Political Crisis Research Articles

Implications of refugee crisis on public sector healthcare organizations: Empirical observation from Myanmar’s Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh

Abstract Political crises, like the refugee crisis, present significant challenges to nation-states and public sector entities. The influx of refugees from Myanmar to Bangladesh has intensified over recent decades, notably after severe violence erupted in Myanmar’s Rakhine state on 25 August 2017. This study focuses on public service organizations, aiming to understand the impact of the Rohingya refugee crisis. Using a qualitative approach and drawing on existing literature, the research examines how the crisis affects the capacity of public healthcare providers in Bangladesh. The findings reveal both detrimental and beneficial effects on organizational functioning, including management, resource availability, and absorptive and adaptive capacities. Through data analysis, eight key themes emerge, such as changes in service quality, disease control, resource allocation dynamics, and impacts on professional knowledge, shedding light on the complex repercussions of the Rohingya refugee crisis on public healthcare services in Bangladesh.

The social crisis exacerbated by the Salvadoran political crisis. Migration to the United States: an indicator of the crisis

No abstract available. ECA Estudios Centroamericanos, Vol. 42, No. 468, 1987: 675-686.

Luxemburg and Gramsci. The Role of Optimism and Pessimism during the Struggle for an Alternative to Capitalism

What I try to do in this paper is to analyze and probe what Rosa Luxemburg and Antonio Gramsci understand by pessimism and optimism. Luxemburg and Gramsci demonstrate how liberal capitalist ideology uses “a false form of hope to keep people yoked to the system that oppresses them.” In this “terrible world” and under the current capitalist circumstances which lead to economic, social, political and ecological crises, it may be difficult to be optimistic about the future. Besides, not only the multiple crises but also the many defeats suffered by progressive movements in the different areas of struggles against ongoing economic and political regression bring along a depressive and desperate feeling that could also be called pessimism. </p><p>The questions I am asking are very simple: What is pessimism and optimism for Luxemburg and Gramsci? For them, what sort of social conditions lead to pessimism or optimism? In this paper, I will try to demonstrate that both Rosa Luxemburg and Gramsci adopted a dialectical approach to pessimism and optimism, they were “pessoptimists” so to speak. Based upon what Hegel once said, “the negative is just as much positive”, I will explain this dialectical relationship by claiming that pessimism exists in optimism and vice versa. For this purpose, I will focus on some of Rosa Luxemburg’s texts in the recently published volumes on Revolution as well as in her letters. Furthermore, I will concentrate on some texts by Gramsci in which he makes particular reference to pessimism and optimism as symbolized by his famous “pessimism of the intelligence, optimism of the will”

Elite persistence in Sierra Leone: What can names tell us?

Is elite persistence weaker in Africa than in other parts of the world, given historical barriers to intergenerational inheritance of status, such as limited private property rights and frequent economic and political crises? In the absence of linked intergenerational data, we use name analysis to address this question. Using surnames associated with two Sierra Leonean elites, Krio descendants of settlers and members of chiefly lineages, we measure elite persistence in politics, education and business since 1960. Both groups were highly overrepresented in elite positions at independence, and remain overrepresented today. Benchmarking our results against other countries shows that Sierra Leone's educational elites are as persistent as elsewhere, but elite persistence in the political sphere is lower than in the United Kingdom, our main comparator. We also show marked path dependence: chiefly descendants remain more overrepresented in politics and mining, while the Krio are highly over-represented in education and the professions.

Brexit and the fintech revolution in Europe: lessons from the Bulgarian digital finance sector

Purpose This paper aims to investigate the drivers of the resilience of the fintech sector in emerging Europe (EU) by analyzing the performance of 128 Bulgarian fintech companies in the period around the Referendum for Brexit in 2016. The Referendum was followed by a rapid growth of the Bulgarian fintech sector at a moment when venture capital funding was limited, which challenged firms to improve their fundamentals. Design/methodology/approach This empirical paper uses descriptive and panel data analysis based on the firm balance sheet and income statement data at the annual level. Findings The results show that larger and better-capitalized firms, which outsource their non-core activities and focus on their main competitive strengths, tend to have higher operating income and profit. The authors also find positive real-economy effects as these companies hire more actively to maintain growth. The results are primarily driven by the post-Brexit period of 2016–2019 when the authors find a tighter link between performance and firm fundamentals. These results have important managerial and policy implications and provide interesting directions for future research. Practical implications The findings have important management and policy implications. The authors argue that the flexibility of the Bulgarian fintech cluster, including the practice of Bulgarian fintech startups to outsource non-core activities; the readiness of universities to open new master programs to address firm demand for skilled labor and the startup-friendly environment in the main cluster hotspot, Sofia, has contributed to the resilience of the sector and can explain the drivers behind our findings. Fintech firms are very efficient in utilizing external services to foster their performance and growth, which may suggest that public policies that provide financial support for cloud services and outsourcing for startups during downturns or crises may improve economic growth and may have positive externalities for the supporting sectors that provide these services. Originality/value This paper fulfills an identified need to study the drivers of Fintech performance to identify best practices for managerial actions during economic or political crises, as well as government policy recommendations. To the best of the authors knowledge, this is one of the first empirical academic studies that examine the impact of Brexit on the European Fintech sector and real economy. The identified managerial strategies for ensuring regional resilience to economic crises and political shocks can be applied in various settings within and outside the EU.

TURKEY AS A NEW SECURITY ACTOR IN THE HORN OF AFRICA

Due to having unique geographical location, the Horn of Africa is one of the most important strategic regions in the world. Thanks to the geo-political and the geo-economic importance of the region, global and regional actors have continuously maintained their strategic relations with this region throughout history. Despite the existence of structural political, economic, and security crises in the region, significant political and economic transformation has emerged throughout the region after the 2000s. This study argues whether Turkey’s increasing security cooperation with the Horn of Africa has contributed to the political, economic and military transformation of the countries in the region. Since 2011, Turkey has implemented a multi-faceted and proactive foreign policy to strengthen its strategic relations with the Horn of Africa. This article found that that Turkey’s lack of a history of exploitation and active humanitarian aid policy of Turkey in Africa have paved the way for the emergence of the establishment of strong and long-term strategic partnerships with the countries in the Horn of Africa.

An R Studio Bibliometrix Analysis of Global Research Trends of Educational Crises in 2020s

The article uses R Studio Bibliometrix, VOSviewer, and Connected Papers to structure the scientific work of scientists on the development of educational systems during socio-economic, political, migration, pandemic, and climate crises in the 2020s. The research is based on more than 970 publications (articles, conference abstracts, monographs, and their sections) indexed by Scopus in 2020–2024, selected by keywords: “educational crisis,” “education policy response,” “education disruption,” and “learning loss.” The publication activity grew at an annual rate of 16.45%, peaking in 2023, while the peak of public interest (determined by Google Trends) was in 2022. The study consists of seven parts: the first examines shifts and patterns in the fields of educational crisis; the second analyzes influential publications; the third identifies key research institutions; the fourth explores various counties; the fifth highlights prominent researchers in these fields; the sixth delves into key areas of study; and the seventh uncovers core themes and insights in the research. The study identifies a number of important areas of concentration for the study of educational crises from a thematic perspective. These include education disruption and learning loss, and the broader impact of these issues on inclusive growth and sustainable development. Among all the crises that took place in the world in 2020–2024, COVID-19 and the full-scale war in Ukraine had the greatest impact on the transformation of education systems. China and the United States dominate the world in terms of publication activity and citation of articles by scientists from these countries (their point of view actually determines the emphasis with which the scientific world speaks about challenges in education), while scientists from Australia, India, and the United Kingdom have significantly increased their research activity in this area over the study period. The findings of this study are aimed at understanding the causes and consequences of educational crises and formulating recovery plans to mitigate global risks.

When Democracy Is on the Ballot

Abstract: Democratic self-rule is an unending argument about what democracy is. In normal times, democracy reproduces its legitimacy by its routine operation. In times of political crisis, however, the defining issue of an election can become the commitment of adversaries to the rules of the democratic game. At such times, polarization can become lethal to the very system that both sides say they are committed to maintaining. All democracies could use serious institutional reform, but we will not begin unless we abandon the illusion that democracy's problems would be solved if we could just defeat authoritarian populists at the ballot box. It is our institutions, not just the players, that need changing.

The Impact of Firm-level Characteristics on Stock Abnormal Returns amid Crises in Egypt versus the United States

This paper conducts a comparative analysis on the variability of firm-level abnormal returns in Egypt and the United States (US) amidst three different recent global hazardous events (political, economic, and health). Moreover, it determines the impact of firm-level characteristics in reducing firms’ abnormal returns and identifies the most vulnerable industries during crises in both countries. The paper methodology is conducted in two stages on the selected sample for US and Egypt stock markets, DJIA and EGX30 indices, respectively. The first stage is an event study approach to determine the amplitude and direction of the response of the US and Egypt abnormal returns to each of the studied crises. The second stage encompasses cross-sectional regressions to study the impact of firm-level characteristics and vulnerable industries on the highest significant abnormal stock returns for each event in each country. This study has theoretical and practical contributions. To our knowledge, this is the first study to demonstrate the higher abnormal stock returns of the developing stock market, Egypt, compared to the developed stock market, US, in both health and economic crises under all different time intervals except the examined political crisis. Moreover, emerging and developed countries’ businesses should provide attentive management of this study’s significant firm-level characteristics to strengthen firms’ exogenous shock absorbency. Furthermore, this study’s identification of the most vulnerable industries in each market paves the way for developing supportive policies for these industries resulting in healthier and safer financial markets amidst crises. Keywords: Abnormal Returns, Stock Markets, Crises, Egypt, United States

The political crisis of autumn-winter 1993 on the pages of the newspaper "Muromsky Krai"

The article is devoted to the reflection of the political crisis of the end of 1993 in the provincial periodical of Murom, Vladimir region. The author refers to the journalistic articles of the local newspaper "Muromsky Krai" from September 23, when the first information about the events in Moscow was published, to December 23, when the results of the December 12 vote were published in the newspaper. Information about the situation on the ground in conditions of severe crisis and political instability, brought to the peak of tension in the autumn of 1993, is able to tell the mood in society and the position of municipal authorities, as well as reveal the role of the media and journalists, in particular, in localizing and resolving conflicts of interest both within the government and between the government and society at the local level. The research is based on the principles of objectivity and historicism. In addition, historical, systematic and chronological methods allowed us to reveal the question posed to the author about the reflection of the political crisis of the end of 1993 in the Murom newspaper. The source base of the study was the issues of the local socio-political newspaper "Muromsky Krai". To solve the scientific problem, the author applied to the municipal archive of Murom and the local library. The journalists of the local newspaper paid great attention to the political vicissitudes and the participation of citizens in resolving the political confrontation. The author of the study studied this layer of materials in detail and came to the conclusion that urban journalists, with their very peaceful position, contributed to maintaining calm among the Muromites during an extremely difficult period of Russian history. At the same time, citizens, having shown awareness, preferred another way of interacting with the authorities to strikes and mass rallies – participation in the elections on December 12, the results of which showed dissatisfaction with the policy of the central authorities.

Assessing communication competencies of public servants in Kazakhstan: Current status and approaches for enhancement

Political crises, socio-economic issues, and industrial shocks in Kazakhstan highlight the need for prompt and proficient government responses to mitigate their consequences. Public managers must possess the capability to assume responsibility and communicate effectively. This study aims to analyze the level of communication competencies among civil servants in Kazakhstan to assess their status and propose approaches for enhancement. The study utilized a mixed-method approach, combining quantitative survey and qualitative interviews. The quantitative phase involved the distribution of structured questionnaires to civil servants across diverse departments (n = 4,790), aiming to evaluate existing communication competencies, identify strengths and weaknesses, and comprehend prevailing communication issues. The qualitative component included in-depth interviews with selected participants to better understand their experiences and views on communication in the public service sector (n = 27 experts). Research findings define the existing problems and barriers that hinder the development of the communicative competencies of civil servants. Most respondents (25%) believe that problems stem from a lack of understanding of information and citizens’ reluctance or inability to interact with government agencies, while 16% attribute issues to civil servants’ behavioral barriers. Smaller percentages point to language barriers (11%), emotional barriers (9%), cultural barriers (6%), and gender barriers (3%) as contributing factors. Additionally, the study revealed a lack of systematic training and support for developing effective communication skills among government employees. The study suggests several approaches to improve communication competencies, such as targeted training programs, cross-departmental collaboration, and organizational culture promotion. Acknowledgment The study was carried out within the framework of grant funding from the Science Committee of the Ministry of Science and Higher Education of the Republic of Kazakhstan (IRN AP14872210).

De la République Démocratique du Congo voulue indépendante À la République Démocratique du Congo qui commémore ses fêtes d’indépendance

From the Democratic Republic of Congo Seeking Independence to the Democratic Republic of Congo which Commemorates Its Independence Celebrations. On June 30, 1960, the independence of the Belgian Congo, once personal possession for 23 years of the Belgian King Leopold II, was proclaimed as the “Republic of the Congo”. Emery-Patrice Lumumba (1925-1961) played a capital role in this emancipation which resulted in the consecration of Joseph Kasavubu as first President of the Republic of Congo and himself, Emery Patrice Lumumba, as Prime Minister. Congo has proclaimed its independence, but the new country remains plagued by violence and infighting. Belgian troops and peacekeepers from the United Nations intervene in the territory as a standoff begins between Kasavubu and Lumumba. On September 14, 1960, Colonel Joseph Désiré Mobutu led a first coup d’état which was followed by the arrest and assassination of Lumumba. The following years would be punctuated by rebellions and fighting interspersed with ceasefires in protest against the dictatorship established by the Mobutu regime after its second coup d’état, five years later, during a new political crisis. After thirty-two years of unchallenged reign, Mobutu was ousted from power by Mzee Laurent Désiré Kabila in May 1997 and since then, it has been difficult to speak of the real independence of the country, which became the Democratic Republic of Congo. Keywords: formal independence, real independence, Independence Day, Zaïre, Democratic Republic of Congo, colonization, decolonization, political emancipation, sovereignty.

THE ROLE OF SOCIAL MEDIA IN THE DEVELOPMENT OF POLITICAL CRISES

This article examines the role of social media in the development of political crises and its impact on political processes and public opinion. The introduction describes the significance of social media in the context of political crises, emphasising their ability to quickly disseminate information and shape public opinion. Social media provide a platform for expressing opinions and organising mass actions, making them key players in times of political instability. The examples of the Arab Spring and the Hong Kong protests demonstrate how social media can help mobilise populations and draw international attention to political events. The research methods include content analysis of social media publications and posts related to key political events, as well as analyses of academic publications and reports. It allows the comparison of data from social media with the findings of researchers and experts in the field of media and political science.The results of the study show that social media play a significant role in political crises by influencing public opinion and political processes. The analysis reveals that in times of crisis, social media users' activity increases dramatically, which contributes to radicalisation of sentiments and increased polarisation of society. Social media also prove to be a source of misinformation and propaganda, which can exacerbate a crisis and make it more difficult to resolve.The discussion in the article emphasises the need to develop strategies to prevent the spread of misinformation and ensure transparency and credibility of information in social media. This requires co-ordination of efforts between different actors including government agencies, civil society and private companies. The article concludes with the importance of social media in political processes and the need to develop strategies for their effective use in political crises.The article offers a comprehensive analysis of the role of social media in political crises and presents important findings for understanding their impact on contemporary society and the political landscape.

Colombia-Venezuela border: Securitisation of migration and Venezuela’s political crisis

Colombia and Venezuela share a geographi­cal border of 1,274 miles. Although both countries have historically had contentious border crossings, the antagonistic nature of migration across the borderlands has increased following Venezuela’s current in­ternal political crisis. The article argues that Venezuela’s political climate has led to further securitisation of migration across the Colombian-Venezuelan border. It sup­ports this argument in three ways. First, the article discusses the border as both a geo­graphical and a man-made border. It also examines the similarities and differences that exist across the Colombian-Venezuelan border. The countries share the same lan­guage, Spanish, which unites the region and its diverse peoples with a shared history. Nevertheless, socio-economic, environmen­tal and cultural differences widen the divid­ing lines between these two nations. Second, the article explores the bor­der crossing (migration) trends. The article further discusses the effects and reasons for such border crossings. Third, it explains the securitisation theory and uses it to discuss how the border has become increasingly se­curitised by local and international actors. Finally, the article calls for a de-securitised approach to cross-border migration. In this regard, the article supports greater bilateral, regional and international cooperation to address the plight of people crossing the border and living in border regions

Paradigms of Statehood and National Sovereignty in Sociological Discourse

The article aims to study the paradigms of statehood and sovereignty in sociological discourse. Studies of statehood, national sovereignty and national security are important areas of modern sociology, especially in the context of globalization processes that significantly affect these concepts. The authors of the article examine the prospects of sociological research on these issues by analyzing a number of factors, including methodological approaches, the impact of international politics, new security challenges and the transformation of political institutions. The article analyzes in detail two key sociological paradigms – «world-systems» by Immanuel Wallerstein and a four-level model for studying the phenomenon of statehood by Neil Joseph Smelser, that allowed us to describe the role and functions of nation-states in the new realities of the global political crisis, in particular the impact of globalization on sovereignty, economy, politics, and social structures, as well as the search for effective models of political and social governance. The authors attribute the growing scientific interest in the study of geopolitical processes to the specific features of the development of the nation-state institution and the transformation of state sovereignty, which in today's realities is accompanied by a change in worldview paradigms. The active introduction of scientific discourse on the role and place of the nation-state in the modern world contributes to the intensification of sociological research on nation-building.

British politics symposium on Ben Clift (2022) the OBR and the politics of technocratic economic governance (Oxford University Press)

AbstractThis contribution to the symposium situates Clift’s (The office of budget responsibility and the politics of technocratic economic governance, Oxford University Press, Oxford, 2023a) book in wider scholarship on ‘epistemic politics’ in comparative and international political economy. I argue that the book serves to foreground the power and politics of economic knowledge and technocratic expertise in three ways: (1) by unpacking the ‘everyday’ life of ideas as grounded in material processes of knowledge production; (2) lifting the veil on the ‘model world’ of economic policy by analysing the epistemological foundations of technocracy; and (3) deconstructing the politics of crisis by revealing the OBR’s critical role in interpreting and narrating developments like Brexit and Covid. The rest of the paper is devoted to reflecting on the core theme of the book—technocratic economic governance—focussed on three related issues: problematising technocracy and technocratic expertise; the dynamics of learning and accountability; and the importance of historicising economic governance since 2010.

March Forward

This essay reflects upon historian and dissident Adam Michnik’s commentary on the 1968 Polish political crisis in which he participated. Instigated by the banning of the play Dziady by the ruling communist party, student protests erupted across the country. By exploring the dynamics between the senior figures of the Communist leadership and the youthful protests, this essay delves into the revival of nationalist and antisemitic ideologies within the regime, with parallels drawn to political trends of the 1920s. Although the protests initially failed to achieve their demands, the policies and responses of 1968 set the stage for the eventual downfall of the Communist regime and the subsequent rise of a democratic national movement.

Between Principles and Actions: ASEAN and Indonesia in Dealing With The Political Crisis In Myanmar

This article explains the role of ASEAN in addressing the political crisis and human rights violations in Myanmar, focusing on Indonesia's leadership as the ASEAN Chair in 2023. Following the 2021 military coup in Myanmar, which garnered global attention, ASEAN endeavored to formulate the Five Point Consensus through a constructive approach to tackle this crisis, yet its implementation remains constrained. This article uses a case study method to evaluate ASEAN's response to Myanmar's post-coup situation. The initial adoption of the "constructive engagement" approach within the ASEAN context was aimed at resolving this crisis. However, this approach, characterized by non-interference and consensus-building, proved ineffective in driving political change in Myanmar. As the ASEAN Chair, Indonesia assumes a pivotal role in seeking more effective solutions. The study finds that ASEAN demonstrates adaptability in addressing the Myanmar crisis, transitioning from the "constructive engagement" approach to "enhanced interactions." Under Indonesia's leadership, ASEAN deployed a team of the Special Envoy for Myanmar Affairs led by Foreign Minister Retno Marsudi and rebuilt ASEAN's centrality through proactive mediation efforts, diplomatic coordination, engagement with external partners, and commitment to regional stability and peace. Additionally, ASEAN's intervention with restrictions on Myanmar's participation in various regional activities serves as a form of 'pressure' to encourage cooperation and accountability. Through these enhanced interactions, ASEAN and Indonesia played a more active role in mediating the crisis and promoting reconciliation among all stakeholders involved. Keywords: ASEAN; Indonesia; Myanmar Coup; Constructive Engagement; Enhanced Interactions Artikel ini menjelaskan peran ASEAN dalam mengatasi krisis politik dan pelanggaran hak asasi manusia di Myanmar, dengan fokus pada kepemimpinan Indonesia sebagai Ketua ASEAN pada tahun 2023. Pasca kudeta militer tahun 2021 di Myanmar yang menyita perhatian global, ASEAN berupaya merumuskan Lima Poin Konsensus melalui pendekatan konstruktif untuk mengatasi krisis ini, tetapi implementasinya masih terkendala. Dengan menggunakan metode studi kasus, artikel ini mengevaluasi respons ASEAN terhadap situasi pasca kudeta di Myanmar. Penerapan awal menggunakan pendekatan "constructive engagement" dalam konteks ASEAN bertujuan untuk menyelesaikan krisis ini. Namun, pendekatan yang bercirikan non-intervensi dan membangun konsensus, terbukti tidak efektif dalam mendorong perubahan politik di Myanmar. Sebagai Ketua ASEAN, Indonesia mempunyai peran penting dalam mencari solusi yang lebih efektif. Studi ini menemukan bahwa ASEAN menunjukkan kemampuan beradaptasi dalam mengatasi krisis Myanmar, melakukan transisi dari pendekatan "constructive engagement" ke "enhanced interactions." Di bawah kepemimpinan Indonesia, ASEAN mengerahkan tim Utusan Khusus untuk Urusan Myanmar yang dipimpin oleh Menteri Luar Negeri Indonesia dan membangun kembali konsep sentralitas ASEAN melalui upaya mediasi proaktif, koordinasi diplomatik, keterlibatan dengan mitra eksternal, dan komitmen terhadap stabilitas dan perdamaian kawasan. Selain itu, intervensi ASEAN dengan pembatasan partisipasi Myanmar dalam berbagai kegiatan regional merupakan bentuk 'tekanan' untuk mendorong kerja sama dan akuntabilitas. Melalui peningkatan interaksi ini, ASEAN dan Indonesia memainkan peran yang lebih aktif dalam memediasi krisis dan mendorong rekonsiliasi di antara seluruh pemangku kepentingan yang terlibat. Kata-kata Kunci: ASEAN; Indonesia; Kudeta Myanmar; Keterlibatan Konstruktif; Interaksi yang Ditingkatkan

‘Who knows what will come next to interrupt our assessments’: the adaptability of assessments across face-to-face and online instructional environments

Universities are increasingly facing disruptions from political crises, natural disasters and public health emergencies, prompting a shift to emergency online teaching. It is different to normal online teaching as students may lose access to campus, community/society or even hosting countries. This qualitative study investigated the adaptability of assessments when shifting entirely from face-to-face to emergent online modes. Data was collected from four disciplines at the macro level and 74 courses from eight disciplines at the micro level. Five design feature dimensions were identified as affecting assessment adaptability between two instructional environments: students’ resources access, student autonomy, measurement focus, external standard adherence and venues/contexts/equipment reliance. The results revealed an increasing use of asynchronous assessments and increased student control and responsibility in assessments. Three levels of changes were observed, including pedagogical changes from testing students’ memories to measuring students’ higher-level understanding. In addition to the challenges in assessment security reported in previous literature about shifts to online modes, this study identified new areas of challenges to assessment validity, fairness of assessments, teacher control, teachers’ and students’ assessment literacy and university infrastructure. A model on the adaptability of assessment is proposed, offering implications for online assessment.

Can Tenants’ Unions Challenge Neoliberal Housing Governance? The Emergence of a New Movement in Spain and Its Impact on Post-neoliberal Housing Policy

ABSTRACT This paper analyses how tenants’ organizations approach the state for “post-neoliberal housing policy” that challenges decades of neoliberal housing governance. It introduces the concept of “counter-hegemonic legislative strategies” to illustrate how tenants’ movements in Spain have achieved this policy shift by influencing legislative changes. In contrast to traditional lobbying or representation-focused movements, unions aim to organize tenants offensively against the commodification of housing and capitalist relations, positioning themselves as counter-hegemonic forces. The paper outlines three mechanisms used to achieve this: turning tenant evictions and landlord threats into acts of civil disobedience; using the media strategically to shape narratives; and exploiting institutional windows of opportunity through alliances and political crises. While the legislative victories gained by these unions may fall short of their full demands, the paper emphasizes that their impact goes beyond political outcomes. Their activities contribute to contesting neoliberal housing trajectories, disrupting hegemonic governance, and reshaping the political landscape.