Political Competition Research Articles

Construction and exploration of the practical teaching system for course-based ideological and political education in undergraduate specialty of food quality and safety

The practical teaching system for course-based ideological and political education in undergraduate specialty of food quality and safety in our university were constructed and explored. The training objectives and plans was optimized. The professional ideological and political practice teaching system with two dimensions and progressive levels of time and space was reformed. The integration of ideological and political elements and practical teaching content was explored. Our efforts have yielded positive results. In order to foster students’ professional ethics of love and dedication, and enhance the cultivation of professional innovative and applied talents, continuous and long-term exploration and practice are required.

Voter fraud and questioning elections in Brazil: multi-platform analysis of political actors, conspiratorial bias and content moderation

Este artigo investiga a presença de atores, de conspiração e a moderação em conteúdos on-line com alegações infundadas de fraude eleitoral publicados durante as eleições municipais de 2020 no Brasil. Partindo do entendimento de que o acirramento dos conflitos entre as elites políticas influencia o sistema político e, por conseguinte, a estabilidade das instituições e normas democráticas, o artigo usa um corpus de 1.426.687 posts do Facebook, YouTube e Twitter para examinar a posição de influência de quem publica sobre contestação eleitoral, entender o espraiamento desses conteúdos entre meios e as características que dão a eles um apelo conspiratório. Mostra que essa pauta é mobilizada por políticos e outros líderes de opinião da direita radical. A maioria desses conteúdos se baseia em opinião política, sem menção a fontes, e tem caráter eminentemente conspiratório.

Analysis of the effect of content innovation and public interaction in new governmental media

Abstract With the arrival of the Internet era, the construction of digital government has been deepening, which promotes the continuous updating and development of governmental new media. This study explores the support role of government new media, explores the trust mechanism of government new media from the perspective of its credibility, and proposes a creation strategy based on the trust generation model. Considering the diverse needs of users, a governmental new media matrix platform has been established to increase the interactive effect with the public and to explore the communication innovation path of government new media. One of the manifestations of political new media content. The material splicing video and real clip are higher, the number of comments on the works is more than 2 million, and the traffic peak of public interaction is concentrated in the two stages of 12:00~18:00 and 18:00~24:00. The increase of 440,000 visitors and 3,260,000 fans under the new communication model shows that the actual operation of the government new media model in this paper has excellent performance and can effectively improve the operation of government new media. This study provides a feasible path to improve government credibility and the development of new media for government.

Разделение Ростовской епархии в начале XIII в. и летописание

In 1213, Ioann, bishop of Rostov, Suzdal, and Vladimir, was suspended, and soon two new bishops were ordained: Pakhomii to Rostov, and Simon to Vladimir and Suzdal. This division of the see was, no doubt, a result of the political situation: the rivalry between the sons of Vsevolod ‘the Big Nest’ (d. 1212), especially the elder two ones, Konstantin of Rostov and Yurii of Vladimir and Suzdal. In the early 13th century, we also observe a bifurcation of the annals of the Northeastern Rus: up to 1206 they all reflect one text, and later there are two independent continuations, in the Laurentian Chronicle and in the Chronicle of Pereyaslavl of Suzdal. The latter covers only 1206–1214, and then stops, while the former is continued up to the early 14th century. This situation of bifurcation of the annals in one region of Rus is unique for the early Rus annalistic writing. The two independent sets of annals start, however, a few years prior to the division of the diocese, as well as prior to the death of Vsevolod (however, around the time when Rostov became politically autonomous under Vsevolod’s elder son Konstantin). Both continuations, no doubt, were written contemporarily with the events, not retrospectively after 1213. So, the bifurcation of annals was not, at least in a strict sense, a result of the division of the see and/or of the political rivalry of the 1210s. However, it seems probable that, although the formal division of the see took place only in 1213, in the preceding years, the role of Simon was more than that of the abbot of the main monastery of Vladimir. The author suggests some case in support of a hypothesis that Simon (or somebody in his close environment) maintained the annals reflected in the Chronicle of Pereyaslavl of Suzdal, while the annals reflected in the Laurentian Chronicle were the episcopal annals of Ioann.

Регулирование “облачных сервисов” как инструмент международной конкуренции: опыт США и Китая

The international cloud services industry represents an arena of global economic competition and has the potential to become a field for political rivalry among various actors. States remain the primary actors in this competitive landscape, with the U.S. and China actively enhancing their positions through various regulatory measures. The article examines government regulation strategies, categorising them into ‘positive’ and ‘negative’ as well as ‘defensive’ and ‘offensive’, with examples provided for each. A thorough analysis of national strategies from official U.S. and Chinese documents reveals their conceptual approaches to cloud services regulation. The documents of international intergovernmental organisations and global governance institutions through which countries implement (both individually and in their collaborative participation) their strategies for regulating cloud services were examined in detail. Commonalities and differences in the regulatory policies of the U.S. and China are highlighted, both in their national strategies and in principles articulated at the international level. The study confirms the hypothesis that cloud services regulation serves as a tool for international political influence. Key factors in the evolution of the international regulatory system for cloud services are identified, including their further technological development and shifts in the global order. The primary scenario axis is identified as the U.S.–China competition for dominance in the Global South. Based on these findings, the author presents a scenario forecast for the future of international cloud services regulation. Two potential outcomes are considered: the confrontational one leading to increased political competition, bearing risks of Internet fragmentation, divergence in technical standards, and a higher likelihood of destructive actions, including military use of cloud services; and the consensual one, resulting in international convergence on all aspects of cloud services regulation, including technical standardisation, legal norms, economic rules, fundamental principles of personal data protection and respect for national interests of all states.

Rywalizacja globalna a losy chińskiej Inicjatywy Pasa i Szlaku i świata

China’s contemporary Belt and Road Initiative (the “New Silk Road”) as the leading idea of China’s foreign policy in the President’s Xi Jinping era is an attempt to continue the unique tradition of the historical Silk Road. However, in the conditions of the present day, the great ideas of the Silk Road have to face in reality the challenges of the modern global world. The author shows the contemporary challenges (internal and external) facing international projects of the Belt and Road Initiative, and becoming their typical problems. The article could be used to formulate many multi-threaded conclusions, but in the end, the hope preveils that if the ideas of the Belt and Road were liberated from the context of global political competition, humanity would gain enormously. The conditions for accelerated economic growth would be created, promoting the idea of expansion based on peaceful cooperation, which – in the current era of tensions, unrest and a number of war outbreaks in the world – is particularly needed.

ВИБОРИ ЄВРОПЕЙСЬКОГО ПАРЛАМЕНТУ 2024 РОКУ: ІСТОРИЧНІ ТЕНДЕНЦІЇ ТА ДИСПОЗИЦІЯ ПОЛІТИЧНИХ СИЛ

The article is devoted to the analysis of the results of the 2024 European Parliament elections. The research methods correspond to the research task. This is a comparative method (provided an analysis of the positions of various political forces), a chronological method (made it possible to highlight the historical dynamics of the European Parliament elections in the first quarter of the 21st century), a statistical method (contributed to the demonstration of the dynamics of the results of the leading political forces that received representation in the Parliament). The scientific novelty of the study is determined by the analysis of the competition trends of liberal-conservative political forces, European skeptical political subjects, left and right populists. The result of the European Parliament elections showed a relative weakening of the centrist political forces. Conclusions. Populist diseases of liberal democracies are actively used by autocracies to discredit the democratic experience of political life. The process of development of European integration has reached a strategic dilemma. The first scenario of the development of events concerns the synchronous continuation of the qualitative filling of integration (the development of joint policies in the field of migration, the common market, the strengthening of the Monetary Union) and the expansion of the European Union to the Western Balkans, Moldova, and Ukraine. An alternative scenario of the evolution of the European Union concerns the rejection of the rapid accession of the candidate countries, the introduction of stricter migration policy rules. The European Union remains a liberal political project. The political strengthening of European skeptics is due to the slowdown in the development of the leading economies of the EU member states and means the intensification of political competition. The European Parliament of the 2024-2029 convocation is the arena of such a political struggle, which determines the medium-term prospects of the European integration process.

Modeling Insurgency Dynamics: An Analytical Narrative of Political Competition in Nigeria

Modeling Insurgency Dynamics: An Analytical Narrative of Political Competition in Nigeria

“We know that you were not born a scoundrel...”. János Kádár interrogating László Rajk, 1949

In the context of the conflict with Tito’s Yugoslavia, unleashed on Stalin’s initiative in 1948, the Soviet Union took steps to rally all the countries of the emerging Eastern bloc on the anti-Yugoslav platform. Particularly active in the anti-Yugoslav campaign was the leader of the Hungarian communists, Mátyás Rákosi, who feared that Moscow would not forgive him for his former closeness with the leadership of the Yugoslav Communist Party. In order to prove his loyalty to Stalin, and at the same time get rid of the most powerful domestic political competitor, Rákosi organized a large show trial of László Rajk, prepared with the participation of advisers from the USSR, modeled on the great Moscow trials of the 1930s. The Rajk trial of September 1949 further escalated the campaign against the Tito regime, during which, in accordance with a new resolution of the Cominform, adopted in November 1949, Yugoslavia was declared a country which was no longer in the power of just nationalists and revisionists, but spies and killers. The reader is invited to read the protocol of interrogation of László Rajk with the participation of the future leader of Hungary, János Kádár, who himself would be subjected to severe repressions by the Rákosi regime two years later on similar charges. For the communist reformer János Kádár, involvement in the Rajk case became as indelible a stain on his political career as the suppression of the popular uprising in 1956.

TikTok как средство политизации молодежи: кейс современной России

The article analyzes how TikTok has become a platform for political content due to ongoing sociopolitical processes in Russia. The study uses behavioral and conflictological methods to understand the influence of TikTok on youth behavior and protest potential. The research aims to evaluate TikTok's role in politicizing youth in modern Russia. The study highlights TikTok's potential as a platform for young people to express their political views, participate in political life, and form their political identity. The author concludes that TikTok's algorithms adapt to the characteristics of contemporary youth, leading to the spread of protest discourse. The authorities are aware of these processes and aim to prevent the development of protest sentiments.

Kasyan Agapov, Chisel and Olesha on the pages of “Gudok” (1922–1924): On the question of the function of a pseudonym

The article is dedicated to the poems of Yuri Olesha, published in 1922–1924. in the newspaper “Gudok” under his own name and pseudonyms “Zubilo” (the Chisel) and “Kasyan Agapov” the young writer created, using the pseudonyms, two different caracters of the fictive author. At first, Zubilo and Kasyan Agapov did not differ from each other, but soon their roles were differentiated: the first became a witty feuilleton-railroad worker, writing on everyday topics and fighting bureaucracy, the second — a poet from the people, adhering to the serious theme of the official tone. Olesha soon began to sign the most serious poems of political content with his own name. The article assumes, how the using of pseudonyms is related to the position of Olesha in the historical and literary situation of the years 1920. You can found here also the traits analysis of the poetics of the poems of Zubilo and Kasyan Agapov, which were not noted by researchers, are analyzed: parodic techniques, the combination of different stylistic, thematic plans, opposite poetic and genre forms, etc. Perhaps, these signs are typicals for the poems of other representatives of the Southern (Odessa) school, who worked in “Gudok”. This opens up prospects for new research.

Staging the “Stolen Transition”: Conspiracy and Collusion in Postsocialist Crime Fiction

AbstractThis article explores how three popular crime novels from the 2000s articulate postsocialist Poland’s most prevalent conspiracy narrative: that of a hidden network (układ) of communist-era secret service agents that have allegedly penetrated the structures and economy of the post-1989 state, thus “stealing” the transition to democracy and capitalism, and making it impossible for the new system to thrive. Whereas previous research has dealt mainly with the political content of this narrative and the way it has been employed in political discourse, this article focuses on its cultural significance and the multiple anxieties from which it stems, including a growing sense of diminished human autonomy and a generalized suspicion of social systems. The paper contributes to a growing body of work on postsocialist conspiracy narratives that takes an increasingly transnational and comparative approach. The novels analyzed in the paper are Zygmunt Miłoszewski’s Uwikłanie (Entanglement, 2007), Marcin Wolski’s Noblista (Nobel Prize Winner, 2008) and Szczepan Twardoch’s Przemienienie (Transfiguration, 2008).

Innovation Race, Politics, and Resource Misallocation

Purpose - This paper aims to explain how politics can affect the innovation race in the private sector. Ideally, politics can help the economy develop or grow faster. However, it can slow the economy by obstructing the innovative activities of firms. The main objective of this paper is to examine how politics generates inefficiency and cost through Nash competition for political gain.
 Design/Methodology/Approach - This paper launches a game-theoretic approach to find the impact that political competition can leave upon an innovation race and R&D investments. It is modelled that private firms are involved non-cooperatively in a dynamic game for innovation. The strategic choices of R&D investment represent a subgame-perfect Nash equilibrium.
 Findings - Before an election, political parties tend to announce a commitment to supporting innovative activities for the private sector. It is ideal that the commitment helps firms establish R&D investment schedules as early as possible, and their innovation contributes to improving social welfare. However, political over-competition raises the problems of inconsistency or inefficiency.
 Research Implications - Public supportive programs can be designed to inspire innovative activities. However, public supportive programs can obstruct innovative activities and hurt social welfare through the misallocation of public resources. This paper can contribute to the research area of R&D and trade.

Deklarasi Anies - Muhaimin dan Konflik Ideologi NU Versus PKS di Pentas Politik Nasional

The conflict between NU and PKS is an ideological battle rooted in political competition, notably surrounding the 2024 presidential election. Escalating tensions involve Nasdem's support for Anies Baswedan and PKS's selection of Muhaimin Iskandar as vice-presidential candidate. NU figures derisively depict the Anies-Muhaimin pair, backed by PKS, as Wahhabi groups associated with the Muslim Brotherhood. Utilizing power cube theory and Gramsci's hegemony, this research analyzes the conflict, revealing internal disputes within PKB across various power layers. The conflict extends nationally and internationally, involving key figures and transnational issues. However, attacks on the Anies-Muhaimin coalition rely on outdated narratives. NU's actions, stemming from Gus Dur's legacy, are influenced by political factors and personal interests. Hidden conflicts between NU and Muhammadiyah are also pivotal. The author suggests NU cadre unity, resolving longstanding conflicts, and Islamic party unity to confront perceived nepotism, secularism, and oligarchic favoritism in the regime.

Deklarasi Anies - Muhaimin dan Konflik Ideologi NU Versus PKS di Pentas Politik Nasional

The conflict between NU and PKS is an ideological battle rooted in political competition, notably surrounding the 2024 presidential election. Escalating tensions involve Nasdem's support for Anies Baswedan and PKS's selection of Muhaimin Iskandar as vice-presidential candidate. NU figures derisively depict the Anies-Muhaimin pair, backed by PKS, as Wahhabi groups associated with the Muslim Brotherhood. Utilizing power cube theory and Gramsci's hegemony, this research analyzes the conflict, revealing internal disputes within PKB across various power layers. The conflict extends nationally and internationally, involving key figures and transnational issues. However, attacks on the Anies-Muhaimin coalition rely on outdated narratives. NU's actions, stemming from Gus Dur's legacy, are influenced by political factors and personal interests. Hidden conflicts between NU and Muhammadiyah are also pivotal. The author suggests NU cadre unity, resolving longstanding conflicts, and Islamic party unity to confront perceived nepotism, secularism, and oligarchic favoritism in the regime.

Enhancing Image Content Analysis in B2C Online Marketplaces

The automation of image analysis in Business-to-Consumer (B2C) online marketplaces is critical, especially when managing vast quantities of supplier-uploaded product images that may contain various forms of objectionable content. This study addresses the automated detection of diverse content types, including sexual, political, and disturbing content, as well as prohibited items like alcohol, tobacco, drugs, and weapons. Furthermore, the identification of competing brand logos and related imagery is examined for competition and ethical reasons. The research integrates custom transfer learning models with the established Microsoft and Google Vision APIs to enhance the precision of content analysis in e-commerce settings. The introduced transfer learning model, trained on a comprehensive dataset, exhibited a significant improvement in identifying and categorizing the specified content types, achieving a notable true positive rate that surpasses traditional API performances. The findings reveal that the “Pazarama Model”, with its transfer learning framework, not only delivers a more accurate and cost-effective content moderation solution but also demonstrates enhanced efficiency by reducing the image processing time and associated costs. These results support a shift toward specialized transfer learning models for content moderation, advocating for their adoption to maintain content integrity and enhance user trust within e-commerce platforms. The study advocates for continued refinement of these models, suggesting the integration of multimodal data to further advance the content analysis capabilities in B2C environments

Dynamics Of Political Parties And Elections In The Modern Democracy Era

This journal analyzes the dynamics of political parties and elections in the context of the modern democratic era. The research uses a qualitative approach and explores how political parties adapt to social and political changes, as well as influence the general election process. The results show the challenges of political parties in maintaining internal unity, facing intense political competition, and responding to the aspirations of increasingly intelligent voters. Transparency and public participation are also key in maintaining the quality of democracy in the modern era.

CIVIC PARTICIPATION IN CHINA: A COMPARATIVE STUDY BETWEEN WECHAT AND DOUYIN AS A DEMOCRATIC ARENA

Online media platforms have become an arena for activists to engage with political discourses. Since COVID-19, an increasing number of citizens have begun to actively participate online to express their ideas towards political issues. Various types of user-generated content were circulated on various social media platforms: they wrote textual content on Wechat with various metaphors and created user-generated videos on video-streaming platforms to express their opinions. In this context, this study examines how citizens express democratic opinions against ideological discourse, what role social media platforms play as an arena for activists’ participation, and what social media factors facilitate active online civic participation. Adopting a cross-platform perspective, this study compares how Douyin and Wechat facilitate civic participation differently and how people engage with political content differently on these two different media platforms. I employed digital ethnography, augmented by the walkthrough method (Light et al., 2018), and qualitative content analysis to examine how WeChat and Douyin play different roles in civic participation. This study argues that the social networking platform WeChat provides more in-depth participation and has more resistant forms than Douyin, especially for expressing counter-ideas to mainstream discourses. Among the various forms of resistance, sharing WeChat articles is one of the most visible and effective ways to express democratic opinions in mainstream discourse.

STITCHING POLITICS AND IDENTITY ON TIKTOK

Though a relative newcomer among social media platforms, social video-sharing platform TikTok is one of the largest social media platforms in the world, boasting over one billion monthly active users, which it garnered in just five years (Dellatto, 2021). While much of the early attention to the platform focused on more frivolous elements, such as its dances and challenges, the political weight of TikTok has become ever clearer. In the 2020 US election, Donald Trump’s plan to fill the 19,000-seat BOK Center in Tulsa was stymied by young activists who reserved tickets with no intention of attending, organized largely on TikTok (Bandy & Diakopoulos, 2020). In the years since, political discourse on TikTok has continued to emerge from everyday users and political campaigns alike (see Newman, 2022), even as TikTok itself has become an object of political contention: calls for banning the app in the United States–citing security concerns influenced by xenophobia, given the app’s Chinese ownership–began in the Trump presidency (Allyn, 2020) and have recently culminated in state- and federal-level bans on the app for government-owned devices in the U.S. (Berman, 2023). While some studies have navigated limited data access and the platform’s relative infancy to offer an examination of political TikTok (see Literat & Kligler-Vilenchik, 2019; Medina Serrano et al., 2020; Vijay & Gekker, 2021; Guinaudeau et al., 2022), there remains a significant need for more analysis and theorization of how TikTok can become both a site for political discourse and a feature caught up within political mobilization. This panel seeks to bring together emerging work that deals with political participation on TikTok, in order to share current wisdom and forge future research directions. The presented works specifically focus on the relationship between political participation on TikTok and political identity for three primary reasons. First, as a video-based and thus embodied platform (Raun, 2012), creator identity is more prominent and easily perceptible in the visual and auditory elements of TikTok videos than in the primarily text-based posts on platforms like Twitter and Facebook. Second, TikTok relies more heavily on its recommendation algorithm for content distribution than its competitors traditionally have (Kaye et al., 2022; Cotter et al., 2022; Zeng & Kaye, 2022; Zhang & Liu, 2021), leading to the creation of “refracted publics” (Abidin, 2021) or Gemeinschaft-style communities (Kaye et al., 2022) around users’ common interests, which may include and/or be heavily informed by identity. Third, TikTok has long prioritized and found success with Generation Z and younger users more broadly (Zeng et al., 2021; Vogels et al., 2022; Stahl & Literat, 2022), which has made generational identity extremely salient on the app, while also implicating political identity, as young people tend to hold political beliefs more cognizant and accepting of diverse identities than older generations (Parker et al., 2019). The papers in this panel consider a wide range of identity characteristics of TikTok users and how these identities shape and are shaped by political discourse on TikTok. Paper 1 builds on TikTok’s targeting of Gen Z, considering the identities of age and generation through a content analysis of political remix on TikTok to uncover how younger users use TikTok for political activism as compared to their older counterparts, and finding evidence that TikTok is a powerful site of collective action. Also building from TikTok’s appeal to GenZ, Paper 2 presents a digital ethnographic analysis of the Trad-Wife phenomena on TikTok, offering that TikTok quietly (and thus insidiously) offers space for the cultivation of Christian Nationalist, ‘gentle fascisms’ within GenZ women, often without mention of ‘politics’ at all. Paper 3 offers a computational content analysis of political posts on TikTok with a focus on the interactions between identity and partisanship, and particularly the ways in which creators of marginalized identities on the right act as identity entrepreneurs, offering conservative critiques of their identity groups in ways which find popularity among conservative audiences of hegemonic identities. Finally, Paper 4 looks at differences in how TikTok users respond to male and female politicians’ TikTok videos using a combination of computational and qualitative methods, with exploratory analysis suggesting that male politicians receive more neutral and positive comments than female politicians. By focusing on identity and political discourse on TikTok, we recognize the wide range of political activity occurring on a platform often denigrated as frivolous, and foreground the importance of identity characteristics to the technological and social shaping of these dialogues.

Jokowi in Political Contestation Towards 2024 Presidential Election

This research aims to analyze the political attitudes and strategies of Joko Widodo (Jokowi) in political contestation towards the 2024 Presidential Election through a semiotic approach to communication. This research examines further what the caricature of Koran Tempo version of Sokongan Bapak dan Partai Tetangga means. How the leadership and policies implemented by Jokowi affect the image and support of people who are backgrounded as active presidents. This research method uses the semiotic meaning analysis of Charles Sanders Pierce.The basis of this research is the political phenomena facing Jokowi, including the dynamics of political party competition, controversial issues, and public expectations of future leadership. The analysis also explores the potential global and regional impacts on domestic politics, as well as the role of social media in shaping public opinion related to Jokowi. The research is expected to contribute to a further understanding of political dynamics in Indonesia ahead of the 2024 Presidential Election, as well as providing an in-depth view of the political strategy that can be implemented by Jokowi to gain community support and face increasingly tight political competition.