Political Causes Research Articles

БЕДНОСТЬ В УСЛОВИЯХ ПАНДЕМИИ COVID-19: СОЦИАЛЬНО-ПОЛИТИЧЕСКИЙ АНАЛИЗ (ЧАСТЬ 2. ПОЛИТИЧЕСКИЕ ПРИЧИНЫ БЕДНОСТИ В СОВРЕМЕННОМ ОБЩЕСТВЕ)

The article dea丨s with the problem of pandemic poverty in the context of public po丨icy and internationa丨 relations. The re丨evance of the topic is due to the growing number of needy popu丨ation on the p丨anet in conditions of COVID-19 and the need for policy measures to reduce it. The object of the study: the phenomenon of poverty in the context of the pandemic. The subject of the research: the main political factors influencing the dynamics of poverty in the context of the pandemic. The aim of the study is to identify the potential of public policy and internationa丨 relations in the fight against poverty in the context of the pandemic. The research objectives are the following: 1) to clarify the categorical apparatus of poverty research, 2) to give a system characteristic of the features of the world community in the XX-XXI centuries, which changed the phenomenon of consumption,3) to analyze the influence of international relations on the dynamics of poverty during the pandemic, 4) to determine the difficulties and opportunities of Russian state policy aimed at overcoming poverty in the conditions of the pandemic■丨n the study a systemic approach, formational, stadia丨-civilizational, anthropological and logical methods have been used. As a result of the poverty study and the current political situation in the world, scientists defined the concept of poverty, its criteria, presented a classification of its types and causes, as well as ways to combat it. The impact of the pandemic on the growth of poverty has been analyzed, the main contradictions in modern international relations were identified. The author's scientific contribution consists in the analysis of the main political factors of influence on the dynamics of poverty in the pandemic. The author's contribution is represented by the following results. If before the middle of the XX century the technical and technological causes of poverty were the determining ones, in the modern society the political causes of poverty dominate. In the conditions of the pandemic, such traditional political factors of negative impact on the dynamics of poverty, as a high level of corruption in the field of management and instability in international relations, distracting a huge part of the budget to the sphere of defense are intensified. This article is divided into two parts. The first part deals with the social analysis of poverty and its causes in the XX-XXI centuries. The second part presents an analysis of the political factors influencing the dynamics of poverty in the pandemic

Stages of anthropogenic transformation of surface morphology in the Arctic zone of Russia

Information about the occurrence and age of anthropogenic objects and accompanying surface morphology transformations in the Arctic zone of Russia was collected and systematized. 6 chronological stages of antropogenic surface transformations were distinguished: before 1918 a.d., 1919-1932 a.d., 1933-1963 a.d., 1964-1987 a.d., 1988-1998 a.d. and after 1999 a.d. The leading types of land-use on the territory of the Arctic zone of Russia for different time slices are identified, the areas affected by development are outlined, and the inherent types of anthropogenic transformation of landscapes are indicated. Rythms of economic development and antropogenic surface morphology transformation due to social-economic and political causes were established. Maximum of antropogenic transformation occurred during Soviet period in 1933-1963 and 1964-1987 a.d.. Periods between 1919-1932 a.d and 1988-1998 a.d. coinciding with collapse of Russian Empire and USSR respectively marked with significant decrease of antropogenic activity in Russian Arctic. Four types of territories differing with duration of antropogenic development, intensity and set of antropogenic objects and accompanying surface morphology transformations were revealed: 1) territories of old (before 1918 a.d) development with significant grade of antropogenic transformation (4,3% of Russian Arctic); 2) territories of Soviet (1918-1987) development with significant grade of antropogenic transformation (25,8% of Russian Arctic); 3) territories of Postsoviet (1988+) development with significant grade of antropogenic transformation (2,9% of Russian Arctic); 2) territories without significant amount of antropogenic objects and with well-preserved natural surface morphology (67% of Russian Arctic).

БЕДНОСТЬ В УСЛОВИЯХ ПАНДЕМИИ COVID-19: СОЦИАЛЬНО-ПОЛИТИЧЕСКИЙ АНАЛИЗ (ЧАСТЬ 1. БЕДНОСТЬ И ЕЁ ПРИЧИНЫ В XX-XXI ВВ.)

The article deals with the problem of pandemic poverty in the context of public policy and international relations. The relevance of the topic is due to the growing number of needy population on the planet in conditions of COVID-19 and the need for policy measures to reduce it. Object of the study: the phenomenon of poverty in the context of the pandemic. Subject of the research: the main political factors influencing the dynamics of poverty in the context of the pandemic. Objective of the study: to identify the potential of public policy and international relations in the fight against poverty in the context of the pandemic. Research objectives: 1) to clarify the categorical apparatus of poverty research, 2) to give a system characteristic of the features of the world community in the XX-XXI centuries, which changed the phenomenon of consumption, 3) to analyze the influence of international relations on the dynamics of poverty during the pandemic, 4) to determine the difficulties and opportunities of Russian state policy aimed at overcoming poverty in the conditions of the pandemic. The study used a systemic approach, formational, stadial-civilizational, anthropological and logical methods. As a result of studies of poverty and the current political situation in the world, scientists defined the concept of poverty, its criteria, presented a classification of its types and causes, as well as ways to combat it. The impact of the pandemic on the growth of poverty was analyzed, the main contradictions in modern international relations were identified. The author's scientific contribution consists in the analysis of the main political factors of influence on the dynamics of poverty in the pandemic. The author's contribution is represented by the following results. If before the middle of the XX century the technical and technological causes of poverty were the determining ones, in the modern society the political causes of poverty dominate. In the conditions of the pandemic, such traditional political factors of negative impact on the dynamics of poverty, as a high level of corruption in the field of management and instability in international relations, distracting a huge part of the budget to the sphere of defense are intensified. This article is divided into two parts. The first part deals with the social analysis of poverty and its causes in the XX-XXI centuries. The second part presents an analysis of the political factors influencing the dynamics of poverty in the pandemic

Impact of Emigration in Dakshinkali Municipality

Migration refers to the process of movement from one place to another, such as crossing intra or international geographical boundaries. Sociological studies of migration are diverse. The motive for migration includes political, economic, social, and environmental cause. It is a known fact that Nepali migrants are scattered around the world and many of them are in Gulf country, followed by America and Japan. This micro level study to Dakshinkali Municipality Kathmandu District. The main objectives of this study are to study the causes of migration and its socio-economic impact of the foreign employment in the study area. The total of 71 respondents was surveyed during household questionnaire survey and altogether 6 key informants were interviewed. The trend of abroad migration for foreign employment and higher education has been increasing. Among the total 71 respondents, male migrants are maximum than the female migrants with the age group of 24-29 and 30-34. The majority of people were dependent on agriculture. Despite being farmer, most of them go to the abroad for foreign employment to maintain their living standards. Remittance was mostly used for education, pay debt and other daily accommodations and only few of them invest in land and small business. High rate of wage was the main push and pull factor. In recent years, the migration has been increasing due to increased unemployment and political conflict

Language Impoliteness among Indonesians on Twitter

The presence of technology changes the way humans communicate in cyberspace compared to the real world. “Hootsuite We are social” research in January 2019 showed that there are approximately 150 million social media users in Indonesia or 56% of the total population. There has been an increase of 20 million social media users in Indonesia compared to last year. The extensive use of social media, including Twitter, is changing the news production platform. News is not only produced by mass media, but potentially by everyone who can produce reports, shape public opinion, and create a virtual society. This condition has a destructive power because it can quickly spread and provoke powerful emotions and heated discourse. This paper discusses the characteristics of Indonesian language impoliteness on Twitter using qualitative research methods. The data were collected from Twitter statuses of Indonesian users in 2018. The analysis showed that impoliteness in speech and language occurs because of the ideology and power of each speaker. The impolite speech in this research related to the impoliteness nuanced with contempt to ethnicity, religion, race, and to a social group. The impoliteness nuanced with insult to ethnicity was 20% of our observed samples, while impoliteness nuanced with religious contempt was 25.1%; impoliteness related to race was 18.3%; and impoliteness toward social groups was 36.6%. The impoliteness is also often caused by the stimulation of the occurring social and political causes at that time. Keywords: Impoliteness, contempt of ethnicity, religion, race, social groups.

НЕКОТОРЫЕ АСПЕКТЫ ГОЛОДА В КАЗАХСТАНЕ В 1921-1922 ГОДАХ: В АРХИВНЫХ ДОКУМЕНТАХ И ПИСЬМЕННЫХ МАТЕРИАЛАХ

This article discusses some aspects of the famine of 1921-1922 on the basis of the collected archival materials. The famine of 1921-1922 is a tragic event of our people. The author examines the socio-economic and political causes of the famine that engulfed the entire province, its consequences and the measures taken. A historiographical review on this topic is also being done.On the basis of archival data, an example is given confirming the disaster and tragedy of the people. The article highlights the activities of the provincial commission for faminer life (GUBPOMGOL), the main directions of the state's work against the fight against infectious diseases and epidemics. Special attention is paid to the peasant uprisings that were caused by the consequences of the famine.

Politik Uang di Pemilu Indonesia: Sebuah Tinjauan

Money politics in general and local elections have become an integral part of the development of democracy inIndonesia. This study aims to reveal the causes of money politics in national and local elections. This study uses datafrom journals published and selected from 2015 to 2019. The results of this study provide an overview of the practice ofbuying and selling votes, which has become an uncontrollable part of the implementation of elections, both locally andnationally in Indonesia. National elections and local elections have been contaminated by the behavior of money. Animportant implication of the study is that money politics in elections needs immediate attention and the best solutionbecause it will guarantee the stability and quality of Indonesian democracy in the future. The methodology usedincludes 1) defining research questions; 2) determination of literature sources; 3) determination of literature searchkeywords; 4) Literature selection; and 5) extracting data. Based on the methodology, the results obtained contain 10papers. There are 10 studies that address the topic of money politics in elections, both local and national, and shareknowledge that explains that the two components influence each other. Further studies may be conducted by examiningthe extent to which money politics can be used as political costs in campaigning, but is controlled and does not violatethe rule of law.

The medicalisation of learning difficulties through the prism of Bronfenbrenner’s bioecological approach

The purpose of this study is to map the medicalisation of learning difficulties in the remote and mountainous areas in Chania Prefecture, Crete, when pupils are referred to Diagnostic Institutes to be assessed and possibly receive a learning difficulty diagnosis. It provides evidence on the fact that the learning difficulties identification procedure tends to be individually oriented and to neglect contextual dimensions, as well as the interactions between them, particularly in light of the consequences of the socioeconomic crisis in Greece. The remote and mountainous areas in Chania Prefecture, Crete, serve as a case study. Educational documents, archives, newspapers, and laws are examined, and six semi-structured interviews are conducted and analysed. The analysis yields two core themes: a. Exaggerated diagnoses: a compensatory tool and b. The emergence of the environment of the contexts: the impacts of the socioeconomic crisis. As an outcome of the analysis, it occurs that the medicalisation of learning difficulties appears to impose an obstacle to the detection of the deeper systemic, social, and political causes of these difficulties. It may also fail to sufficiently address the needs of the involved parts, namely pupils, parents, and schools. Given the implications arising from the study that indicate the systemic nature and influences of learning difficulties, the necessity for a transition towards a bioecological approach is discussed.

Small Money Donating as Democratic Politics

Since 2008, the number of people in the United States making small monetary donations to political causes, both within and beyond electoral politics, has skyrocketed. While critics of “big money” in politics laud these donations because they are small, proponents of small-scale democratic political action eye them suspiciously because they are monetary. Neither group interrogates whether the monetariness of these donations might be asourceof their democratic potential. Building on Wendy Brown’s conceptual distinction between monetization and economization, I argue that small-money political donations are potentially democratic not only because they are small, but also because they are monetary. More specifically, the mobility, divisibility, commensurability, and fungibility of money help make small-money political donations potentially democratic, by making them potentially accessible, non-intrusive, and collective. Money is the coin of the economic realm, but it can also be a currency of democratic politics.

Relationship Between Meaningful Activity Engagement and Well-Being Moderated by Race

Continuing adult education and training, or lifelong learning, has become increasingly important to fully engage in rapidly changing technology and information-rich societies. However, without motivation to learn (MtL), lifelong learning participation is unlikely to occur. Although previous research has identified lifelong learning gaps by various demographic characteristics, including age, gender, and race/ethnicity, little is known about the intersectionality or differences in MtL across specific sub-groups (e.g., older Black women vs. older Black men) at the national level. The current study analyzed U.S. data from the 2012/2014/2017 Program for International Assessment of Adult Competencies (PIAAC) to examine MtL at the intersections of age (five 10-year age groups), gender (women vs. men), and race (White vs. Black). The previously established 4-item latent MtL construct was evaluated for twenty sub-groups using the alignment optimization method, which is a machine learning algorithm for latent mean estimation and simultaneous multiple group comparisons. Results showed that the latent MtL construct was validly measured across the sub-groups, and the estimated sub-group means were then used to develop a national MtL profile. Overall, older adults tended to have lower MtL than younger age groups. Notably, compared to than older Black men age 66+ years, older White men aged 55-65 and 66+ years old had lower MtL (latent mean differences of -0.29 and -0.41, respectively, p < .05). Additionally, older Black women had significantly lower MtL than older Black men (latent mean difference = -0.50, p < .05). The national MtL profiles, the intersectionality and policy implications were discussed.

Relationship Between Meaningful Activity Engagement and Well-Being Moderated by Race

Engaging in meaningful activities has benefits for health and well-being in older adults; however, racial differences in meaning from activities have been observed. The current study examined how the relationship between engagement in a variety of meaningful activities and well-being differs for Black and White older adults. Participants (130 White and 101 Black older adults), ages 53 to 90 (M=69), completed an online survey that measured the extent to which engaging in various activities provided meaning or fulfillment as well as measures of purpose in life, positive affect, negative affect, and loneliness. Overall, the most meaningful activities included “spending time with family,” “reading,” and “being outdoors/experiencing nature.” The least meaningful activities included “job/career,” “caring for pets/animals,” and “supporting a social or political cause.” Black older adults reported greater meaning from “religious faith,” “spiritual practices/meditation,” “spending time with family,” and “listening to music,” and less meaning from “caring for pets/animals,” compared to White older adults. A series of multiple regression analyses (with age, gender, education, and income as covariates) revealed that greater meaning across activities was associated with lower loneliness, regardless of race. Significant Meaning x Race interactions revealed meaning was positively associated with sense of purpose and positive affect for Black but not White older adults. These findings suggest that finding meaning in leisure activities is a psychological resource that may contribute to Black older adults’ well-being. The racial differences in sources of meaning further support the importance of considering the target population when designing activity programs for older adults.

Young cosmopolitans and environmental politics: how postmaterialist values inform and shape youth engagement in environmental politics

ABSTRACT Many of today’s young people are politically engaged and increasingly supportive of progressive political causes. This is most evident in the youth leadership of the Green wave of environmental activism that gathered momentum in 2019. However, we know surprisingly little about the values that drive this mobilisation. In this article, we investigate the link between environmental activism and the emergence of ‘young cosmopolitans’ as a political force. Using data from the 2017 European Values Study, we analyse the views of 1,546 18-25-year-olds across ten established European democracies. We find that postmaterialist values, cosmopolitan attitudes and engagement in environmental politics are closely connected; young cosmopolitans are very civically and politically active; and, young environmental activists are particularly likely to be female with high educational attainment levels. Conversely, a significant minority of European youth (disproportionately male with lower educational attainment) are more materialist and nationalist. In the discussion, we explore the role of education and the need to re-think the climate emergency locally – connecting threats to the environment to challenges young people face in their everyday lives. We also explain how the persistence of postmaterialist values amongst younger generations through the Great Recession, suggests that the Green wave will continue post COVID-19.

Why Is It Wrong to Sell Your Body? Understanding Liberals’ Versus Conservatives’ Moral Objections to Bodily Markets

People hold strong moral objections to commercial bodily markets—the buying and selling of the human body and its components (e.g., prostitution; commercial surrogacy; trade of kidneys, blood plasma, sperm, ovum, and hair). This research takes a descriptive approach to understand why people object to the marketing of the human body and how their moral objections differ across the political spectrum. The authors propose that liberals and conservatives find bodily markets to be morally wrong; however, the two groups object to bodily markets for different reasons. Liberals are more sensitive to exploitation concerns, but conservatives are more sensitive to violation of sanctity concerns in these markets. Real-world observational data and controlled experiments test these predictions. The findings show how sociopolitical leaders utilize the different moral objections to persuade their respective audiences, such as how conservative versus more liberal pastors sermonize differently on prostitution. Second, results show how targeted marketing campaigns encourage liberals and conservatives to participate in consumer advocacy and donate to political causes. Third, findings outline how liberals and conservatives support different regulatory laws that penalize buyers versus sellers. Finally, results show how the different moral objections manifest for live bodily products but not for dead bodily products.

Excess mortality in Glasgow: further evidence of ‘political effects’ on population health

ObjectivesThe aim of the study was to update previous analyses of ‘excess mortality’ in Glasgow (Scotland) relative to the similar postindustrial cities of Liverpool and Manchester (England). The excess is defined as mortality after adjustment for socio-economic deprivation; thus, we sought to compare changes over time in both the deprivation profiles of the cities and the levels of deprivation-adjusted mortality in Glasgow relative to the other cities. This is important not only because the original analyses are now increasingly out of date but also because since publication, important (prepandemic) changes to mortality trends have been observed across all parts of the United Kingdom. Study design and methodsReplicating as far as possible the methods of the original study, we developed a three-city deprivation index based on the creation of spatial units in Glasgow that were of similar size to those in Liverpool and Manchester (average population sizes of approximately 1600, 1500 and 1700 respectively) and an area-based measure of ‘employment deprivation’. Mortality and matching population data by age, sex and small area were obtained from national agencies for two periods: 2003–2007 (the period covered by the original study) and 2014–2018. The rates of employment deprivation for each city's small areas were calculated for both periods. Indirectly standardised mortality ratios (SMRs) were calculated for Glasgow relative to Liverpool and Manchester, standardised by age and three-city deprivation decile. For context, city-level trends in age-standardised mortality rates by year, sex and city were also calculated. ResultsThere was evidence of a stalling of improvement in mortality rates in all three cities from the early 2010s. After adjustment for area deprivation, all-cause mortality in Glasgow in 2014–2018 was c.12% higher than in Liverpool and Manchester for all ages (SMR 112.4, 95% CI 111.1–113.6) and c.17% higher for deaths under 65 years (SMR 117.1, 95% CI 114.5–119.7). The excess was higher for males (17% compared with 9% for deaths at all ages; 25% compared with 5% for 0–64 years) and for particular causes of death such as suicide and drug-related and alcohol-related causes. The results were broadly similar to those previously described for 2003–2007, although the excess for premature mortality was notably lower. In part, this was explained by changes in levels of employment deprivation, which had decreased to a greater degree in the English cities: this was particularly true of Manchester (a reduction of −43%, compared with −38% in Liverpool and −31% in Glasgow) where the overall population size had also increased to a much greater extent than in the other cities. ConclusionsHigh levels of excess mortality persist in Glasgow. With the political causes recently established – the excess is a ‘political effect’, not a ‘Glasgow effect’ – political solutions are required. Thus, previously published recommendations aimed at addressing poverty, inequality and vulnerability in the city are still highly relevant. However, given the evidence of more recent, UK-wide, political effects on mortality – widening mortality inequalities resulting from UK Government ‘austerity’ measures – additional policies at UK Government level to protect, and restore, the income of the poorest in society are also urgently needed.

Analysis of Various Factors Contributing To Police Corruption In Khyber Pakhtunkhwa

Around the world police institution has been established for ensuring peace, enforcing law and protecting life and property of public. Policeplays a vital role in controlling crimes in society and their services are considered as good, but police corruption has also been occurred throughout history and therefore it is by no means a new phenomenon. In Pakistan too police are perceived as corrupt and there exist various social, economic, political and structural causes of police corruption.The multiplicity of these causes and its aftermaths in delivery of justice require immense research in the field. Looking into the issue the current study was conducted in province of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, Pakistan to know the opinion of in-service police about prevalence of corruption in police department of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and the contributing factors which compel police personnel for corruption. Data was collected through structured questionnaires from in-service police, using purposive sampling techniques. The data collected from 150 respondents who were serving in police department.According to findings of the study 88.7% respondents opined that corruption prevails in police department of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. The study identified low salaries, lack of accountability, recruitment through bribes, political patronage, corruption of senior officers, lack of public awareness and lack of resources as major causes of police corruption. To eliminate corruption from police department, the study suggestsstrict and unbiased accountability, increase in salaries, public awareness,discouraging political interference, establishment of an independent commission for controlling corruption and strict disciplinary action against those involved in corruption.

Critical Institutions: Alternative Modes of Institutionalisation in Derrida's Engagements

In this article, I consider the role of institutions in Jacques Derrida's political engagement. In spite of Derrida's significant involvement with political causes throughout his life, his engagements have received little sustained attention, and this is particularly true of his work with institutions. I turn to two such cases, the Collège international de philosophie and the Parlement international des écrivains and argue that these represent an alternative mode of institutionalisation. These institutions seek to destabilise other institutions as well as themselves. Looking closely at the institutions that Derrida founded, we see three common characteristics emerge. These institutions are anti-hegemonic, self-reflexive and international. I then connect these to Derrida's thought, offering a reading of the undecidable, which brings forth the importance of conventions in the decision. Finally, I demonstrate that the three shared characteristics of Derrida's institutions form part of an effort to open up space for the possibility of alterity. Through this, and beyond a distinction between theory/practice, we come to see Derrida's institutional engagements as an active form of critique, both of other institutions and themselves.

David E. Gutman, The Politics of Armenian Migration to North America, 1885–1915: Sojourners, Smugglers and Dubious Citizens

Reviewed by: The Politics of Armenian Migration to North America, 1885–1915: Sojourners, Smugglers and Dubious Citizens by David E. Gutman Ümit Kurt David E. Gutman. The Politics of Armenian Migration to North America, 1885–1915: Sojourners, Smugglers and Dubious Citizens. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 2019. 264 pp. Cloth, $125. ISBN: 978-1474445245. That the principle of equality in the basis for citizenship codified by the 1876 Constitution remained at the formal level and led to no distinct improvements in the lives of the empire's Christian elements instigated a process in which these elements created organized structures along the axis of a certain political awakening. Fundamentally, the steps toward reform that were made in Istanbul and initiated through the Tanzimat did not lead to any changes in the lives of the non-Muslim subjects—particularly the Armenians. Societal unrest was on the rise, especially in the eastern provinces where the Armenian population was concentrated. The defeats in the war of 1828–29 and the Crimean War in 1853–56 with Czarist Russia concurrently brought about significant humanitarian tragedies for the Muslim population living in this region. The population [End Page 478] living in the Caucasus and Russia, the largest group being the Circassians, was rescued from this tragedy and fled to Anatolia. The Ottoman state, forced to "manage" and "administer" this population, resorted to dispersing them throughout the eastern provinces. The Armenians were already under constant threat from the manifold Kurdish tribes in the region and were suddenly confronted with this scattered and landless population comprising mostly Circassians. They paid taxes to both the central government and to these tribes and were, in this way, able to ensure their own security. They were forced to share, both with the central government and the Kurdish tribes acting as a local government structure, the revenues they acquired from the lands they cultivated. Coming to the late nineteenth century, there was consistently an atmosphere of "insecurity" that allowed for ethno-religious conflicts in which the fault lines I roughly drew in the eastern provinces became further entrenched. The Armenian migrations in the Ottoman Empire transpired in this historical-political context. Harput is one of the most significant regions from which the first Armenian migration to North America took place. David E. Gutman's important study entitled The Politics of Armenian Migration to North America, 1885–1915: Sojourners, Smugglers and Dubious Citizens meticulously presents the social, political, economic, and historical causes and outcomes of this migration. One notable aspect of the book is the systematic discussion of the migration policies of the Ottoman state and bureaucracy specific to the Armenians and particularly in the Harput province. As Gutman points out, "Between 1885 and 1915, at least sixty-five thousand Armenians left the Ottoman Empire for the United States… At least half of the Armenians who migrated to North America left between 1888 and 1908, during which time the Ottoman state enforced a strict ban on Armenian overseas migration" (p. 4). It is important to emphasize that this ban was enacted during Abdülhamid II's reign (c. 1876–1909). Abdülhamid, with the domestic and international travel bans, sought to obstruct the networks of political-social relations that were rapidly developing and expanding among the Armenian communities and, accordingly, to prevent the political and social mobilization of Armenian society. These travel restrictions were removed with the Young Turk Revolution in July 1908. In his book, Gutman examines in detail the state policies that restricted and prohibited the Armenians' mobility and analyzes how an underground economy aiming to overcome these prohibitions emerged among the Armenians who were left, as a result of these policies, with the option of migrating for a better and more secure life. Ultimately, a common "smuggling network" appeared. Gutman concretizes these secret networks and presents the strategies the state adopted in order to prevent them. [End Page 479] By analyzing the relationships between both migrants and smugglers as well as the central government and its local representatives, he allows us to see explicitly the social and political dynamics that shaped the power of the state and its power of sanction. In this regard, he shows how the state redefined concepts...

文化大革命 시기 廣西 武宣縣의 파벌투쟁과 食人

In this article, I explored that the political causes of cannibalism in Wuxuan, Guangxi, China between spring and summer 1968. Wuxuan’s cannibalism was not just the result of the decisions of some leaders in the center of the Chinese Communist Party or intermediate leaders of the Guangxi Zhuang Autonomous Region. In addition, it cannot be seen only by the decision of the perpetrators, such as cadres of Wuxuan County and each district, and members of ''the Alliance Command''. It should be understood as a result of the interaction between the central and autonomous districts, prefectures, and districts on the literary situation of Guangxi Autonomous Region at the time. The center of China stimulated slaughter and cannibalism by defining the forces that denied the Revolutionary Committee as "enemies" of the counter-revolution and justifying attacks on them. In addition, the leaders of Preparation Group of the Guangxi Zhuang Autonomous Region Revolutionary Committee and Armed Forces Department attempted to achieve important ideological or political purposes by inducing many people to participate in attacks against those perceived as "class enemies" by stigmatizing political rivals by fabricating the "Anti-Communist National Salvation Army in Guangxi". In the meantime, the perpetrators of Wuxuan devised slaughter and cannibalism as the final solution that was very effective in preventive suppression of the current entire social group or members. Therefore, the strategic goals of the leaders of the central and Guangxi autonomous districts of China and the situational pressure of Wuxuan County interacted, acting as a strong motive for Wuxuan cannibalism in 1968.

Political Posters Reveal a Tension in WhatsApp Platform Design: An Analysis of Digital Images From India’s 2019 Elections

This article examines the effects of WhatsApp as a mode of dissemination of political posters. It found that platform affordances that control the crafting and dissemination of political messages open up the possibility of vague political messaging by conforming to the social media’s visual culture and limit the spread of these messages, restricting the ability to organically gather support for a political cause. Despite the growing appeal of social media in political campaigns, social media messages when used by individuals and small, independent social media groups, who are not a part of a larger, organized political party or movement, have little influence on electoral decisions of voters about a political cause that faces weak public support. This was discussed in the context of electoral results of the Leftist political party in India in 2019 national elections. The paper then contributes to our understanding of the extent of the influence of social media platforms on political media messages.

Covid-19 vaccine hesitancy, conspiracist beliefs, paranoid ideation and perceived ethnic discrimination in a sample of University students in Venezuela

Due to complex social, political and economic causes, Venezuela has encountered difficulties managing the Covid-19 pandemic. Although a vaccination program has started, it is still comparatively slow and largely inefficient. One particular challenge has been vaccine hesitancy. Venezuelan policymakers have traditionally not rendered much attention to ethnic disparities. In this study, we assess whether vaccine hesitancy varies across ethnic groups, in a sample of 273 Venezuelan university students. Results come out showing that marginalized ethnic groups in Venezuela are more prone to vaccine hesitancy, and also have greater levels of acceptance regarding conspiracy theories. Coefficients of correlation of ethnic discrimination with vaccine hesitancy and conspiracy beliefs are moderate. Coefficients of correlation of paranoid ideation with vaccine hesitancy and conspiracy beliefs are weak. This suggests that in order to successfully complete the vaccination program, policymakers in Venezuela must begin to approach racial disparities.