Political Constraints Research Articles

Re]Imagining Indigenous Educational Design: A Conceptual Manifesto to Grow Disruptive Indigenous Digital Activists

AbstractThe ubiquity of digital technologies and the harvesting of individual data has modified global societies, reinforcing systems of oppression. While a contemporary phenomenon, the convergence of technology and human subjugation is historical, with links to the racialised reproduction of settler-colonialism. Australia, a settler-colonial state, has escalated the prioritisation of digital competitiveness with a recent policy directed at stimulating infrastructure and research-industry-government partnerships. Strategically, Indigenous communities remain constrained, where the ubiquity of technology and the escalation of digital competitiveness compounds the socio-economic impacts of continuing colonisation. Offline, Indigenous communities continue to face rigid political constraint that limits online access and denies opportunities for their people to live anchored to ancestral lands, seas, languages, and knowledge systems. Given the rapid advance of digital disruption, the inability to limit racialised socio-technical systems, or compete at parity in cyberspace, suppresses Indigenous digital activism, governance, and entrepreneurialism. This conceptual paper (part manifesto, part vision statement) offers initial thoughts intended to stimulate further research on twenty-first-century Indigenous educational design. Central to future design considerations is the search for pragmatic solutions capable of overcoming the racialised challenges limiting the collective development of digital activists essential for Indigenous nation-building. In [re]imagining an alternate digital educational agenda, Indigenous communities must collectively advance strategies that deliberately shift away from Australian schools toward local community digital learning hubs.

Speculative World-Building, Modernity, and the Text in Crisis: An Ecological Reading of Renee Gladman’s Ravicka Novels

ABSTRACT This article considers the interrelation between capitalist modernity as ecological crisis and the crisis of the textual economy in Renee Gladman’s experimental novels set in the fictional city-state of Ravicka (2010–2017). The article shows how Gladman attempts to reposition the experimental work within the world-literary field by framing the text itself as ecological, at once implicated in cultural and geopolitical modes of production and circulation, and generative in terms of speculative world-building. The article focuses on Gladman’s exploration of urban space and architecture in relation to ecological catastrophe, and draws comparisons with other speculative designs, such as the People’s Parliament of Rojava in Northern Syria. While Gladman’s eroding architectural-linguistic landscape translates world-ecological issues like forced displacement, race, gender, pollution, and unevenly distributed forms of eco-political violence, her texts also problematize projection and allegorical modes of reading, signaling the abstraction of social relations in modernity. The article suggests that Gladman’s experimental writing ultimately hopes to open a new space of relational, embodied thinking while finding creative energy and resilience within the political constraints of literary production.

Bison alter the northern Yellowstone ecosystem by breaking aspen saplings.

The American bison (Bison bison) is a species that strongly interacts with its environment, yet the effects of this large herbivore on quaking aspen (Populus tremuloides) have received little study. We documented bison breaking the stems of aspen saplings (young aspen >2 m tall and ≤5 cm in diameter at breast height) and examined the extent of this effect in northern Yellowstone National Park (YNP). Low densities of Rocky Mountain elk (Cervus canadensis) after about 2004 created conditions conducive for new aspen recruitment in YNP's northern ungulate winter range (northern range). We sampled aspen saplings at local and landscape scales, using random sampling plots in 87 randomly selected aspen stands. Across the YNP northern range, we found that 18% of sapling stems had been broken. The causal attribution to bison was supported by multiple lines of evidence: (1) most broken saplings were in areas of high bison and low elk density; (2) saplings were broken in summer when elk were not foraging on them; (3) we directly observed bison breaking aspen saplings; and (4) mixed-effects modeling showed a positive association between scat density of bison and the proportion of saplings broken. In a stand heavily used by bison, most aspen saplings had been broken, and portions of the stand were cleared of saplings that were present in previous sampling in 2012. Bison numbers increased more than fourfold between 2004 and 2015, and their ecosystem effects have similarly increased, limiting and in some places reversing the nascent aspen recovery. This situation is further complicated by political constraints that prevent bison from dispersing to areas outside the park. Thus, one important conservation goal, the preservation of bison, is affecting another long-term conservation goal, the recovery of aspen and other deciduous woody species in northern Yellowstone.

Partisan distribution of ministerial portfolios in Asian-Pacific democracies

How are ministerial portfolios distributed among coalition parties in Asian-Pacific democracies? Studies of power-sharing in Asia tend to focus on democratization processes rather than executive cabinets, although government coalitions occur regularly in the region. Using an original dataset of governments in 27 Asian-Pacific democracies from 1945 to 2018, I examine the bargaining advantage of the formateur party - the party managing the government formation process - over other parties entering government. We know from existing studies, mainly on Europe, that government parties holding larger shares of legislative seats receive larger shares of cabinet posts. I argue that portfolio allocation also depends on institutional context, and use the substantial institutional variation across countries in my dataset to test implications of this argument. I find that formateur parties have a greater advantage over coalition partners in presidential systems than in parliamentary ones, but that this advantage diminishes as political constraints facing the formateur increase.

Can NPOs convene collaborative governance in China? —a case of addressing complex water conflicts

ABSTRACT Collaborative governance is considered to be a promising solution to solve complex public policy problems. However, in authoritarian states, the initiation and organization of collaborative governance can be challenging as it often faces political and practical constraints. In response to these challenges, some enthusiastic local governments experimented using a third party to act as convenors of collaborative governance in China. This article conducted in-depth and longitudinal analyses of the case of NPO-GZ, which was contracted as the convenor for collaborative governance to resolve a water pollution conflict between two villages. The research established some critical conditions for a professional convenor of this nature to succeed in China. This research contributes to the growing literature on the possibility of improving developing collaborative governance in an authoritarian political system.

The success of the African Continental Free Trade Area: potentials and constraints

Purpose. This study aims to demonstrate the variables on which African nations depended to realise their desire to create an area of free trade. It also intends to investigate these countries’ constraints in establishing the area, which may stymie their efforts.
 Results. After thoroughly examining the Free Trade Area’s opportunities and limitations, the study came to the following findings: (1) the African countries’ long-term economic growth and social progress will be made possible by the African Continental Free Trade Area, whose very ambitious goals are based on Agenda 2063’s objectives; (2) African countries and the African Union aim to create a thriving free trade area based on several vital factors. One key factor is the potential to expand the African market, which could reach up to 1.2 billion people, providing abundant opportunities for intra-trade. Many African countries hope to boost neighbouring economies by reducing barriers and improving growth rates. Additionally, the continent's youthful population and wealth of natural resources can facilitate the development of various industries and the availability of diverse products for the continental market; (3) the countries in the continent have been facing long-standing issues that are not new to them. Firstly, trade constraints are seen as non-tariff barriers and high levels of informal trade, making it challenging to establish transparent, free trade zones. In addition, there are weaknesses in intra-regional trade structures and multiple regional agreements. Secondly, there are structural constraints that impede intra-African trade. A lack of manufacturing capabilities is one of these constraints, as most African countries generate income by exporting raw materials without converting them. Furthermore, the youth’s lack of education and skills makes structural transformation in African countries difficult. Furthermore, due to the size of the debt, the vast majority of revenues are directed towards debt repayment rather than investment. Thirdly, because of the social, political, and security constraints that poverty, food insecurity, and political and security instability represent in many African countries, solving these issues for those nations should take precedence over taking part in the free trade area implementation; (4) to sum up, even though there are several necessary components for creating a thriving trade area, they are not enough to overcome the multitude of obstacles and problems that many African nations face. These barriers will hinder the formation of a prosperous free trade zone that includes all African countries, which is essential for achieving overall continental growth that aligns with the region’s goals and Agenda 2063.
 Scientific novelty. The study explored the potential success of the African Continental Free Trade Area, examining the resources and strengths African countries possess to achieve their goals, as well as the challenges and risks they face. After weighing these factors, the study concluded that achieving the ambitious goals of the free trade zone will be difficult due to the many obstacles it faces.
 Practical value. The findings of this study hold immense value for African nations aspiring to forge lucrative commercial alliances under the Free Trade Area Agreement. Armed with the insights presented, these nations’ businesses are empowered to select politically and securely steadfast countries, economically and commercially varied nations, and those least burdened by social challenges, particularly poverty and food insecurity.

Compromised Stability of Korea's Japan Policy: Two-Level Constraints, Leaders' Incentives, and the GSOMIA Swings

Korea's Japan policy has increasingly become inconsistent and even volatile across time. At the centre of the inconsistency is the Moon Jae-In government's GSOMIA policy. While starting his tenure by deciding to remain in the GSOMIA, the government made 180-degree turn and notified its intention not to renew the agreement when Japan announced export controls. But the decision was completely reversed within months when the government held off ending the agreement. What explains such inconsistency in Korea's Japan policy? To answer this question, the paper proposes a generic model of foreign policy inconsistency, which might be called 'two-level constraint model' and applies it to the case of Korea's GSOMIA policy. The central argument of the model is that the inconsistency in the countries' foreign policy is the result of shifts in foreign policy leaders' incentives, which are affected by the changes in the level of external-and internal political constraints they face. A crucial case study of the Moon Jae-In government's GSOMIA policy finds strong evidence that lends a support for the argument. The paper concludes by offering both a short summary and policy implications.

Political constraints and sovereign default

We study how political constraints, characterized by the degree of flexibility to choose fiscal policies, affect the probability of sovereign default. To that end, we relax the assumption that policymakers always repay their debt in the dynamic model of fiscal policy developed by Battaglini and Coate (2008). In our setup, legislators bargain over taxes, general spending, debt repayment, and a local public good that can be targeted to the region they represent. Under tighter political constraints, more legislators have veto power, implying that local public goods need to be provided to a larger number of regions. The resources that are freed after a default have to be shared with a higher number of individuals, which reduces the benefits from defaulting in per-capita terms. This lowers the incentive to default compared to the case with lax political constraints. The model is calibrated to Argentina and the results conform to robust empirical evidence. An event study for the 2001/2002 sovereign debt crisis shows that political constraints had an important role in the buildup that led to the crisis.

Sociological and Political Constraints of Islamic Sharia Enforcement in South Sulawesi Indonesia

The objective of this study is to examine the challenges encountered by Islamic Sharia Enforcement Committee in South Sulawesi by analyzing the responses of charismatic ulama. Qualitative methods, such as observation, interviews, and documentation, were employed to conduct a descriptive and critical analysis. The result showed that the primary obstacle to the wider acceptance of the idea lies in the sociological rejection of ulama. Ulama opposed the plan due to their epistemological understanding of Sharia and strategic approach to advocating it within the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia (NKRI). Politically, they gave a substantive and cultural notion instead of formalistic and structural discourse because there are no circumstances in South Sulawesi that may force the state to grant special autonomy like in Aceh. The contemporary thinking of ulama is shaped by education and practical experience, enabling them to consider contextual factors openly. The views of the Indonesian ulama on implementing Islamic Sharia are influenced by political failures, genuine religious beliefs, and political accommodations made to address Muslim aspirations. Furthermore, the results showed a decreasing trend in the scripturalist-formalistic approach to enforcing Islamic Sharia, while the substantialistic tendency is growing in popularity.

Becoming a Teacher: The Liminal Identities and Political Agency of Refugee Teachers

ABSTRACT This paper engages with the experiences of refugee teachers through an identity-based conceptualisation of the capability approach to explore these teachers’ social environment, working conditions, values, and lived experiences. The research builds on the teachers’ capabilities literature to argue that norms, dynamics, and identities shape their political agency, opportunities, and constraints, providing nuanced understandings of their experiences as refugee teachers. Our aim is to narrate how they negotiate across different identities and mobilise their agency to be able to function as teachers and fit within their host countries. In doing so, we not only challenge the deficit model and oversimplified challenges experienced by teachers, but also explore the complexity and nuances of their journey of becoming and developing a teacher identity as a refugee under constrained working conditions. At the same time, teachers relentlessly build on their precarious teacher identities to work for their communities. The findings show that teachers build liminal identities in exile where the boundary between being a refugee and a teacher is simultaneously contested and embodied, but also key to their political agency and subjectivity of creating change.

Supporting regional co-operation in the South China Sea with an initial assessment of the data-limited skipjack tuna fishery

The 1982 United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS) requires coastal states of semi-enclosed seas, like the South China Sea (SCS), to coordinate in the management and conservation of marine environments and living resources, specifically highly migratory trans-national stocks. One of the world’s top five fishing grounds, sovereignty disputes continue to bedevil joint fisheries management in the SCS. To develop new norms and standards for regional cooperation, and to support parallel domestic fisheries policymaking, scientists from China, Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines and Vietnam overcame political constraints and data limitations, to develop a Common Fisheries Resource Analysis (CFRA) of skipjack tuna (SKJ). A valuable highly migratory species SKJ is fished extensively by SCS states, but regionally, was previously, unassessed. Applying Length-Based Spawning Potential Ratio assessment to evaluate catch size compositions within a Weight of Evidence framework, we conclude fishing targeted at adult stocks would probably be sustainable, but for the continuing intensification of fishing for juveniles. Fishing pressure is apparently eroding SCS food webs and serially depleting local stocks. We conclude, domestic policies need to be developed to halt the continuing expansion of fishing fleets, and reduce fishing pressure, particularly on juvenile fish. The challenge of policy development and implementation requires the support of international frameworks, like Regional Fisheries Management Organisations (RFMOs), to regularise cooperation between government and non-government scientists of coastal states The existing Western Central Pacific Fisheries Commission (WCPFC) could provide that framework, unfortunately, intensifying geopolitical competition makes that extremely unlikely.

The Right and the (Provincial) Welfare State: The Case of the Coalition Avenir Québec Government

AbstractIn this article, we study how political parties located on the right of the political spectrum adapt to changing electoral and political constraints. Drawing on the concept of policy feedback, we turn to the politics of social policy in the province of Quebec to show that the Coalition Avenir Québec (CAQ), a right-wing party, embraced a more centrist strategy than the preferences of its electoral base would suggest. The CAQ has rejected the austerity policies associated with the previous government and has favoured social policy expansion rather than tax cuts or a quicker return to balanced budgets. We then explore the reasons for this move toward the centre. Our evidence suggests that self-reinforcing feedback effects from existing policies shape public opinion and electoral strategies, which contribute to moderating the actions of this right-wing governing party.

A basic income for every crisis? Building blocks of a political economy framework

In the wake of several recent crises, universal basic income has emerged as a serious policy solution. Not only is basic income pitched as a tool to mitigate the effects of a diverse set of emergencies, it has been argued that successive crises have importantly contributed to the surge in media and policy interest in basic income. In this article we critically examine this proposition. We first argue against the inherent functionalism of many accounts and instead propose a political economy framework that ties basic income directly to a series of mechanisms that may explain the opening up of basic income policy windows during recent crises, including the Covid-19 pandemic. It is equally important to carefully distinguish between different types of crises and we argue that two key competing types – cyclical and permanent crises – face a distinctive set of political economy constraints. We illustrate our approach by analysing the prospects of basic income in six distinct crisis events.

Right‐Wing Sovereignism in the European Union: Definition, Features and Implications

AbstractThis article investigates how traditionally anti‐European Union (EU) right‐wing parties and leaders in four EU member states reinterpreted their relation with the EU in the post‐Brexit period (2016–2022). Either for the political opportunity structure's constraints or for the costs triggered by Brexit, right‐wing European nationalists had to redefine their role in remaining in the EU. We conceptualize as ‘sovereignism’ their attempt to endogenize nationalism in the EU. Relying on discourse analysis, this article shows that right‐wing sovereignism criticized the supranational character and the centralized policy system that developed within the EU. However, right‐wing sovereignism differed in the rationale of its criticism, based more on an economic discourse in Western Europe and more on a cultural discourse in Eastern Europe, as well as on the policies to repatriate. The sovereignist approach of nationalist right‐wing parties and leaders would lead to the nationally differentiated disintegration of the EU.

How Coordinated Capitalism Adapts to the Knowledge Economy: Different Upskilling Strategies in Germany and Switzerland

AbstractThe rise of the knowledge economy challenges coordinated models of capitalism by requiring their skill formation systems to produce a workforce with higher skills. This paper examines how coordinated capitalism adapts to upskilling pressures by jointly studying general education and vocational education and training (VET) at both upper‐secondary and tertiary levels. Employing a comparative research design covering German and Swiss upskilling efforts over the past 50 years, we observe important differences. Switzerland, with influential small firms and weak union presence, focuses on keeping VET an attractive option at upper‐secondary level by favoring VET graduates' access to tertiary education. By contrast, Germany, marked by large firm dominance and influential unions, concentrates on expanding general education throughout and adding vocational elements later. Our analysis suggests that firms' reform preferences are conditioned by their size and political constraints to reform.

COMMUNITY PARTICIPATION IN WATER AND SANITATION SERVICE DELIVERY:AN EMPIRICAL CASE OF MANTSOPA MUNICIPALITY, SOUTH AFRICA

This study examined the impact of community participation on water and sanitation services in the Mantsopa Municipality. Qualitative methods, including interviews with community representatives and municipal officials, were used to gather and analyze data thematically. The results indicated that community involvement can enhance service delivery and improve resident satisfaction. However, the quality of water and sanitation facilities remains a concern due to long-standing maintenance and population growth issues. Barriers to decision-making were identified, including limited funding, public awareness and education, socio-cultural, political and economic constraints which discouraged participation. Collaboration among government agencies, civil society organizations, and local communities is necessary to overcome these systemic barriers. Municipal authorities should consider the cultural, social, political, and economic factors and drivers at play in redesigning the water supply and sanitation systems to accommodate population growth.

Definition and Classification of Potential of Forest Wood Biomass in Terms of Sustainable Development: A Review

The role of sustainable biomass, including wood biomass, is becoming increasingly important due to the European Green Deal. In the context of developing a sustainable bioeconomy, the use of wood depends on many physical, biological, technological, environmental, economic, social and political constraints. This study presents a systematic literature review by types of wood biomass potential. The literature review has shown that there is a lack of a comprehensive framework for wood biomass potential (for all needs, not only for energy production) in terms of sustainable development and that there is no general agreement on how to describe the sustainable potential of wood biomass nor how to measure it. Furthermore, the analysis has revealed certain uncertainties in describing the constraints of the potential of wood biomass. These uncertainties highlight the complexity of understanding the concept of sustainable wood biomass potential. The study addressed a definition potential of forest wood biomass for the needs of energy and industry in terms of sustainable development. The theoretical, technical and sustainable potentials of wood biomass were defined and their constraints were detailed. This study’s contributions to the conceptual clarity of the definition of the sustainable potential of wood biomass are (1) the definition of forest sustainable development, (2) the definition and classification of the potential of wood biomass, and (3) the synthesis of conceptual frameworks for the sustainable potential of wood biomass from forests.

India's just energy transition: Political economy challenges across states and regions

To comply with international climate targets, India will eventually need to phase out coal-fired power plants and substantially increase the use of solar-PV and wind power. Winners and losers of this transformation will not be distributed equally across the country, which potentially holds severe implications for the feasibility of the transformation. In an effort to understand political economy constraints from adversely impacted key societal groups, we discuss how Indian states would be affected in terms of distributional implications for households, industrial competitiveness and employment. We examine the effects of phasing-out of energy subsidies and carbon pricing (USD 40 per ton CO2) on household incomes. We likewise analyze employment effects of ramping-up renewables and phasing-out of coal-fired power plants. Finally, we assess the impacts of carbon pricing on key industries. Our findings suggest that adverse impacts are strongly concentrated in Eastern, less wealthy, coal- mining states, which would face employment losses with pressure on poor households and energy intensive industries. Employment creation through deployment of renewables would, however, be more dispersed across India's Western and Central states. Complementary policies, such as recycling carbon tax revenues, will be necessary to avoid deepening regional disparities and increase acceptance from adversely impacted regions.

Mengapa Pemerintah Daerah Belum Berhasil Menerbitkan Obligasi Daerah

Regional bonds are an alternative to infrastructure development financing that needs to be utilized by regional governments. Even though there are still pros and cons regarding regional bonds, regional bonds are still seen as a good and rational financing option. However, until now, no Regional Government has issued regional bonds. The factors that hinder the issuance of regional bonds in Indonesia include obstacles to the readiness of local governments (constraints on the readiness of human resources, the absence of a regional bond management unit, and the absence of regional regulations), regulatory constraints (fragmented regulations, procedures for issuing regional bonds complicated regulations and complex regional bond issuance requirements), political constraints (the existence of an in-principle permit from the DPRD and limited terms of office for Regional Heads and DPRDs), transparency constraints, negative perceptions of debt, local government reluctance to take on debt, and a lack of understanding about bonds area. To overcome these various obstacles, the following factors can encourage the issuance of regional bonds, as encouraging the issuance of regional bonds, including increasing the capacity of local government human resources, improving regulations (a comprehensive regulatory framework), and simplifying issuance procedures and requirements for regional bonds), disclosure, and provision of support by the central government.

Does limited decentralization of environmental enforcement power improve air quality? Quasi-experimental evidence from China

Utilizing the Comprehensive Environmental Administrative Enforcement Reform (CEAER) in China as a quasi-natural experiment, this paper has adopted 179 prefecture-level cities from July 2018 to December 2020 as research sample to assess whether the limited decentralization of environmental enforcement power can improve air quality through a time-varying difference-in-difference (DID) approach. Results show that CEAER can achieve better air quality improving effects, which can not only contribute to the decrease of daily mean values of Air Quality Index (AQI), but also contribute to the decrease of daily mean values of PM2.5, PM10, SO2, and CO. And this promotion is mainly achieved through the micro mechanism of raising environmental penalties strength. Further examination of the heterogeneity in terms of economic factors, city rank, pollution abatement pressure, and political constraints reveals that CEAER's policy effects are mostly insignificant in cities with higher levels of economic development and administrative rank, and positively significant in poor historical air quality cities and key environmental protection cities. These results underscore the positive effects of the limited decentralization of environmental enforcement power and provide ideas for other regions to draw on for environmental management system reform.