Political Columnist Research Articles

Community Values in the Law and Practice of Journalism in Canada

In the fall of 1995, at the same time that The Washington Post and New York Times were struggling with the decision to publish the Unibomber's manifesto, the Royal Canadian Mounted Police and local authorities were in the midst of a thirty-one-day confrontation with an armed group of natives at Gustafsen Lake, British Columbia. CBC Radio interrupted its afternoon programming in British Columbia four times on 13 September with a brief message, broadcast in English and in the language of Shuswap Indians. The message was written by RCMP officials, who told CBC that it was what the renegades had demanded to hear. CBC senior management in Toronto endorsed the request by the RCMP to air the message, and defended their decision to accede to such demands if the public interest is at stake. (1) CBC's decision to cooperate with the RCMP during this confrontation was generally accepted in Canada as being the responsible thing to do. In fact, following the standoff, political columnist Jeffrey Simpson summarized the episode in a column in The Globe and Mail under the headline: Thanks to RCMP, the Gustafsen Lake standoff ended quietly. The column made no mention of CBC's participation. (2) Across the border, however, the decision by the Post and Times to publish the Unibomber's manifesto drew strong criticism from leading media professionals as being a serious violation of the canons of American journalism. William Serrin, in a special to The Post, complained that the newspapers had violated those canons by giving in to the government and by turning their news columns over to a killer. (3) Others, however, like commentator Daniel Schorr, agreed with the publishers that This centers on the role of a newspaper as part of a and argued that the public increasingly views the press as shielding itself behind the First Amendment to exempt itself from its responsibilities to the broader community. (4) These contrasting illustrations and Schorr's summary observation help frame the issues discussed in this article by calling attention to: the relationship between media law and journalistic practice; the conflict between constitutional freedoms and civic responsibility; the importance of defining the role of the media in society; and the inherent conflict between the approaches of individualism and communitarianism. Building upon these issues, this article examines the ways and the extent to which the law, the courts, and the media in Canada tend toward perspectives that either favor the rights of individual journalists and media operations or emphasize the values of community and the place of the media within the broader context of communities. The first part examines the way courts in Canada compare to those in the United States in their interpretations of the respective constitutional provisions for freedom of expression by looking at themes in those judgments that appear to promote individual rights of the mass media on one hand, or community and societal interests on the other. (5) The second part begins an examination of the influence of English and French traditions on journalism and journalistic practice in Canada in ways that are similar to or different from those in the United States, particularly with respect to how these approaches encourage community or promote individualism. Community and Individualism in the Law While the legal systems in Canada and the United States share a similar tradition in English Common Law, their judicial and political approaches are different in important ways. For example, while their founding documents have some similarities, they reflect important differences in values and priorities. The American Declaration of Independence and its commitment to Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness is contrasted to the British North America Act with its emphasis on the Peace, Order and Good Government of Canada. The former reflects an individualistic, antigovernment theme, while the latter reflects a trust in government and ambivalence toward personal freedom. …

Man of the times

This is the tribute paid to Louis Heren, former deputy editor of The Times by Ian Aitken, former political editor and columnist of The Guardian. It was delivered at a memorial service for Louis Heren at St. Bride's, Fleet Street, on March 28.

THE CONSERVATIVES AFTER 1992

The Political QuarterlyVolume 63, Issue 4 p. 422-431 THE CONSERVATIVES AFTER 1992 PETER RIDDELL, PETER RIDDELL Peter Riddell is political columnist and political editor of The Times. He was previously US Editor and Political Editor of The Financial Times and he has written two books on the policies of Mrs Thatcher, most recently The Thatcher Era—and its Legacy, published in 1991 by Basil Blackwell.Search for more papers by this author PETER RIDDELL, PETER RIDDELL Peter Riddell is political columnist and political editor of The Times. He was previously US Editor and Political Editor of The Financial Times and he has written two books on the policies of Mrs Thatcher, most recently The Thatcher Era—and its Legacy, published in 1991 by Basil Blackwell.Search for more papers by this author First published: October 1992 https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-923X.1992.tb00913.xCitations: 4AboutPDF ToolsRequest permissionExport citationAdd to favoritesTrack citation ShareShare Give accessShare full text accessShare full-text accessPlease review our Terms and Conditions of Use and check box below to share full-text version of article.I have read and accept the Wiley Online Library Terms and Conditions of UseShareable LinkUse the link below to share a full-text version of this article with your friends and colleagues. Learn more.Copy URL Share a linkShare onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditWechat Citing Literature Volume63, Issue4October 1992Pages 422-431 RelatedInformation

Mrs. Thatcher's Revolution: The Ending of the Socialist Era

Peter Jenkins, now Associate Editor and political columnist of the Independent, achieved a reputation, during his years as a political columnist on the Guardian, as the most authoritative, thoughtful and best-informed commentator on the contemporary political scene. Now he has brought his wide experience of current political ideas and personalities to bear in an ambitious and important new book - a study of the phenomenon of the rise of Thatcherism, in his view more of a style than an ideology, but certainly the most significant factor in the transformation of modern British politics. With a remarkable blending of historical knowledge and intellectual excitement, Jenkins examines the emergence and continuing success of Margaret Thatcher against the gloomy background of what he calls 'the politics of decline'. He shows how the failure of the post-war 'consensus', based on the concept fWelfare State, prepared the ground for Mrs Thatcher's radical solution to the nation's growing economic and social problems, Jenkins is the first in his field to distill one lucid narrative from the many complicated stories of the pursuit of growth, the use and misuse of incomes policy, the miners' strike, the OEC crisis, the Winter of Discontent, the dismemberment of the Labour Party, the evolution of the Social Democratic Party and the impact of the Falklands War. He places in context Mrs Thatcher's rare disasters, such as the Westland Affair, and her dramatic successes, such as her visit to Moscow in 1987. In his brilliant and original analysis, he suggests reasons for Britain's diminished stature in the world and for the failure of traditional Tory or Labour policies to halt her decline. The time was ripe, he shows, for Mrs Thatcher to proclaim that 'conviction' policies and revived Victorian values could cure the nation's ills. After giving a lively account of why Mrs Thacther won and Neil Kinnock lost the 1987 General election, Jenkins focuses on the dramatic collapse of the Alliance and the 'self-destruction' of David Owen. His book ends with Mrs Thatcher triumphant, but it also raises a final, crucial question: can she yet ensure that the whole nation truly shares in her economic achievement? Jenkins's closeness to many of the people and events he describes has enabled him to illuminate this complex subject with a mix of shrewd insight, anecdotes and vivid thumbnail portraits. His authoritative book will lead us to question our preconceptions about contemporary politics and politicians.

Interaction between agricultural scientists and journalists

AbstractAn Asian journalist covering food and agricultural beat does not, ironically enough, enjoy the same status as perhaps a lobby correspondent or a political columnist. Although the news angle is an important factor that puts the political commentator in the limelight, the fact that food and agricultural reporting has not emerged as a specialised area in journalism has contributed a great deal to the mistaken hierarchy. For foodag reporting to emerge as a specialised area, there are necessary pre-requisites. P.R.R. Sinha outlines some of the requirements.

The political columnist and the public health agency: notes on a new confrontation.

The political columnist and the public health agency: notes on a new confrontation. L E BellinCopyRight https://doi.org/10.2105/AJPH.61.5.910 Published Online: August 29, 2011

Some Contributions of Harold L. Ickes

H AROLD L. ICKES, the self-styled old curmudgeon of American politics, died in February, 1952. Many of those who had disputed his policies and views nevertheless paid their respects to a man who, although he might be reviled, could never be ignored. Even after leaving public office, he continued vigorously to express his opinions as a political columnist for the New York Post syndicate and for the New Republic. Ickes was rarely satisfied with any phase of public policy which he did not personally assist in formulating. His tremendous energy, coupled with an acid disposition and the ability to turn a neat phrase, made him a respected adversary. Few people maintained a neutral opinion of Ickes. The reactions to his public utterances were vigorous, whether they were laudatory or denunciatory. Even his bitterest critics, however, usually conceded Ickes' honesty and concern for the general welfare. His arch rival, Harry Hopkins, once wrote to Ickes: No one has battled so consistently for the New Deal and for the President, week in and week out, as have you. You have never failed the President and liberals of this country in a single instance that I can recall and I think that is important and nothing can ever take that away from you. There must go with such a record a personal intellectual integrity that few people possess.' Considering Ickes' long tenure as Secretary of the Interior, his close relationship with Roosevelt, and the great volume of his public pronouncements, remarkably little effort has been made to report his contributions to the American scene.2 It is no easy task to portray accurately Ickes' role in American life because there are many intangible factors involved. For example, assessing the degree of influence which Ickes had on Franklin D. Roosevelt is difficult. If it is correct to say, as Sherwood has said, that Harry Hopkins was the eyes, the arms, and the ears of Roosevelt, then Ickes may, in a very real sense, be called the President's conscience. Perhaps Ickes' greatest contributions were the intangibles--a high degree of morality in his concept of public office, honesty, and a passion for public service. The fact that he assigned these virtues to himself, with no apparent modesty, does not obviate his possession of them. Many of the charges leveled against him were caused by his refusal to hide his light