Political Constructivism Research Articles

Revisiting political pragmatism and education

By placing John Dewey between John Rawls and Richard Bernstein, I argue for a socialist reading of Dewey’s takes on liberal democracy that moves away both from conservative readings of Dewey of those who claim that his democratic liberalism actually belongs to right-wing or center views, and from left-wing, communitarians who dismiss such views as irrelevant for socialist and radical variants of liberal democracy. Overall, it can be shown that Rawls and Dewey’s different takes on political liberalism could be ultimately reconciled, given their similar takes on democracy, pluralism, and the person. Rawls’ rehabilitation of Kant can itself be shown to be closely related to his reading of Dewey. Furthermore, as Bernstein argues, such a renewal of Dewey’s social and political philosophy in Rawls’s political constructivism and reflective equilibrium was decisive for the great pragmatist turn observed in the second, third, and fourth generations of critical theory, not only in the so-called Frankfurt School (especially Habermas, Honneth, Forst) but also in feminist and decolonial thinkers such as Nancy Fraser, Seyla Benhabib, Judith Butler, Rahel Jaeggi, and Amy Allen. Dewey’s pragmatist turn in political philosophy allows thus for a dynamic, robust correlation between radical democracy and public education, which could be implemented in emerging democracies like Brazil.

Political Constructivism

Political Constructivism

Futurists from the MZO: Self-Organisation of the Ministry of the Recovered Territories in Time and Space

Among the tasks of the Ministry of the Recovered Territories, which existed in the years 1945–1949, was planning the development of former German territories incorporated into the post-war borders of Poland. In our article, we critically read the documents of the Ministry, concerning both the spatial organisation of settlement in the Recovered Territories – normative documents and reports of the Department for Settlement, as well as the efforts to acquire a building for the headquarters of the Ministry in Warsaw. We look at how the Ministry located itself in the space of Warsaw and we read this as a reflection of the process of the settlement in the Recovered Territories. We propose an intellectual game of reading how the legal and administrative order of formerly German territories was created and we show it as a strategy for designing a new socio-political reality in vein of science fiction thinking. By using such a category, we bring out the entangled temporalities of the project of the “Recovered Territories” and the Ministry itself, as well as the scale of social and political constructivism of the post-war transition period.

Overlapping consensus in the space of public morality (on John Rawls’s political constructivism

The article is focused on the overlapping consensus model in the space of public morality and possibilities of its practical realization for the development of public consent. In his search for reliable arrangement of public unity John Rawls defines comprehensive moral doctrines and political doctrines as beliefs within private and public spheres, respectively. Overlapping consensus provides public consent in the public space (concerning political doctrines), beyond beliefs of private sphere (comprehensive moral doctrines). Moral values of overlapping consensus form the sphere of public morality, effective in definite historic democratic society. Rawls called it a well-ordered society. Definite historic character of a well-ordered society is predetermined by corresponding background culture. The latter can be implied as the experience of citizenship, conditioned by peculiarities of social institutions of Modernity. It is immediate immanent axiological accompaniment of the public life, background one concerning explicit ethical normative programs and strategies of acting by individuals in public life, directed on optimization of public interaction. Moral values within overlapping consensus are minimalistic (because of their set able to unite all members of a society is the basic one for all of them, irrespectively to their comprehensive moral doctrines, i.e. poor in content, laconic one), contextual (module/ flexible, relevant to public spiritual requests, transforming during the search for integrity minimum) and universal in their imperative power. Overlapping consensus makes impossible transformation of any comprehensive moral doctrine into the regulative idea of public life and set formal horizontal social interaction, which is corrected in real time mode.

«Право на город»: политическое конструирование постпандемийного мироустройства

Lefebvre's statement that with the advent of capitalism the state and the city turned into abstractions, and that the rules for the cities are written by those who do not live in them, namely administrative powers and corporations, is legitimate. Informatization, the so-called “information society”, does not solve the socioeconomic problems of the disruption. The informatization of space does not solve the problem, but rather generates “cybernan-thropes” (Lefebvre), creating an illusion of prompt solution of complex management tasks. Without denying the successes of the information revolution, even agreeing conditionally with the concept of the “fourth industrial revolution”, we are forced to support infoskeptics who wrote that information discourse and information strategies in general resemble the manipulations of illusionists. Lefebvre's original triad, described in The Production of Space, encompasses firstly spatial practice, including everyday reality. Secondly, it encompasses the representation of space, as a product of intention of scientists and planners, loaded with meanings and signs dominating in a given society. Thirdly, it encompasses representational space, “lived through its associated images and symbols”, attempting to “appropriate the imagination”. Public spaces, including their projections on social networks, are necessary not only for the generation of conflicts, but also for the possibility of consolidation of spaces, which ensure the sustainability of the city in a rapidly changing world. Lefebvre, in his Right to the City, understood the latter as a creation, which gives a chance to reassemble the city on a new semantic basis, in fact, using political construction. And in this regard, we think the constructivist approach is the most productive one. In the conditions of the coronavirus crisis, the city is disenchanted, it ceases to feel like an abstraction controlled from the outside. It starts to understand that the abstract and anonymous space of administration is limited by cubicles. Having taken the position of political constructivism, we see through which communication mechanisms such right is established, how the goals of factual city owners are proclaimed and masked. For this purpose, we set a framework that will allow us to consider, from the perspective of the urban semiosphere, various episodes and cases described by a number of researchers of the changing “urban world”. Finally, taking as a model the Report on Smart Sustainable Cities, presented by the United Nations Economic Commission for Europe in 2020, we conclude that it is difficult to solve global problems without the city as a subject of politics.

Recuperación del debate liberal-comunitario. Sus aspectos nucleares y la conformación teórica de un concepto de la “identidad política”

La concepción de la persona se ha trasladado a una discusión sobre la teoría republicana de la autodeterminación política. Hito fundamental es lo “político”, introducido por J. Rawls para definir una región artificial, no metafísica, de la organización de la vida humana en sociedad. Es un concepto normativo para de- finir ciudadanía que incluye una concepción moral del hombre. Se sostiene que, en la articulación de este concepto y sus nociones asociadas de autonomía plena y razonabilidad de los agentes, el constructivismo político recoge la concepción del hombre como sujeto de sentidos, tema central del comunitarismo.

States Are Not Basic Structures: Against State-Centric Political Theory

Contemporary political philosophy often operates on a ‘two-tiered’ theoretical treatment of global politics, on which domestic political systems and the principles governing their internal dynamics constitute one tier, and on which the relationships between states and governing multinational institutions constitute a second. One way of grounding and justifying this approach, preferred by Rawls, is called constructivism. Constructivists describe the world as containing specific domains and domain-types of political and social interaction, and relativizes principles of justice to important versions of these—states, in the case of contemporary two-tiered political philosophy. In this paper I argue against the specifically Rawlsian account of uniting these three commitments (two-tiered political theory, constructivism, and statism) and gesture towards a general argument against the coherence of this bundle of views.

A CONSTRUCTIVIST VISION OF SECURITY

In the article its author has attempted to systematize various concepts and ways of approaching the issue of security by representatives of political constructivism. Constructivism is a relatively young concept, which emerged as an alternative to liberalism and political realism. The article presents the main assumptions of the constructivist vision of security, the approach to security by representatives of conventional and critical constructivism, as well as the concept of ontological security developed by constructivists.

Universal Principle of Right: Metaphysics, Politics, and Conflict Resolutions

AbstractIn spite of its dominance, there are well-known problems with Rawls’s method of reflective equilibrium (MRE), as a method of justification in meta-ethics. One issue in particular has preoccupied commentators, namely, the capacity of this method to provide a convincing account of the objectivity of our moral beliefs. Call this the Lack-of-Objectivity Charge. One aim of this article is to examine the charge within the context of Rawls’s later philosophy, and I claim that the lack-of-objectivity charge remains unanswered. A second aim of this article is to examine the extent to which, despite Rawls’s express intention to avoid reliance on Kant’s moral philosophy, supplementing Rawls’s political constructivism with some Kantian elements, in particular Kant’s idea of a universal principle of right, not only addresses some of the issues raised by the lack-of-objectivity charge, but also does so without compromising the ability of the Rawlsian account to accommodate the pluralism of conceptions of the good, which he takes to be a fact of modern democracies. I argue for a revised justificatory methodology, which combines Rawls’s MRE and Kant’s Critical Method.

Realism Versus Constructivism in Their Competition for Dominance in Politics: The Case of Russia

This article focuses on the general theoretical issue of realism versus constructivism (or normativism) in politics, with a case of the present-day Russia as the main and most telling (but not the only) example. We present four assertions that we are going to defend. First, we claim that in the sphere of international relations, political realism of the offensive type, after decades of more tempered USA–USSR relations, is again challenging its opponent: political constructivism. Second, political realism is winning in the sphere of domestic politics and policy in the leading countries as well. Third, we touch upon theoretical issues and discuss the ontological nature of political realism in comparison with political constructivism and the kindred of the latter with normativism, legalism, constitutionalism and liberalism. Political constructivism as a concept is underestimated and rarely used. Our article explicates the concept of political constructivism, which is a novel contribution to political theory and political philosophy. Fourth, we show that political constructivism, being the most advanced achievement of political civilization compared to archaic realism, has not lost the game so far and should be upheld in its battle with the remnants of the wild political past. Sliding back to political realism would turn humankind into another degraded animal species instead of making it the pilot in continuing human progress.

Constructing Well-Being and Poverty Dimensions on Political Grounds

The paper addresses the problem of justifying ethically sound dimensions of poverty or well-being for use in a multidimensional framework. We combine Sen’s capability approach and Rawls’ method of political constructivism and argue that the constitution and its interpretative practice can serve as an ethically suitable informational basis for selecting dimensions, under certain conditions. We illustrate our Constitutional Approach by deriving a set of well-being dimensions from an analysis of the Italian Constitution. We argue that this method is both an improvement on those used in the existing literature from the ethical point of view, and has a strong potential for providing the ethical basis of a conception of well-being for the public affairs of a pluralist society. In the final part, we elaborate on the implications for measuring well-being based on data, by ranking Italian regions in terms of well-being, and pointing out the differences in results produced by different methods.

ЕКОНОМІЧНІ САНКЦІЇ ЯК ІНСТРУМЕНТ ЗОВНІШНЬОЇ ПОЛІТИКИ

The article surveys the definitional issues of the economic sanctions in the international relations theory. It opens with a review of the conceptual background of the economic sanctions through the prism of the methodological approaches of political realism, liberalism and constructivism and then goes on to explore the variables of the efficiency of economic sanctions as foreign policy tool. In conclusion, we discuss the suggestions for perspectives of further research and development of economic sanctions in the foreign policy analysis.

Republican citizenship and freedom. The foundation of the concept of autonomy in the political constructivism of John Rawls

The idea of autonomy that Rawls presents in the second stage of his work – in Political Liberalism and in Justice as Fairness – is not only limited to the traditional conception of autonomy as a claiming of rights. Strictly speaking, it is not a legal concept but one that is “constructed”. The underlying theme of this construction is the difference that, ultimately, he establishes between mere “political autonomy” and a specific concept – constructed – of autonomy, conceived in the context of the original position . The latter concept – that of “full autonomy” – as a theoretical device different from the traditional notion of “political autonomy”, describes rather an ideal state, or realization of the freedom that political rights protect. This added aspect embodies, inside the theoretical construct, the normative content of Rawls’ proposal, of clear Republican inspiration. The analysis indeed shows that, in the end, it is this concept of full autonomy , and not the traditional legal notion of political autonomy , that is the real key supporting the argument that Rawls makes as to the stability of the well-organized society. Keywords: autonomy, republicanism, political identity, political constructivism.

Republican citizenship and freedom. The foundation of the concept of autonomy in the political constructivism of John Rawls

Republican citizenship and freedom. The foundation of the concept of autonomy in the political constructivism of John Rawls

Democratic justice: the priority of politics and the ideal of citizenship

In his Democratic justice and the social contract, Weale presents a distinctive contingent practice-dependent model of ‘democratic justice’ that relies heavily on a condition of just social and political relations among equals. Several issues arise from this account. Under which conditions might such just social and political relations be realised? What ideal of equality is required for ‘democratic justice’? What are its implications for the political ideal of citizenship? This paper focuses on these questions as a way to critically reconsider Weale’s model. After presenting Weale’s procedural constructivism, I distinguish his model from an institutional practice-dependent model, one salient example of which is Rawls’s political constructivism. This distinction allows for a formulation of the social and political equality required for justice in each case. The contingent model assumes that an equality of ‘status’ will generate just social practices, yet it fails to recognise that an equality of ‘role’ is also important to ensure citizens’ compliance. The paper ultimately seeks to show that the contingent model is insufficient to ensure that just social practices will become stable.

Poučení z nerespektování elementárních pouček ekonomie - příklad řecké krize

The article in the context of the current Greek crisis analyses the consequences of forced unification, occurring in the European Union, at least since the Maastricht Treaty, which is now associated mainly with the process of monetary union. The current stage of European integration is based on political constructivism and it is characterized by the dominance of politics over economy, which in some aspects of the system resembles the communist economy system, which was an extreme distortion of the relationship between politics and economy. The unification model of European integration does not help the weaker European Union countries, for it forces them to use various forms of standardization that brings high (often hidden) costs (exceeding profits). The article notes that the main prize in the economy is the exchange rate. The reason for the imbalances within the monetary union is a non-optimal exchange rate for each member country - too overvalued rate of Greece, but also too undervalued rate of Germany. The text also discusses limitations (systemic and political) and inability to perform adequate internal devaluation and systematic (not just partial, parametric) reforms in Greece. The congenital structural differences among the EU countries and the impossibility of the exchange rate adaptation lead to a systemic Eurozone defect, which results in a fact, that it is not (and, in the present composition, it even cannot be) an optimal currency area.

The Pragmatic Turn in Democratic Theory

The pragmatic turn away from epistemology could mean a number of things for the definition of the future of political theory. First, political liberalism would mark a distinct departure from comprehensive liberalism that is based solely on epistemological justification of fundamental liberal notions. Second, the pragmatic turn would cause Rawls to modify his long-time emphasis on constructivism, moving from Kantian constructivism to political constructivism, and implicitly adopting more substantive approach. Third, the fact of pluralism would radically open up the question of the foundation for consensus, which would lead to an emphasis on constitutionalism. Fourth, this move, innovative as it was, would lead to the establishment of an association between constitutional interpretation and public reason. Finally, this set of moves associated with the pragmatic turn would essentially set up a series of constraints when it comes to evaluating public reason from an international perspective.

G. A. Cohen, Constructivism, and the Fact of Reasonable Pluralism

Abstract In this article I argue that G.A. Cohen is mistaken in his belief that the concept of justice needs to be rescued from constructivist theorists of justice. In doing so, I rely on insights of John Rawls’ later work Political Liberalism and Rainer Forst’s discourse theory of justice. Such critical engagement with Cohen’s critique of constructivism is needed, because Cohen bases his critique of constructivism almost exclusively on Rawls’s arguments and positions in A Theory of Justice. He thus neglects - at least by and large - that Rawls had further developed his constructivist method of justification in his later work Political Liberalism, as well as that Forst’s discourse-theoretical works offer elaborate versions of constructivism. These refined versions of constructivism recognize a plurality of reasonable conceptions of ideal justice and draw an important distinction between moral and political constructivism. Because of these features these advanced constructivist theories are not in need of Cohen’s rescue.

Political liberalism for post-Islamist, Muslim-majority societies

This article tries to develop a moderate reading of political liberalism applicable to post-Islamist, Muslim-majority societies. Contrary to the strong reading, which considers political liberalism as limited in its scope to those societies that already have a strong liberal tradition, I argue that Rawls’ project does have something to offer to reasonable post-Islamist, Muslim individuals. In part I of the article the idea of a post-Islamist, Muslim-majority society is conceptualized and explained. Part II focuses on the Rawlsian ideas of justification, demonstrating that the conceptions of justification available in political liberalism, i.e. political constructivism, wide reflective equilibrium and a wide view of public reasoning with its ideas of declaration and conjecture, can justify the political conception of justice for reasonable individuals living in any society, including post-Islamist ones. Focusing on Rawls’ notions of stability in part III, I argue that the idea of overlapping consensus should not be considered as the only account of stability offered by political liberalism. Put another way, notwithstanding the strong reading of political liberalism in real western and post-Islamist democracies, liberal stability is always a mixture of overlapping consensus and modus vivendi.

Which Dimensions Should Matter for Capabilities? A Constitutional Approach

Multidimensional theories of well-being are locked into a debate about value judgment. They seek to settle which dimensions should matter for measurement and policy, and, more importantly, on what grounds to decide what should matter. Moreover, there is a gulf between theory and practice, given that measurement and policy are rarely rooted in a coherent ethical framework. Our paper engages in the debate concerning the legitimate grounds for selecting dimensions. Combining Amartya Sen's capability approach and John Rawls’ method of political constructivism, we explore whether the constitution and its public culture can be used as an ethically sound informational base for selecting dimensions, and if so, why. We apply this ‘constitutional approach’ to the Italian case with the aim of deriving a set of publicly justifiable dimensions of well-being. It is a long-standing Constitution with broad public consultation at its base, which still enjoys a wide consensus. We seek to show why there is a need for more ethically sound methodological approaches to measuring well-being, pointing out the advantages of the constitutional approach, and how it may enrich the work of practitioners engaged in the policies of well-being.