Political Contract Research Articles

The Kingdom of Loloda: The Dynamics of Economic, Political, and Military in North Maluku During the Dutch Collonial Power (1817-1942)

This research was conducted based on the fact that the Loloda Kingdom had been lost in history since 1322. The remark that in that year, Loloda did not attend the meeting of the Maluku kings who succeeded in forming the Moti Alliance (<i>Motir Verbond</i> [1322-1343]) which was initiated by the King of Ternate VII, Sida Arif Malamo (1322-1331). Since that year also Loloda, considered not part of the "world of Maluku". Furthermore, <i>de jure</i>, during the VOC period (1627-1800), all Loloda was declared to have disappeared, because Ternate was annexed during the reign of Sultan Amir Hamzah (1627-1648). But <i>de facto</i>, the political structure of the Loloda kingdom actually still existed during that period in the Northwest Coast of Halmahera. The results showed that the cooperation between Ternate and the Dutch colonial government since 1817 through political contracts on the grounds of mutually beneficial cooperation and friendship, actually caused all of Loloda's economic, political and military power to be weakened and taken over by Ternate to Dutch interests. Although Loloda was in the shadow of the power of Ternate and the Netherlands, the kingdom was still able to carry out its economic, political and military functions during the period 1817-1942, even though it was under the control of Ternate with the consent of the Dutch. This study aims to explain the existence of the presence of the Loloda Kingdom in the economic, political, and military dynamics that occurred in North Maluku until the collapse of the power of the Dutch Colonial Government in Indonesia in 1942. This study uses historical research methods, with the following stages: 1) tracing and collecting sources historical sources from literature, archives, field, and documentation (heuristics); 2) analysis and synthesis (criticism, verification, and validation of data; 3) interpretation of the results of analysis and data synthesis; and 4) writing history (historiography).

Analisis Strategi Partai Gerindra dalam Meningkatkan Elektabilitas Prabowo Subianto pada Pemilihan Presiden 2019 di Provinsi Aceh

This research aims to analyze the strategies employed by the Gerindra Party to enhance the electability of Prabowo Subianto in the 2019 presidential election in the Aceh Province, utilizing Organizational Theory, Social Exchange Theory, and Political Marketing Theory. The qualitative research method incorporated data collection techniques such as observation, interviews, and documentation. The findings indicate the success of Gerindra Party's organizational strategy in Aceh, leveraging organizational structure and the committed performance of party cadres, motivating them to collectively support Prabowo Subianto. The effectiveness of the political promise strategy is evident through the signing of a political contract between Prabowo Subianto and 26 Aceh religious figures, aimed at developing Aceh Province and realizing the Free Port of Sabang to boost the economy of Aceh's communities. Furthermore, the identity politics strategy was implemented due to the majority of Aceh's population being Muslim. The Gerindra Party crafted an image of Prabowo as a devout Muslim leader who is consistent, pro-people, and engaged religious Islamic authorities in garnering support through Islamic boarding schools, mosques, and associations in the Aceh Province. This approach strengthens the relationship between Prabowo Subianto, the Gerindra Party, and the Acehnese community.

Land Occupation, Re-occupation, and Housing Cooperative: Commune Formation by Jakarta’s Urban Poor

This article highlights the tension between direct actions and electoral politics to explain the formation of an urban poor settlement, often referred to as a kampungkota, an emerging term for settlements beyond the modern, planned part, in North Jakarta, Indonesia. The authors interpret kampungkota as a commune and unpack the process of commune formation with reference to the experience of Kampung Akuarium into three different yet interconnected parts. The first is direct action through land occupation by the urban poor in the 1980s. The second is direct re-occupation after the 2016 eviction and the joining-up of the settlers with a wider urban poor organization (the commune of communes). The third is the rebuilding and legalization of the commune, which is collectively managed through a housing cooperative, facilitated by a political contract in the 2017 Jakarta gubernatorial election.

Practicing urban citizenship: housing justice activism from Jakarta’s margins

Notwithstanding the claims to equality associated with (neo)liberal democratic citizenship, capitalist cities are characterized by stark inequalities in access to land and living space. In response, grassroots movements and marginalized residents are struggling for a more socially and ecologically just urbanism. We conceptualize these movements as democratizing cities by practicing urban citizenship, following the tradition of scholarship that loosens citizenship from its confines as a bundle of rights and responsibilities conferred by nation-states on individuals. Such practices seek to realize existing rights rarely extended to marginalized urban residents and advocate for novel rights, e.g. to shelter, place, the city, and a voice in governance decisions affecting residents’ lives. We analyze the strategies and tactics pursued by Jakarta’s housing justice movement from Indonesia's democratization (reformasi) in 1998 to the present, seeking to assert and expand urban citizenship rights. Creatively moving between existing invited political spaces of citizenship and newly invented spaces, depending on political opportunity structures, movement leadership styles and local circumstances, the movement has experimented with strategies and tactics ranging from confrontation to negotiation, signing political contracts with governors, to now seeking to participate in the formal political process. We critically reflect especially on using a political contract to facilitate rights to place and security of tenure in ‘illegal’ kampungs. We conclude by reflecting on the insights our case study brings to how urban poor social movements’ citizenship practices contribute to democratizing cities and advancing socio-spatial justice.

Democratising cities: introduction

The world’s cities are plagued by serious ills of injustice, inequality and uneven development. Through hard-fought struggles against these urban inequalities and injustices, cities remain important breeding grounds for forms of democratic action that have the potential to reinvigorate the practice and potential of democracy itself. Contemporary struggles over rights to the city generate new answers to questions at the heart of the democratic ideal. In the everyday battles that take place over the institutions and infrastructures that will shape their everyday lives, urban inhabitants frequently resist the ossification of democracy in its inherited forms. Their struggles not only demand new solutions to the pressing urban challenges they face, they also challenge democracy as it is and make claims about democracy as it should be. As such, the historical geography of democracy maintains a close association with the city. This Special Feature on Democratising Cities brings together a survey of city-scaled possibility, canvassing diverse democratisation strategies across a variety of places. We treat democratisation as a process of extending and enacting a logic of equality as the foundation for legitimate authority in the face of specific problems and injustices. Our focus is on the doing of democratisation, exploring a set of innovative democratic practices that people in cities are employing in their efforts to make a better urban life—from alliances, networks, issue-based movements and citizen platforms to digital strategies, political contracts, participatory budgeting, occupations and alternative lifestyles and communities. We show how these practices of democratisation generate new understandings of the who, what, where, when and how of democracy itself.

Demokrasi dan Partai Lokal: Mencermati Dinamika Pemilihan Umum di Aceh

Democratic elections have two meanings: the success and failure of democracy. Pilkada is said to be successful because it shows community participation, the nomination process, campaigns, and political contracts. Pilkada is called a failure because it shows money practices, large numbers of abstentions, violence in elections, and ignorance of voters' political rights. The purpose of this study is to analyze democratic elections within the framework of local democracy and the journey of local parties from 2006 to 2019. This paper is a literature review (library research). Data were obtained from several empirical studies that were directly related to the problems of this research. To strengthen the data and analysis, this paper also uses important journals to enrich the findings of the data. This paper uses a legal approach (legal approach) and a historical approach (historical approach). This approach is used to look legally and historically at politics during the election process. Based on the findings of empirical data, it illustrates that in elections in Aceh, intimidation, violence, and money politics still occur; this happens almost in every district and city. This condition shows that democratic elections have not been touched on a regular basis—substantially, they have only been touched procedurally.

Variation of principal-agent relations in Russian federal autocracy

ABSTRACT After twenty years of Putin’s rule, Russia has become a full-fledged autocracy, with regional governors subordinate to the federal center, serving as agents of the president-principal. The country thus provides vivid empirical evidence for agency relations between the national leader and regional elites in a multi-level autocracy. This study focuses on the relationship between the federal center and regions after the 2012 revival of the direct gubernatorial election in Russia. It argues that within the general political contract, different principal-agent relationships coexist between the Kremlin and regional governors. Combining the problems of information asymmetry and goal conflict, discussed in the principal-agent theory, this article formulates theoretical expectations for four agency relations, with three of them having empirical evidence in Russia. It also shows that for each type of agency relations the president-principal develops a toolkit to handle the agents, which is based on repression, co-optation, and legitimation.

Russia's Invasion of Ukraine and the Modern History of Belarusian Statehood

This article examines the evolution of Belarusian statehood, highlighting the transition from its independence in 1991 to the increasingly authoritarian regime under President Aleksandr Lukashenka. It scrutinizes the complex relationship between Lukashenka and Russian President Vladimir Putin and the repeated breaches and renegotiations of their political contract. The analysis covers Belarus’ oscillation between integration with Russia and attempts at Western engagement, particularly noting the period of soft Belarusification from 2014 to 2020 as a response to fears of Russian annexation. The 2020 presidential elections marked a turning point, with mass protests against Lukashenka’s claimed victory leading to severe crackdowns and the erosion of Belarusian sovereignty. The article argues that Belarus’ support for Russia’s 2022 invasion of Ukraine signifies a further decline in its autonomy. It advocates for a strategic approach by the West, bolstering the Belarusian opposition, supporting independent media, and exploiting moments of Russian weakness to restore and secure Belarusian democracy and independence. The author suggests that through comprehensive support for Ukraine and a proactive stance on Belarus, the West can counteract the Kremlin’s influence and prevent Russia's complete absorption of Belarus.

From Political Contracts to Policies: Clientelistic or Programmatic?

From Political Contracts to Policies: Clientelistic or Programmatic?

KOMPETISI, KOMPROMI DAN COALITION AGREEMENT: BEREBUT KURSI WAKIL GUBERNUR DKI JAKARTA DI TENGAH KONTESTASI PEMILIHAN PRESIDEN 2019

Competition and compromise in party coalitions is a necessity. This happens because parties have different agendas, interests, and political goals. The party's choice to compete or compromise is highly dependent on the political situation and interests that are being faced. The implication is that the choice can be single, namely choosing one (competition or compromise with other parties), or both go hand in hand. Therefore, parties often make political contracts in the form of coalition agreements to ensure that the coalitions that are built provide political benefits. This article attempts to portray competition and compromise within the coalition party between Gerindra and PKS. The results of the study show that Gerindra and PKS must reconcile the two logics. On the one hand, these two parties must show unity during the 2019 presidential election for the succession of the Prabowo-Sandiaga Uno candidacy. However, at the same time they are competing in the context of filling the position of deputy governor. The two competing logics caused the coalition parties to compete and at the same time compromise. The choice to compete and compromise has implications for the presence of a coalition agreement among coalition parties. However, the coalition agreement is not oriented to policy issues, but rather is based on the interests of power. The implication is that the coalition agreement becomes the glue as well as the destroyer of the party coalition building.

Dill, Elizabeth. Erotic Citizens: Sex and the Embodied Subject in the Antebellum Novel.

Dill, Elizabeth. <i>Erotic Citizens: Sex and the Embodied Subject in the Antebellum Novel</i>.

Perpetual Peacebuilding: A New Paradigm to Move Beyond the Linearity of Liberal Peacebuilding

ABSTRACT This article will introduce the ‘perpetual peacebuilding’ paradigm. Academics and policy-makers have accepted that the linearity of the liberal peace neither reflects, nor should it drive, the tumult of peacebuilding. Nevertheless, practitioners have made merely cosmetic changes to their approaches. Within the perpetual peacebuilding paradigm, peacebuilding is envisioned as an ever-developing process manifested in a series of (re-)negotiations of the social and political contract. Notions of success and failure and concepts such as ‘tracks’ and ‘peace agreements’ are abandoned, and peace is both utopian and subjective. Lastly, the peacebuilding community is called upon to display greater courage and creativity.

Dinamika Elit Gereja dalam Panggung Politik

The church is an organizational organization that takes the interests of various church elites and parties to become a competition arena for local political elites. Thus, the elite church became the target of political elites and academics who wanted to seize power. This condition is evident, in various political constellations, religious organizations are laden with political contracts. Involve church elites in political momentum, there is support and response. This research explains how church elites compete on the political front and the views of church members of the church involved in politics. The methodology used is descriptive qualitative by determining informants using a purposive technique, in which the informants are determined based on their capacity to answer questions that are the locus of this study. The informants in the study were 13 people. The research location is in North Halmahera Regency. The results of the research show that political momentum contains political views and interests, thus giving permission to the church split (GMIH). The church elite (pastor) with its theological mission transformed into a practical political mission, the community (congregation) was educated with the political education of race, ethnicity, and religion which was then considered as the truth that all levels of society must accept.

‘Réformez vos contrats!’: From the Marriage Contract to the Social Contract in Louise Dupin and Jean-Jacques Rousseau

I trace key arguments of Jean–Jacques Rousseau's political philosophy to Louise Dupin's Ouvrage sur les femmes to reveal that early modern feminist thought contributed directly to social contract theory. Rousseau applied Dupin's mockery of the marriage contract to dismiss as fraudulent the political contract that previous natural law philosophers had imagined between subjects and sovereign. He then made mutually exclusive property the foundation of the republican social contract, just as Dupin had stipulated separately owned property as the condition of equality in marriage. Yet Rousseau rejected the feminist content of Dupin's arguments, despite incorporating her strategies. Paradoxically, while Dupin, a monarchist, construed marriage along the egalitarian lines of a friendship based on ‘la douceur du commerce', the republican Rousseau invested men with the douceur of the absolute sovereign, masking the contractual character of marriage by positing women’s subordination to men as a matter of passionate attachment.

Incomplete Political Contracts with Secret Ballots: Reciprocity as a Force to Enforce Sustainable Clientelistic Relationships

Abstract Clientelism is frequently observed in our societies. Various mechanisms that help sustain incomplete political contracts (e.g., monitoring and punishment) have been studied in the literature to date. However, do such contracts emerge in elections with secret ballots when the interactions are one-shot? How does repetition affect the evolution of incomplete political contracts? Using an incentivized experiment, this article finds that even during one-shot interactions where monitoring is not possible, candidates form incomplete contracts through vote buying and promise-making. The candidates’ clientelistic behaviors are heterogeneous: some target swing voters, whereas others offer the most to loyal voters, or even opposition voters. These tactics distort voting behaviors as well as election outcomes. Repeated interactions significantly magnify candidates’ offers and deepen clientelistic relationships. These results underscore the possibility that clientelism evolves due to people’s strategic behaviors and interdependent preferences, without relying on alternative mechanisms (JEL C92, D72).

PERAN PEMERINTAH UNTUK MENCAPAI TUJUAN BANGSA DENGAN PEMANFAATAN TEKNOLOGI

There are three primary aims of this paper. Firstly, it is to analyse proper role theory, especially in government sector. Secondly, this study would examine the role of Indonesian government, according to relevant role theory, in order to achieve nation’s goal. Thirdly, this paper would examine the use of technology by Indonesia government in order to achieve that goal. Furthermore, this research using qualitative data collecting methods with descriptive approach and case study strategy.&#x0D; There are some findings of this study. First, there are four main elements in the theory aspect of the role of the government, especially in Indonesia, namely: One, the political and social contract. Two, the process of deliberation or formulation of public policy that becomes the main point before entering into other points as derivatives. Three, the concept of implementation of public policy, in which there is a dimension of rights and obligations, both for the government and society, as both parties agree on social and political contracts, where both aspects become the fourth and fifth points.&#x0D; Secondly, the Indonesian government's policy in case studies that researchers use, namely the issue of radicalism, is considered to be contrary to the contract value of the nation and state. This can be further seen in pancasila related to national unity and unity and social justice. Furthermore, the dynamics of the issue are also contrary to the vision of the ministry of religion, in terms of maintaining intra-religious harmony. Even in the process of drafting a Joint Decree of the ministry related to this issue, not through an appropriate process of public policy formulation.&#x0D; Thirdly, even if the policy must be taken by the government, it is necessary to take appropriate public policy formulation measures. Moreover, it is beyond the vision and mission of the ministry, campaign promises and the constitution. Therefore, one of the efforts that must be taken to produce good public policy is to provide public spaces availability to participate in the formulation. Where in this case, technology, especially the presence of virtual space as an extension of physical space, has a big part in that. Unfortunately the government does not provide access for the public in this virtual space, and seems to separate certain spaces which creating divsion of personality.&#x0D; Keywords: The role of government, the theory of the role of government, technology.

Incomplete Political Contracts with Secret Ballots: Reciprocity as a Force to Enforce Sustainable Clientelistic Relationships

Clientelism is frequently observed in our societies. Various mechanisms that help sustain incomplete political contracts (e.g., monitoring and punishment) have been studied in the literature to date. However, do such contracts emerge in elections with secret ballots when the interactions are one-shot? How does repetition affect the evolution of incomplete political contracts? Using an incentivized experiment, this paper finds that even during one-shot interactions where monitoring is not possible, candidates form incomplete contracts through vote buying and promise-making. The candidates’ clientelistic behaviors are heterogeneous: some target swing voters, whereas others offer the most to loyal voters, or even opposition voters. These tactics distort voting behaviors as well as election outcomes. Repeated interactions significantly magnify candidates’ offers and deepen clientelistic relationships. These results underscore the possibility that clientelism evolves due to people’s strategic behaviors and interdependent preferences, without relying on alternative mechanisms.

Relating Locke’s Idea of Social Contract Theory and Political Accountability in Tanzania

Locke opines that, a State is created through the medium of a contract in which each individual agrees with each other to give up to the community the natural right of enforcing the law of reason, in order that life, liberty and property may be preserved. In modern States, such contract exists in their constitutions. The constitution grants power to citizens to hold the government accountable. The aspect as to whether the Locke’s idea of accountability works in Tanzania attracts an interesting debate. This article explores the mechanism (s) used in Tanzania by citizens to hold political leaders accountable basing on Locke’s idea of social contract using 2010 and 2015 general elections as case study. Data were collected through reviewing documents including the constitution of Tanzania and literatures on Locke’s social contract idea on political accountability. The study reveals that, it is through general elections citizens hold the government accountable hence, conforming to the said contract idea. The mechanism has its pros and cons in the country though debatably, the study opines that the cons seem to outweigh the pros. While the state moves on using the mechanism revealed, it can think of application of other mechanisms like referendum to better conform to Locke’s idea of accountability in Social Contract Theory. Keywords: Political accountability, Locke and Social Contract Theory DOI: 10.7176/JAAS/68-09 Publication date: September 30 th 2020

Between Street Demonstrations and Ballot Box: Tenure Rights, Elections, and Social Movements among the Urban Poor in Jakarta

This article investigates the political participation of urban poor through the People's Network of Urban Poor (Jaringan Rakyat Miskin Kota, JRMK) in Jakarta's 2017 gubernatorial election. It also traces the material aspects of this movement, particularly the issues emphasised by the movement: settlement rights, tenure rights, and livelihood rights. Settlement rights reflect a complex system of agrarian laws in Indonesia, and urban development plans in Jakarta, all of which have been shaped by the contestation of economic and political interests. Tenure and livelihood rights for the urban poor, are heavily steeped in history, with constant threat of forced eviction, As a result the three rights became increasingly tangible and movement became ever more urgent. This article argues that the materiality of social movements influences the urban poor movement political strategies. In this case, the movement created a "political contract" with the candidate who ultimately emerged victorious in the election; owing to the complexity of land and settlement issues, electoral politics offered the most promising strategy. However, movements with different types of 'materiality' could employ other approaches.

HYBRIDITY OF BEKSAN FLORET PURA PAKUALAMAN YOGYAKARTA: POSTCOLONIAL STUDY

During the British colonial era, there was an important momentum in the city of Yogyakarta. The important moment was the birth of a kingdom called Pura Pakualaman or Pakualaman Palace where Prince Notokusumo was known as Sri Paku Alam I. He could not be separated from the political contract between the British government and Sri Sultan Hamengku Buwono II. During the reign of Sri Paduka Paku Alam IV, he was very close to the Dutch government so that most of the art of dance at that time was influenced by Dutch culture. The artworks of Sri Paku Alam IV include Srimpi Nadheg Putri, Beksan Floret, Beksan Sabel, Beksan Inum and Beksan Penthul Tembem . The object of this research was Beksan Floret . Meanwhile the method used in this study was a qualitative method with a post-colonial approach. In this study, a theory from Homi K Bhabha which explains hybridity was used. Post-colonial representations have several characteristics, including power relations, identity, ambivalence, and mimicry. Based on the results of post-colonial representation, it can be further elaborated as follows: (1). Beksan Floret reflects a split identity, (2) There is a power relation, which is legitimate, emancipatory, hierarchical and dominative, (3) Mimikri Beksan Floret itself gives birth to ideas about dynamic, creative and independent especially in costume and choreography, (4). The ambivalence of Beksan Floret is reflected in the reconstruction process. From Beksan Floret 's postcolonial representation, hybridity emerged, namely in the form of choreography, costumes and ideas. Article visualizations: