITAS DAN ELEKTABILITAS

Political communication is a form of message delivery characterized by political messages with the aim of influencing the masses. The presence of social media is certainly used as a communication tool by political parties, legislative candidates, government and activists. Social media plays an important role in letting political parties inform the general public about their political activities. Social media is used for political purposes by political parties because with social media the audience can be easily influenced. The aim of this research is to find out how the NasDem political party manages its social media to communicate with the public, especially in terms of increasing the party's popularity and electability. The method used in this research is a qualitative research method with a sociological approach. The object of this research is the social media of the NasDem Party, which is one of the political parties in Indonesia. The data needed in this research is divided into 2 (two) sources, namely primary data and secondary data. The methods used to search for data in this research were observation, interviews and document study. Based on the research results, it can be concluded that the unanimous strategy of the National Democratic Political Party (NasDem) in its efforts to provide a boost to its electoral electability is considered to be running smoothly, and the results benefit the NasDem political party itself. So that the NasDem Political Party has succeeded in proving its ability to compete with other major political parties in Indonesia.

Ideas, Politics, and The Making of Muslim Democracy: An Historical Trajectory in Indonesia

Debates regarding the compatibility of Islam and democracy have thrived, with a focus on political moderation and post-Islamism to explain changes among Islamist groups. However, there’s been little exploration into the historical evolution of their ideologies and political preferences in religious politics. This study examines the role of ideas and politics within Muslim organizations, political parties, and the state in Indonesia. It emphasizes the mechanisms behind both ideology and political motivations, showing how political Islam adopted pragmatic behaviour before entering democratic politics. The interaction between the ideological renewals of Muslim thinkers in the 1970s and changes in the state’s institutional arrangement under the New Order drove Islamic transformation. Political institutions shape Islamic political ideas and their manifestation, influencing cultural identity, political mobilization, and negotiation of group claims. Muslim leadership acts as agents in defining religious interests based on institutional markers.

Dayah Ulama’s Interpretation of Religious Moderation Narratives: Negotiable

The rise of exclusive-formalistic religious interpretations is a series of facts that emphasize how the graph of the seeds of religious radicalism in Indonesia and Aceh, in particular, is increasingly undeniable. Referring to this phenomenon, this research aims to study the strengthening of political democracy and national identity based on local values and culture, which is the standard of political behavior in Aceh. This research method uses descriptive qualitative data from interviews, FGDs, questionnaires, and literature studies. The results obtained: First, the interpretation of Dayah Ulama towards the narrative of religious moderation looks dynamic and varied. On the one hand, in quantity, most Dayah Ulama do not question the narrative of religious moderation, including accepting its derivative concepts. On the other hand, it indicates a form of fragmentation in accepting the narrative of religious moderation. Second, the majority of Dayah Ulama show acceptance of the narrative of religious moderation with pre-conditions. The attitude shown must be based on existing Islamic Sharia and Acehnese customs regulations. Third, conservative and exclusive attitudes appear negotiable, meaning that these attitudes can fade if religious interests are not disturbed.

THE CULTURE OF DELIBERATION IN MUSLIM SOCIETY AND THE CHALLENGE OF MUTUAL RESPECT AMONG CULTURES: SOCIAL AND POLITICAL PERSPECTIVES

The paper makes a brief account of what H.A.R. Gibb said was the historic and decisive event in achieving consensus —the classical practice used in deciding the succession of the Prophet (×aÌrat Muhammad RasËlullah KhÉtam un NabiyyÊn Øallallahu ‘alaihi wa ‘alÉ Ólihi wa AÎÍÉbihi wa Øallam) employing the procedure of al-ShËra or deliberation or consultation in the seventh century CE, the success of democratically electing the leader of the new emerging Muslim society. The paper explores several further cases of the more institutionalized culture of deliberation among the (Sunni) Muslim society across the socio-cultural changes from the medieval centuries up to the present day world, in multi-cultural societies. Deliberation is roughly of two types—democratic and undemocratic as in the Chinese political system. The concepts used include Al-Mawardi’s Ahl ×all Wal ‘Aqd (AHWA) —first suggested in the 10th century CE and fully developed some three hundred years later. The concept emerged in connection with the mechanism of electing the chief executive officer (CEO) in state governments which needed deliberation of AHWA’s members (those who are qualified to act on behalf of the Muslim community in electing a caliph). The study is based on secondary data gathered from books and articles. The paper aims to contribute to “re-inventing democratic deliberation” in the past for better understanding the contemporary trend to move towards deliberation in democratic politics—which also gives positive impact to develop mutual respect among multi-cultural societies. The main finding of the study is that there is a significant spread of deliberation in politics and governments among Muslims societies in the countries under study. Deliberation is roughly of two types—democratic and un-democratic as in the context of Chinese political system. The concepts used include Al-Mawardi’s Ahl Hall Wal Aqd (AHWA) —developed in the 10th century or three hundred years after that. The concept is a mechanism to elect chief executive officer (CEO) in state governments which conveys the need for having capacity to deliberate of AHWA’s members. The study employs qualitative method, with secondary data gathered from books and articles, especially those that are made available electronically. The study is expected to contribute to the re-invention of the democratic deliberation in the past for better understanding of contemporary move towards deliberative turn in democratic politics—which eventually give positive impact on development of mutual respect among multi-cultural societies. The finding of the study is significant spread of the deliberation in politics and governments among Muslims societies in the cases of the countries and has impacted on customs of deliberation in a given society, including in multi-cultural societies.

The political economy of inequality, mobility and redistribution

How does the interaction between inequality and social mobility affect the choice of fiscal policy? I analyze this question in a model of democratic politics with imperfect tax enforcement, where the ability of individuals to evade taxes limits the amount of redistribution in the economy. Social mobility creates an insurance motive that increases voluntary compliance, favoring the tax enforcement process. In such an environment, redistributive pressures brought about by an increase in inequality are only implementable in highly mobile societies. On the contrary, when mobility is low, higher inequality reduces tax rates and does not translate into higher redistribution. Descriptive evidence based on a sample of 71 countries for the period 1980–2015 shows correlations among inequality, mobility and redistribution in line with the predictions of the model.

Against received opinion: Recovering the original meaning of ‘paradox’ for populism and liberal democracy

In philosophy and political theory, the term paradox is often used synonymously with antinomy, contradiction and aporia. This article clarifies the meaning of these terms through tracing their respective etymology. We see that antinomy denotes a deep-seated conceptual opposition, whereas contradiction and aporia represent alternative responses to antinomy. The former presents the antinomy as potentially resolvable at some future time, and the latter sees the antinomy instead as a constitutive impasse. By way of contrast, para doxa originally referred to a statement that is ‘contrary to received opinion’, but this idea has generally been subsumed – both in philosophy and more common place understandings – under the notion of aporia. This conceptual recovery enables a better understanding of key traditions in social and political theory, notably post-structuralism and Habermasian critical theory, which can be demarcated through their respective responses to the emergence of ‘paradoxes’. However, the article also demonstrates the material significance of these philosophical categories through their application to contemporary democratic politics. I analyse the constitutive tension between liberalism and democracy as well as the emergence of populism and show how these conceptual tools provide new insights for understanding these most pressing political developments of our time.

Subsidiarity in the ECHR: an empty promise for local authorities?

ABSTRACT Member States of the ECHR are complex entities made up of many levels. The subsidiarity principle is grounded in this social reality. However, the ECHR, just like general international law, treats its States as unitary entities: local authorities are procedurally and institutionally inexistent in the ECHR system, although they play important roles as protectors and violators of human rights. I show that the codification of the subsidiarity principle in the ECHR preamble was not intended to strengthen the role of local and regional authorities. Protocol No. 15 was only concerned with reinforcing ‘the’ States role vis-à-vis the Court. I explain this with the state’s role as the bearer of political sovereignty and the fact that sovereignty is a pre-condition for a functioning political democracy and, therefore, a democratically legitimate human rights system. Finally, the paper enquires into whether the subsidiarity principle of the ECHR might be read as an interpretative principle, which contributes to determining the scope and content of the human rights that the Strasbourg Court must guarantee, and whether this might benefit local and regional associations. I answer in the negative. Such a reading would be contrary to Protocol No. 15, as it would further empower the Court.

Secularism under Dispute: Towards Agonistic, Pluralistic, and Democratic Politics. A Latin American Perspective

Abstract This article introduces some discussion on the limitations of the distinction between laicidad and secularization in Latin America (and to a lesser extent, the notion of religious freedom), mainly highlighting the problem of the colonial origin of these conceptions and their relationship with the liberal hegemonic political framework of the field. The paper’s thesis is that the boundaries for achieving a secular context in the region are not only connected to the lack of secular policies but to the application of limited concepts on the separation between church and state, and the impact of this emphasis on a reductionist vision of the religious diversity phenomenon and its link with the socio-political processes of the region. Our propose, finally, is to review these ideas in the light of the concept of radical democracy, and the contribution of this category in the broadening of the processes of institutionalization of religious identity configurations. We will take as an example of application the debates raised by the Pavez vs. Chile case in the Inter-American Court, resolved in the year 2021.

Democracy as Ambitendent Phenomenon: Problems of National and Social Solidarity

The article’s intellectual core resides in the examination of social phenomena through the lenses of ambivalence and ambitemptiness. Democracy is conceived through the cultivation of the ideal of national solidarity within the framework of the “indivisible and unified nation” and revolution — values which, according to B. Anderson, individuals do not choose of their own volition. Nevertheless, it functions by virtue of structures that are freely chosen by individuals, specifically political parties and civil society organisations, among which trade unions assume a paramount role in ensuring social solidarity. The author posits that a functioning political democracy, viewed as a historically ambi temptuous phenomenon, necessitates the reanimation of sustained equilibrium between the for ces of social hegemony and counter-hegemony. This revival hinges on transformative shifts in the structure of civil society, particularly reinstatement of pivotal social functions to trade unions. The article underscores the phenomenon of unprecedented demonstrative solidarity exhibited by the Democratic Party of the USA towards the strike movement. The author emphasises that a fully-fledged European liberal democracy was established during its golden age, preceding financial globalisation, as a social democracy. Within its framework, competitive and pluralist elections were complemented by the possibility of nationwide strikes facilitated by trade unions capable of social mobilisation. Proposing the term “political society” to denote the phenomenon encompassing political parties and movements, the article argues that their viability depends on their connection with civil society structures. It is asserted that neither right-wing nor left-wing populism possesses the capacity to fully neutralise “democratic fatigue”.

Ekonomia polityczna a demokracja w pismach klasyków liberalizmu – John Stuart Mill i Herbert Spencer

POLITICAL ECONOMY AND DEMOCRACY IN THE WRITINGS OF CLASSICAL LIBERALS – JOHN STUART MILL AND HERBERT SPENCER The main aim of this paper is showing mainstream economic theory as an important factor shaping the evolution of political liberalism. The role of the economic theory in this process seems underestimated. The paper analyses the writings of two classical liberal thinkers – John Stuart Mill and Herbert Spencer, the former a pioneer of egalitarian liberalism, the latter of laissez-faire liberalism. Both Mill and Spencer were the followers of the classical political economy accepting the classical theory of distribution. Both saw the distribution of wealth as a spontaneous process, seeing no possibility correcting it for the people’s sake without disturbances or damages. According to the classical theory of wage fund, workers would get higher incomes only through accumulation of capital by owners and repressing their own fertility. Such statement was fundamentally opposite to all postulates of the workers’ movement. Workers always claimed bigger share in social income and legislation favoring laborers. The inevitable result of this contradiction was a conflict between liberal and democratic ideas. Mill and Spencer proposed two different solutions. J. S. Mill found a specific compromise and proposed enlarging franchise on working class, but with a still dominant position of the educated classes. Mill was against equal franchise for the working class because he did not conceive them as liable, rational and sober people. This position results from the wage fund doctrine; according to it, abundant workers’ fertility is wasteful for them and only sexual restraint (or chastity) would make their wages higher. Spencer in his early writing was an enthusiast of democracy, supposing the working class’ affinity to free market solutions. His later disappointment with democracy turned him into a strong critic of democratic parliamentarism from the standpoint of laissez-faire individualism. The case of these two liberal thinkers shows fundamental difficulty in reconciliation between the ideas of democracy and free market. We could choose democracy accepting welfare state or choose free market solution and become unambiguous critics of democracy. Spencer was a forerunner of all later ‘neoliberal’ critics of welfare state. Mill’s opinion was halfway between laissez-faire liberalism and modern egalitarian liberalism. Democracy and equal voting rights became acceptable by mainstream economist only when they had abandoned the wage fund doctrine and other constructs of the classical political economy. Thus changes in the economic theory had a significant impact on the evolution of political liberalism.