Political Coercion Research Articles

System justification and the American alt-right

ABSTRACT While a non-trivial number of Americans identify with the political positions and preferences often associated with the “alternative right” (alt-right) movement, scholarly debate exists concerning adherents’ core beliefs and their potential for supporting violent mobilization. In this paper, we examine supporters of the movement in greater detail. We argue that contrary to its name, the alt-right, from the perspective of the individual supporter of the movement, is not perceived as an alternative to conventional conservatism, but rather the rightful heir to political power. Using data from two original, national surveys of Americans, fielded in June 2020 (N = 2563) and January 2022 (N = 2223), we identify the common psychological orientation underpinning alt-right identity. We find strong support for our core hypothesis that system-justifying individuals – those with a psychological orientation to legitimate and defend the status quo – are significantly more likely to identify with the alt-right. Moreover, the alt-right’s system-justifying ideology is used to legitimate their use of political coercion while delegitimizing political collective action on the left.

From Tourism to Propaganda Tactics: Unveiling the PRC’s Influence on Palau’s Electoral Landscape

This article argues that the People’s Republic of China (PRC) is leveraging a combination of economic influence, political coercion, and disinformation tactics to sway the outcome of Palau’s 2024 presidential election. With the currently favored candidate reportedly being tied to Chinese Communist Party (CCP)-linked individuals and publicly promoting PRC narratives, it is critical to highlight the PRC’s influence tactics—such as propaganda, censorship, international partnerships, and financial pressures—that are being employed to achieve its goals. The article first offers a brief overview of the PRC’s actions and aims in the Indo-Pacific region, highlighting Palau’s significance to the PRC and the United States. Next, the author summarizes the PRC’s multiple forms of economic influence in the region, such as monopolizing tourism, buying land, engaging in bribery, encouraging illegal activities, and exploiting U.S. missteps. Then, after introducing Palau’s presidential candidates, the article delves into PRC information operations and tactics. It also examines key findings of PRC interference in other recent regional elections, such as in Taiwan and the Philippines, and analyzes what tactics were used, if they were effective, and how these tactics could be adapted to be successfully implemented in Palau. The article concludes with predictive analysis of the PRC’s potential actions in Palau, such as information operations, including amplifying local conflicts, using local media as proxies, and creating artificial intelligence (AI)-generated content, as well as listing potential countermeasures that could be implemented in Palau to combat PRC information advances, such as education programs for students and journalists, misinformation debunking campaigns, and implementing legislation to counter misinformation campaigns.

Direct Action and Political Coercion

Most nonviolent resistance is a species of collective political action and therefore a form of collective power. In many cases, the use of power in nonviolent action is best characterized as a kind of intelligently used coercion. How then should ethicists think about the norms that govern the use of coercion in nonviolent actions? This essay critically examines the answers provided by the early Reinhold Niebuhr and Paul Ramsey. Both analyzed nonviolent resistance in similar ways: they distinguished nonviolent action from pacifism, noticed its coercive element demands justification, and sought to develop ethical norms to understand these forms of political action. Taken together, this essay suggests that Niebuhr and Ramsey can be interpreted as members of a non-pacifist tradition of theorizing nonviolence that suggests an unlikely convergence between theorists of nonviolent action and theorists sympathetic to just war thought.

Censoring the Intellectual Public Space in China: What Topics Are Not Allowed and Who Gets Blacklisted?

Censorship is one of the main forms of political coercion deployed by modern states to control and regulate public expression. In this article, we examine the political censorship of China’s intellectual public space, which has long been underexplored. We apply unsupervised machine learning to examine the database of a leading intellectual portal website, which serves as an archive of both published and censored intellectual writings between 2000 and 2020 and includes over 740 million Chinese characters. We identify a strategic censorship mechanism that consists of thematic and persona censorship elements. Thematic censorship involves the state filtering out writing that competes with the official policy narrative, historiography, and values. Persona censorship involves the complete muting of individual intellectuals who have previously made derogatory attacks on the supreme leaders of the Communist Party, which represents a symbolic act of open defiance.

The Characteristics of Rituals and Their Imprint on Chinese Culture

Abstract The concept of li (rites) in ancient China encompasses three levels of meaning, namely: the rituals and ceremonies themselves, moral ethics, and a system of political hierarchy. While these three levels are related to each other, they each carry specific characteristics. When people today discuss issues such as the origins of rites, they rarely analyze the concept of rites according to these different levels, thus causing the topic at hand to be vague, ambiguous, and inchoate. In most research, both “rites” and the “rituals” refer specifically to the level of the ritual per se. “Rites” include both folk rituals and state rituals, the latter of which refers to what is commonly termed the “rituals,” that is, the part of rites with state background and political coercion. The fundamental difference between the rituals and other statutes and institutions lies in rituals’ performative, symbolic, and standardized nature. Their performative and symbolic nature bestowed upon the rites a special significance and publicity function which transcend everyday life. At the same time, their standardized and formulaic nature made these rites highly organized and institutionalized, while allowing them to reinforce the social and political hierarchy. The highly mature rituals in ancient China allowed both characteristics of these rituals to be developed to their fullest, thus giving rise to Chinese culture’s emphasis on performance and form.

Fiscal expropriation in Turkey under the rule of Erdoğan

This work signifies an attempt to elaborate on the concrete workings of fiscal policy in today’s Turkey through the notion of primitive accumulation. The subject matter is a political regime that constitutes itself increasingly through coercion. And to understand the political regime’s constitution in its wholeness, its concrete existence in its relations with the economic life surrounding it, primitive accumulation – the notion that construes coercion as an economic power – is necessary. Furthermore, since the notion of class struggle is inherent to primitive accumulation, the latter notion also elicits to reflect on the formation of the state as it hinges on the class society. The notion of primitive accumulation reveals the class power that the state predicates and the concrete ends that this predicate sights. Political coercion can’t be comprehended separately from the capitalist accumulation, and in the case of Turkey, their unity finds expression most clearly in the practices of fiscal expropriation. Throughout the work, fiscal expropriation is examined through three specific forms it takes: the unity of over-taxation with growing indebtedness of the state, public procurement regime, and public–private partnerships. All of them signify the proletarianisation and further impoverishment of the people just as in the era when Karl Marx has drawn up the notion of primitive accumulation.

Entangled Lives: Enduring Under Sanctions

Abstract: This essay explores international sanctions as a technology of global governmentality. I explore the enduring effects of decades of international sanctions against Iran on the individuals who experience them daily. As a backdrop to understanding the experiences of the civilian populations on the receiving end of sanctions, I begin with an examination of the historical relationship between the sanctioning of recalcitrant states and the uses of global economy. In this context, sanctions serve as instruments of political coercion and technologies of power, which, in their enduring capacity, also possess productive potential. As a result, I then explore how sanctions affect individuals, their social relations, and the working worlds of people in different Iranian industries.

Economic instruments of the EU's political influence in Central Asia

The subject of this article is the assessment of the competitiveness of the European Union in the "Big Game" for influence in Central Asia. Brussels is actively using economic opportunities to promote its foreign policy interests. It is worth noting that for the Central Asian countries that pursue a multi-vector and pragmatic foreign policy, economic cooperation with the European Union is also a priority. The article examines the effectiveness of the use of some economic instruments of EU influence in relation to the countries of Central Asia. Particular attention is paid to assessing the effectiveness of the development of trade relations and the creation of preferential regimes, the provision of financial assistance as an instrument of political coercion. Based on the analysis of statistical data, the position is confirmed that the restrictions in the field of trade and investment, the conditions for providing financial assistance imposed by Brussels to exert political pressure on the countries of the region are ineffective. The author comes to the conclusion that political blackmail by the EU against the Central Asian states reduces the level of their trust. Ignorance of local specifics complicates the implementation of joint projects and programs. It is stated that the EU strategy in Central Asia is losing out to the strategies of third countries, primarily China and Russia.

COMMENT: The Mystery of the GERD Negotiations: From Coercion to Obligation of Treaty Conclusion

This comment examines the use of coercive power in the negotiations between Ethiopia, Egypt, and Sudan on the filling and annual operation of the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD). There has been deliberate use of coercive power (the use of military, economic and political coercion) by Egypt, Sudan, and their geopolitical allies mainly since November 2019. Coupled with the use of coercion, the lower riparian negotiating parties perceive that concluding an agreement over the subject matter is a legal duty imposed on Ethiopia, not just a volitional dealing that could emanate from the spirit of cooperation and good faith. Careful interpretation of the international law regime unveils that all forms of coercion are unlawful despite the difference in the degree of illegality between military, economic and political coercion. The existence of coercion, in all its forms, would thus absolve Ethiopia’s duty (if any) to conclude an agreement with the two downstream states. I argue that, Ethiopia –as victim of an unlawful coercion– has the right to withdraw from the GERD negotiations and to unilaterally proceed with the filling and operation of its sovereign dam while at the same time respecting the principles of equitable utilization and not causing significant harm which can be facilitated by a basin-wide water governance treaty rather than trilateral negotiation on a single dam project.

Written Heritage of Transylvanian Princes in the Archival Funds of Ukraine

The written legacy of the Transylvanian princes preserved in Ukrainian archival funds is a less researched area. The aim of the article is to shed light on the documentary heritage of two Transylvanian princes preserved by the archival funds of Ukraine. The methodology of the research is based on the description of the sources, with the help of which new data is introduced into the scientific stream. Archival-descriptive methods were applied that can be used to exploit the historical data in the records. The scientific novelty of the article is about exploring sources that have not been published so far or have already been mentioned in the foreign literature, but are less known in the historical literature of Ukraine. Conclusions: The present study covers the documentary legacy of two princes, György Rákóczi I (1593-1648) and his great-grandson Ferenc Rákóczi II (1676-1735), examining the letters in the State Archives of the Transcarpathian Region, which were signed by them. Although the Transylvanian princes were not independent rulers, they left a significant mark in European history in the administrative, military and political spheres. Their military-political careers had an impact on the peoples of the region, the Ukrainians, the Hungarians, the Poles and the Germans alike. Of all the princes of the Rákóczi dynasty, the documentary legacy of the princes mentioned above is the richest in the State Archives of the Transcarpathian Region. The princes in question were suffering in the European space between the two great powers of the time, the Habsburgs and the Turkish Empire, and could succeed only with great effort. Letters, decrees, and other orders written or issued in the princely chancelleries, the description of which appears in this article, are essentially the result of the present research. These expand the image of the relationship between the peoples living in the principality and the Rákóczis, who often acted in political coercion. A detailed examination of the princes' letters of donation, the treaties with the rulers, or the relations with the poor peasantry may be of interest for further research

Reading Creative Translations of Jibanananda Das’s Bengali Poetry into English: A Journey across the Frontiers of Experiences

Indian English literature generally refers to that body of writing, which is produced in the English language by the litterateurs of an Indian origin. It is however, understandable that creative translations should also be located into the corpus of Indian English literature. Historically speaking, what gave the first solid footing to Indian English poetry was Rabindranath Tagore’s Gitanjali, and this came in the form of creative translation. After Rabindranath we find another accomplished poet of twentieth century Bengal to practice creative translation of his Bengali poetry into English. This poet is Jibanananda Das, whose English- language poetry in the form of creative translation is yet to receive a broader audience. The present paper seeks to study three of these creative translations titled Meditations (Manosarani in Bengali), Darkness (Andhakar in Bengali) and Sailor (Nabik in Bengali), which seem to form a complex sequel in respect of Jibanananda’s deep concern for the socio-cultural unrest that characterized the general fabrics of life in Bengal after the Partition of 1947. Moreover, these poems appear equally contemporary in the twenty first century, when the disruptive forces of corruption, falsehood, debauchery, political coercion and cultural denigration are more severely at work to corrode and annihilate the cultural roots of Bengal. So, the purpose of the present study is two-fold: first, to show how the creative translations of Jibanananda continue to strike the note of a universal humanity in the present times, and second, to voice for their inclusion in forthcoming anthologies of Indian English poetry. For, these poems composed by one of the greatest poets of modern Bengal would make room for readers from all over India to savour the taste of a fine artistry that transcends the limits of every ideological bias.

USE OF FORCE OR DIPLOMATIC INTERVENTION: ASSESSING THE BLOCKADE OF QATAR

The coordinated blockade of the State of Qatar by some of its neighbours in June 2017 has raised questions on the sovereignty of the state and the extent to which coercion is allowed in international law. This article considers the reasons behind the blockade and the subsequent demands by Qatar’s neighbours. It evaluates the blockade of Qatar based on the twin principles of international law: the prohibition on the use of force and non-interference in the internal affairs of other nations. The article argues that the language of article 2 (4), read together with the purposes of the United Nations (UN), render any forcible attempt to coerce a sovereign state into surrendering its sovereignty illegal. The article also considers the debate on whether economic and political coercion amounts to force. It submits that the coordinated blockade and the subsequent “13 points” demands threaten Qatar’s sovereignty, because the blockade contravenes the purposes of the UN. The article also argues that the blockade amounts to an interference in the internal affairs of Qatar, even if economic or political coercion are not considered as force. The article finds that the blockade does not categorically amount to a threat or use of force; but it certainly violates the principle of non-intervention as enshrined in the UN Charter.

Norman Mailer and American Totalitarianism in the 1960s

This article investigates Norman Mailer's appropriation and Americanization of the concept of totalitarianism as an internal critique of US society and culture in the 1960s. Dominant understandings of totalitarianism from the 1930s to the 1950s focused on external threats and were wedded to notions of pervasive state control of all aspects of life. Mailer's crucial intervention offered an alternative theory which viewed totalitarianism as an internal threat to the United States and de-emphasized the centrality of the state. His theory of cultural totalitarianism focused on internal psychological manipulation rather than external political coercion. Mailer's focus on the United States was symptomatic of a broader intellectual trend towards the study of non-statist forms of totalitarianism which has yet to receive adequate scholarly attention. This article thus illuminates new dimensions of the totalitarianism debate in American political thought and provides a fuller picture of Mailer's significance as a social critic.

Sovereigns, Viruses, and the Law: The Normative Challenges of Pandemic in Today’s Information Societies

The paper examines the legal and political impact of the Covid-19 crisis, drawing the attention to fundamental questions on authority and political legitimacy, coercion and obligation, power and cooperation. National states and sovereign governments have had and still will have a crucial role in re-establishing the public health sector and addressing the colossal challenges of economic re-construction. Scholars have accordingly discussed the set of legal means displayed during this crisis: emergency decrees, lockdowns, travel bans, and generally speaking, powers of the state of exception. The aim of this paper is to stress the limits of such perspectives on powers of national governments and sovereigns, in order to illustrate what goes beyond such powers. Focus should be on the ontological, epistemic and normative constraints that affect today’s rights and duties of national states. Such constraints correspond to a class of problems that is complex, often transnational, and increasingly data-driven. In addition, we should not overlook the lessons learnt from such fields, as environmental law and internet governance, anti-terrorism and transnational business law, up to the regulation of Artificial Intelligence (AI). Such fields show that legal co-regulation and mechanisms of coordination and cooperation complement the traditional powers of national governments even in the times of the mother of all pandemics. The Covid-19 crisis has been often interpreted as if this were the last chapter of an on-going history about the Leviathan and its bio-powers. It is not. The crisis regards the end of the first chapter on the history of today’s information societies.

US Drug Policy and Perpetual War against the Drug Trade in Mexico

Abstract Globalization of drug consumption has generated a highly lucrative market for illegal traffickers. The US launched a worldwide campaign against illicit drug use, forcing many countries to comply with the ‘War on Drugs.’ We describe this historical process as a perpetual war resulting in violence, criminality, forced displacement, and disappearances in Mexico and other countries. For instance, despite economic, political, and military coercion in Mexico, the “drug problem” shows little sign of going away, unless a new approach regarding drug production and trade is adopted.

Leadership Networks as a Tool of Coercion in World Politics

Social media analysis is widely used in economics, sociology, in medical studies of spreading infectious diseases and in forensic science to stop terrorist networks and drug proliferation. Social media analysis is also used in political sphere. Opinion leaders are increasingly participating in social media. The Internet is a reflection of the real world, it has the same laws as in real society. The ruling elite controls the media and social media as well as it controls the means of production. The article addresses the role of social networks in the foreign and military policies of states and other actors. The spread of leadership networks is at its early state. The potential of this Internet resource format is enormous. There is every reason to assume that economic crisis makes such resources even more popular. During economic crisis many people are left alone with their problems by their government and they are even more motivated to social cooperation and mutual assistance in social networks to receive valuable information, attention and support from the outside.

Nineveh Overturned: Augustine and Chrysostom on the Threat of Jonah

Both John Chrysostom and Augustine of Hippo find in the story of Jonah and the Ninevites an invitation to reflect upon the moral and political challenges undergone by cities facing the possibility of disaster. While Nineveh was threatened with destruction at the hands of the divine, cities like Constantinople and Rome were instead threatened with disaster of a natural or military kind, ranging from earthquakes to invasions. Regardless, both Chrysostom and Augustine thought the lessons of Jonah could be applied to contemporary crises. The two pastoral preachers did so in quite different ways, however. For Chrysostom, the repentance of the Ninevites in the face of a divine threat served as a model for his own congregation. For Augustine, however, the divine was incapable of uttering threats, and so Jonah's prophecy had to come true: Nineveh had to be overturned. In order to make this case, Augustine reconfigured the meaning of the word overturning (euersio), so that he could make the case that the repentance of the Ninevites was driven not by their fear, but rather by the combined agency of divine grace and political coercion.

Informal religious activity outside hegemonic religions: wild traditions and their relevance to evolutionary models

ABSTRACT Evolutionary approaches to religious representations must be grounded in a precise description of the forms of religious activity that occurred before the emergence of state societies and doctrinal religious organizations. These informal religious activities or “wild traditions” consist of services provided by individual specialists, with no formal training or organization, who generally specialize in palliating or preventing misfortune. The anthropological and historical record show that (a) such traditions are present in almost all documented human societies, (b) they have important common features, and (c) they reappear despite the political dominance of doctrinal organizations. The form of religious activity that humans spontaneously create, or re-create in the face of political suppression, comprises no stable doctrine, faith, or community of believers. In light of these facts, important corrections should be made to current models of the evolutionary underpinnings of religious thought and behavior, in particular, by taking into account the great importance of political coercion and the minor role of doctrines in the spread of religious concepts and practices.

Being realistic and demanding the impossible

Characterising realism by contrasting it with moralism leaves open several questions to do with realism’s practical import. If political judgment is not to be derived — exclusively or at all — from pre-political moral commitments, what scope is there for genuinely normative political thinking? And even if there is some scope for political normativity, does realism’s reliance on interpretations of political practices condemn it to some form of status quo bias? In this paper I address those questions. My main aim is to assuage some worries about realism’s alleged conservative tendencies. I argue that there is an important sense in which realists can support radical and even unachievable political change — one can be realistic and demand the impossible, as the soixante- huitard slogan goes. To see how that may be the case one needs to characterise realism by contrasting it with both non-ideal theory and utopianism. In a nutshell, realism differs from non- ideal theory because it need not be concerned with feasibility constraints, and it differs from utopianism because it eschews detailed blueprints of the perfect polity.

Through a Glass Darkly: The icc, the unsc and the Quest for Justice in International Law

Despite the aspirations of the International Criminal Court (icc), it is unlikely to achieve an end to impunity for crimes of concern to the international community without acknowledgement of and due engagement with the politics of international criminal law. A major threat to the legitimacy of the Court is its relationship with the United Nations Security Council (unsc). unsc referrals of conflict situations under Article 13(b) of the Rome Statute remain subject to geo-political considerations. The exercise is thus arbitrary at best, and may render the icc an instrument of political coercion at worst. An apolitical approach to conflicts given this context is almost antithetical to justice and has already given rise to tensions between the Court and some affected member states. Managing the asymmetry created by unsc referrals and rethinking its seemingly unjustified encroachment in the affairs of less influential states should become the priority for the Court.