Political Capabilities Research Articles

정부의 관리역량, 정치역량 그리고 민첩성이 시민의 정부대응 인식에 미치는 영향에 관한 연구 - 코로나19 정보만족도의 조절효과를 중심으로

This study analyzed the effect of people’s perceptions of government capabilities on the government’s response to COVID-19 and the moderating effect of people’s satisfaction with COVID-19 information on the effect of government capabilities on government response. Government response was defined in terms of people’s perceptions of government performance and institutional responses and satisfaction with COVID-19 policies. Government capabilities consisted of management capabilities, political capabilities, and agility. The results of the analysis showed that political capacity, government agility, and people’s perceptions of COVID-19 information had positive effects on government performance, institutional response, and policy satisfaction. In addition, satisfaction with COVID-19 information reduced the strength of the positive effects of management capacity on government performance and satisfaction with COVID-19 policies. Information satisfaction reduced the strength of the negative effect of political capacity on government performance, institutional response to COVID-19, and policy satisfaction. Information satisfaction reduced the strength of the positive effect of government agility on institutional response. Therefore, it can be concluded that in the event of a large-scale disaster or a disaster with high uncertainty, strategic management of government capabilities and information is necessary to respond to the disaster.

Advancing justice in flood risk management: Leveling political capabilities

Advancing justice in flood risk management: Leveling political capabilities

Home country’s economic and political institutions: firms’ ownership decisions in cross-border acquisitions

The influences of a home country’s economic and political institutions on acquirers’ cross-border acquisitions (CBAs) ownership strategies remains unexplored. Acquirers face endogenous uncertainty (i.e., uncertainty that can be resolved in part by acquirers) when transferring headquarters resources to foreign target firms and exogenous uncertainty (i.e., uncertainty that cannot be resolved by acquirers) when there is an unpredictable policy change. We argue that well-developed economic and political institutions in a home country play a market-supporting and constraining role in mitigating endogenous and exogenous uncertainty respectively, enabling acquirers to seek high ownership stakes in CBAs. We also argue that the importance of a home country’s well-developed economic and political institutions for acquirers’ CBA ownership strategic decisions depends on mutual trade dependence between the acquirers’ home country and the target firms’ host countries and also on the economic capabilities of the acquirers developed in different industries and political capabilities developed in different host countries. To test these arguments, we analyze 133,623 CBAs between 2000 and 2020 and find support for the distinct roles played by a home country’s economic and political institutions.

Nurturing Development Administration in South African Local Government

This paper aims to unpack the relationship between the development administration and local government in fostering socio-economic development. the paper argues that the effective implementation of the development administration sufficiently contributes to local government productivity in delivering government development-oriented services and programs. Development administration includes strengthening administrative capabilities. Development administration covers a wide range of techniques used by large organizations, most notably the government to implement plans and policies that are meant to assist them in achieving their developmental objectives. The main goal of development administration is to create a better social, political, and economic environment. The local government plays a crucial role in Africa's economic development trajectory. the paper is conceptual in nature as relies heavily on secondary data and existing literature to address the answer to the inherent argument. from the literature, authors derived findings such as a lack of adequate political capability and politicization of development, corruption, lack of accountability, low priority of quality assurance, poor monitoring, and evaluation of socioeconomic policies, excessive political control, poor capacity development, nepotism, lack of community participation, resources constraints, inter alia. the study recommends that further research should be conducted in all municipalities within South Africa to detect the problem associated with development administration for effective enhancement of socio-economic development as well as reinforcing and easing the sustainable development in local government. since public administration is regarded as a social science discipline the study contributes to the field of public administration and development as it deals with assessing and resolving the social, political, and economic problems that affect day to day life of communities. Development administration also contributes to the National Development Plan as it enhances the social, political, and economic arena. the study can also influence public officials to be equipped with more skills to meet the socio-economic needs of the communities.

Transferring Political Capabilities Into Formal Entrepreneurship: The Moderating Role of Market Development in Emerging Markets

Transferring Political Capabilities Into Formal Entrepreneurship: The Moderating Role of Market Development in Emerging Markets

Shaping the rules of the game: How political capabilities affect financial performance

AbstractThis study contributes to the growing body of research that examines how political capabilities affect firms' financial performance. Although research has found mixed results for the state and local levels of the governance hierarchy, our study is the first that examines this important relationship at the supranational level. First, by building on the resource dependency theory and the capabilities‐based view, we argue for a positive effect of the relationship. Second, considering that firms become politically active when their industry environment is uncertain, we argue environmental dynamism and munificence moderate this effect. Our findings support the hypothesis that political capabilities are positively related to firm profitability. This effect is magnified when firms operate in industries with high market dynamism. However, we find no effect whereby higher levels of munificence negatively moderate this link.

Chinese Firms’ Corporate Political Capabilities in Overseas Markets

Multinational enterprise managers increasingly face the challenge of maintaining their firms’ international operations under geopolitical uncertainty. In response, MNEs need to build firm-specific organisational capabilities to address geopolitical challenges and manage the conflicting interests between the host and home countries. While corporate political capabilities can vary at the country level, firms differ in their relationships with the home-country government. In my dissertation research, I investigated the role of the home-country government in shaping firms’ corporate political capabilities in overseas markets. This research provides new frameworks and tools for international business practitioners to manage business-government relations at home and abroad.

Knowledge infrastructures, conflictual coproduction, and the politics of planning: A post-foundational approach to political capability in Nepal and Thailand

In an era of rapid urbanisation, understanding how marginalised groups shape and are shaped by planning has never been more urgent. Here, we focus on the political capability of marginalised groups, centring analysis on the control (or lack of control) that they have over their livelihoods and environment. Focused on the politics of participatory planning that surround the Kirtipur and Baan Mankong Housing Projects in Nepal and Thailand, we develop a post-foundational approach to explore how the political capabilities of informal settlers and their representatives are bound up in the realisation of conflict. Crucially, our analysis reveals the discourses, alliances, and expertise – referred to as knowledge infrastructures – that are mobilised by constituted and constituent forms of power to construct and contest urban development. Building upon this framework, we demonstrate how technocratic knowledge infrastructures support hegemonic encroachment discourses that, in turn, condition the emergence of insurgent knowledge infrastructures. In doing so, we show that the political capabilities of informal settlers are fundamentally tied to how these insurgent knowledge infrastructures support participatory planning processes conducive to political subjectivisation. Ultimately, we reveal how participatory planning generates struggles for equality and rights that shape the urban as an arena of conflictual coproduction.

Linking agile leadership and business sustainability through the mediation of political and social capabilities

Organizations are known to have interactions with both market and nonmarket environments. In the nonmarket environment setting, organizations deploy a strategy related to the political/legal and social changes affecting the organizations and how to deal with the changes through agile leadership to attain sustainability. This research objective is to understand the influence of agile leadership in achieving business sustainability by using political and social capabilities as mediators. Leaders’ behaviors and leadership styles are crucial triggers for dynamic capabilities (i.e., political and social capabilities) which aimed to achieve Business Sustainability. This study uses the Partial Least Squares-Structural Equation Modeling (PLS-SEM) method involving 75 listed companies from the Indonesia Stock Exchange. The research findings discovered that agile leadership plays a significant role in developing political and social capability in an organization; however, only through political capability does such role significantly affects business sustainability.

Geopolitical risk and green outward foreign direct investment location choice: evidence from Chinese listed companies.

Green outward foreign direct investment (OFDI) has become an important driving force for sustainable economic and environmental development. However, increasing geopolitical risks (GPR) pose a critical obstacle to the green OFDI of multinational enterprises. Drawing upon international production eclectic theory, we explore the impact of GPR on the green OFDI of Chinese enterprises and discuss the moderating role of firms' green technological and political capabilities including different moderating effects of these types of capabilities in the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) and non-BRI countries. Using the BvD Cross-border Investment database and annual reports of Chinese A-listed companies, we constructed a unique micro-firm overseas green project dataset in 2013-2020. Negative binomial models were used for empirical testing. The GPR has a significant negative impact on Chinese enterprises' green OFDI location choices. The impact intensity varies with the firms' green technological and political capabilities. In addition, compared with non-BRI countries, the role of firms' green technological capability in BRI countries is stronger, while firms' political capability is not significant. These findings expand research on the relationship between GPR and green development by emphasizing the differential impact of GPR on enterprises' green OFDI location choices under different firm capabilities and bilateral country relations.

Dealing with high-risk environments: Institutional-based tools to reduce political risk costs

The international business (IB) literature on political risk mitigation has assigned explanatory preeminence to the organizational capabilities of multinational corporations (MNCs). The literature has assumed that political risk is avoidable for MNCs with specific political capabilities. We argue that political risk is inevitable. We posit that even if MNCs have political capabilities, host countries' political risk and its associated costs will not simply disappear. Extending the literature on political risk mitigation, we highlight the role of institutional-based tools in curbing political risk costs. Specifically, we posit that MNCs can reduce political risk costs through (i) international investment agreements, (ii) investment contracts with host governments, (iii) political risk insurance, and (iv) guarantees with binding enforcement mechanisms in unison with relying on political capabilities, thereby dampening the negative effect of uncontrollable host country political risk. We leverage the political-institutional approach to political risk and draw on relevant literature from law and IB to develop a framework to describe the conditions under which MNCs may use these institutional-based tools.

Business Groups and Export Performance: The Role of Coordination Failures and Institutional Configurations

AbstractWe explore the nature of business groups (BGs) and their affiliates in emerging markets through the lens of the coordination failures associated with economic development. We propose that BGs develop distinct economic and political capabilities that provide affiliates with access to the complementary resources required for successful exporting. We further argue that these capabilities are context‐specific, based on the market and political institutions of the home country. We propose that the BG advantage in supporting affiliate exporting increases as market institutions strengthen but is reduced (strengthened) as political systems become more democratic (autocratic). We apply Tobit estimation methods to a large sample of firms from emerging and developing countries at different stages of institutional development and find consistent evidence in favour of our hypotheses. We develop a framework to analyse alternative BG internationalization paths in a comparative institutional context.

Social and political capabilities as nonmarket activities: What are they and how do firms develop them?

AbstractFirms recognize the need for strategic efforts in the nonmarket environment to improve their performance. We seek to explore the different ways in which firms learn about nonmarket strategies (NMS), whether the social or the political dimension. We conducted a search of previous NMS studies and analyzed this literature to reflect on the process of development and evolution of political and social corporate capabilities. Based on the theoretical insights of resource dependency theory (RDT) and the resource‐based view (RBV) and its variants, we adopt an external perspective of how firms capture critical political and social knowledge in the nonmarket environment and an internal perspective of how firms develop nonmarket capabilities from this new knowledge. We argue that the new knowledge obtained from the observation of peer firms, from co‐opting and collaborating with nonmarket and market actors and from their own experiences is incorporated into the firm's knowledge system and allows for the development and evolution of capabilities to integrate and deploy resources for strategic purposes. We also point out that changes in the nonmarket environment require firms to constantly seek new social and political capabilities. They learn, unlearn and relearn.

The impact of sustainability‐oriented dynamic capabilities on firm growth: Investigating the green supply chain management and green political capabilities

AbstractBuilding on the dynamic capabilities literature and natural‐resource‐based view, the paper examines whether firms can attain sales growth through a range of sustainability‐oriented dynamic capabilities including (1) internal green supply chain management capabilities, (2) external green supply chain management capabilities and (3) green political capabilities. Based on a dataset of 277 public US firms between 2010 and 2020, a panel quantile model of firm growth showcases that while internal green supply chain capabilities and green political capabilities affect firms' growth performance positively, external green supply chain capabilities are associated with slower growth. Importantly, the results indicate that the positive growth effects of green political capabilities are short‐lived, while those of internal green supply chain capabilities are long‐lived. The study contributes to the sustainability‐oriented dynamic capabilities literature by showing that different capabilities have different implications for firm growth depending on the firm's base performance and the time periods under consideration.

The Language of Inclusion: Using Critical Corpus-Based Methods to Study the Presence and Representation of “Women, Children and Vulnerable Groups” in Liberia’s Truth Commission

While inclusion, participation and victim-centredness have become catchwords in transitional justice discourse, this rhetoric has not necessarily enabled the articulation of more complex identities and experiences, or the pursuit of varied justice claims. To probe this disconnect, this article engages with the Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Liberia, a mechanism established to reckon with the country’s history of internal armed conflict, and hailed for its involvement of vulnerable, disenfranchised and oft-overlooked groups. The article combines expressive theories of justice with an innovative corpus-based methodology to critically examine how the Commission made visible, defined and construed these actors through its language of inclusion. Results from word frequency, co-occurrence and sentiment analyses illustrate how the Commission foregrounded the plight and rights of women and children, and their participation as a vehicle for emancipation, but simultaneously reproduced universalist and static identities, fixation on sexual violence and child soldier recruitment, and subject positions lacking in positive or political capabilities. This duality points to inherent tensions in the expressive messaging of TJ institutions, and rather locates the transformative potential of their inclusionary language in the strategic openings it affords for victims’ groups, women and youth organizations in their broader trajectories towards justice and change.

ENHANCING THE POLITICAL CULTURE OF OFFICIALS AND PUBLIC SERVANTS IN THE MEKONG DELTA REGION, VIETNAM, NOWADAYS.

Political culture in Vietnam is the science and art of political activities, an integral part of the national culture, manifested through attitudes, behaviors, and political capabilities of officials and public servants in the Mekong Delta region. In the era of innovation, deepening international integration, the impact of the Fourth Industrial Revolution, enhancing political culture for the leadership and public servants in the Mekong Delta region is crucial. It involves recognizing the importance of culture and political culture in society, aiming for values, standards, and rational political conduct. This task is not only fundamental to building a strong and clean Party, constructing a state by and for the people but also serves the interests of the people, and promotes social progress, which is significantly important for the development of Vietnam.

Collective political capabilities

ABSTRACT Monique Deveaux’s Poverty, Solidarity, and Poor-led Social Movements makes a significant contribution to contemporary capability theories by challenging their individualism. Mainline versions of the Capabilities Approach (CA), including those developed by Martha Nussbaum, Amartya Sen, and Ingrid Robeyns, insist on a methodological and normative individualism. And with good reason: communitarianism most often reinscribes patriarchal power, especially within the family. Deveaux, however, argues that this individualism yields a depoliticized account of poverty as capability deprivation, thereby downplaying or even denying the agency of the poor. But poor-led social movements politicize poverty, understanding it as a social and political relation between individuals and institutions. These movements build collective political capabilities: capabilities that can be exercised only by groups or that promote collective goods. The current paper explicates, extends, and defends this powerful challenge to mainline capability theories.

The politics of linking disaster risk reduction and climate adaptation with social protection in Bangladesh

Recent years have seen a growing emphasis on the mainstreaming and integration of climate change strategies to make social protection systems more adaptive and effective for tackling mounting climate-induced vulnerability. However, little is known about the extent to which climate change concerns are being incorporated into social protection systems and what drives such mainstreaming and integration. Employing a building blocks framework for mainstreaming and political settlement theory, we assess the progress made in such efforts in Bangladesh, and provide a political economy analysis of relevant policies, strategies, and qualitative empirical data. While the findings suggest that there is no distinct alignment between the growth of social protection and particular forms of political settlements, we demonstrate that the dominant ruling party shows strong political will for the mainstreaming of climate strategies into development policies; yet it does so by managing subsistence crises, adopting a top-down and techno-managerial approach to social protection to give short-term relief from climate vulnerabilities at the expense of making the schemes adaptive. Instead of improving performance by implementing programmes strictly and disciplining local actors, the dominant ruling party maintains a clientelist structure that placates elite interests, showcasing performance of developmental interventions through corrupt reporting practices. Consequently, we argue that the mainstreaming and integration process should adopt a rights-based transformative approach to social protection and employ a locally led process of adaptation decision-making in order to strengthen political capabilities of citizens and to create more just, equitable and sustainable outcomes for the poor.

‘A rancour and a passion would be introduced into politics’: Perceptions of the Woman MP in Late 19th and Early 20th Century Britain*

AbstractOn 21 November 1918, the Parliament (Qualification of Women) Act was passed, which enabled women over the age of 21 to stand for parliamentary election. Unlike women's suffrage, there was no sustained campaign to allow women to sit in parliament. However, this does not mean that the issue was ignored in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. This article traces perceptions of the woman MP in the pre‐1918 period and offers the first detailed exploration of the topic. It argues that although discussions on the matter were not widespread like women's suffrage, there is value in examining these lesser‐known debates. This article studies the parliamentary candidacy of Helen Taylor in the 1885 General Election, in addition to how male politicians, the press, suffrage, and anti‐suffrage organisations engaged with the idea of women sitting in parliament. Women's supposedly emotional nature played an integral role in how contemporaries approached the subject of women MPs. Indeed, women's emotions, and more specifically their passionate temperament, were often used to discredit their political capabilities and portray women as emotionally, intellectually and physically inferior to men.

Dangerous or Goodly Passions: The Role of Emotion in Parliament and Politics

Dangerous or Goodly Passions: The Role of Emotion in Parliament and Politics