Political Basis Research Articles

The Network of Kiai and Rulers of Surakarta Palace in Islamic Education and Literacy in the 20th Century Ad: A Study of the Wiryadiningrat al-Qur'an Manuscript

This article examines the network of Kiai (the priest in Islam) and rulers of Surakara palace in the early 20th century AD, under the leadership of Pakubuwono X, in the world of Islamic education and literacy. So far, studies of the Surakarta palace have been limited to social, historical and political studies. In fact, the palace has a network with Kiai, not only in the political context, but also in Islamic education and literacy. The entrance used to analyze this issue is the Wiryadiningrat Qur'an manuscript. This manuscript is chosen because it is not only a religious text, but also part of historical, social and cultural representations as well as relations between subjects that have a social and political basis. Evidence is revealed that Wiryadiningrat, the owner of this Qur'anic manuscript, is a palace official and political adviser to Pakubuwono X. Pakubuwono X, with his authority, has initiated the birth of a modern madrasa (Islamic school) called Mamba'ul Ulum, encouraging the Kiai in this madrasa and the Head of the palace to write Islamic religious texts as learning materials. Moreover, he also provides financial assistance in the operation of the modern madrasa and Islamic literacy. This article shows that the involvement of Kiai in the Surakarta palace in the early 20th century AD is not only in the interest of political legitimacy, but also in the context of developing Islamic education and literacy.

Обращение И.Г. Гамана как ключ к его творчеству

The article deals with the mechanism of the religious conversion of the 18th century Königsberg writer J.G. Hamann as well as the infl uence of this event on his subsequent literary activity characterized by an insightful critique of the Enlightenment project. In his autobiography not geared toward the public, this conversion has features of a typical Pietist conversion with its peculiar language as well as normative accents on feelings along with the lowered role of reason. His debut work “Socratic Memorabilia”, however, which was addressed to I. Kant and I.K. Berens, served as vindication of his new “Weltanschauung”, and enables one to interpret his conversion as a transition to a new conceptual scheme with its own distinct interpretation of texts, ideas, and events. Theological-philosophical foundations of Hamann’s conversion have greater signifi cance than its psychological aspects. Within this framework, the former life is then viewed from a different perspective. However, it is the text and the author behind the text (rather than internal feeling of the heart) that is primary to Hamann. This text presupposes subsequent authorship of Hamann himself. Thus, the London conversion experience of Hamann may not be reduced to ecstasy, elimination of cognitive and rational capacities, but rather viewed as “metanoia”, a change of thinking, way of life, and worldview. From this perspective it is more appropriate to view the ensuing philosophical career of Hamann as activity in a different framework rather than conceptualization of personal experience of conversion. While his efforts were directed at a variety of subjects (theology and philosophy of history, aesthetics, philosophy of language, correlation of faith and reason, critique of political basis of the Enlightenment), the very thrust of his thinking was governed by a conceptual scheme, which in turn also implied a different lifestyle (attitude to professional activity, family, and marriage), incongruent with the conventional notions of the time.

Short History of Industrialization: A Cinematographic Approach

The ultimate purpose of this study is to scrutinize industrialization via movies in a thematic ways. Actually, industrialization, which occurs at the end of the 18th and the outbreak of the 19th century, is the process of mechanization of production and the rationalization of policy as a whole. It is economically the onset of mechanization, commercialization or fabrication of goods in a massive way and the utilization of logic on a political basis. Without logic or ration, it is quite impossible that there will be no transformation like this. At the same time, it is the direct outbreak of capital accumulation. There are a great many factors for its emergence to be debated; however, there is a green reality that this is not a linear process. In the stark contrast, it is eclectical as well as progressive. History also whispers us that this innovative stage ranging from Industry 1.0 to Industry 4.0 converts into a development culture, which has been dominated by the West since Renaissance and Reform. Comprehending the reasons for the formation of this innovative culture is of great significance for all of us. In this study, our main objective is to read these spheres of improvement on the basis of four movies for four stages. Industry 1.0, associated with steam power is represented by Oliver Twist (2005); Industry 2.0 is related to Modern Times (1936), as for Industry 3.0, it is based upon A Beautiful Mind (2001) while Industry 4.0 is overviewed with Replicas (2018).

That Monster Over There: Silvia Kolbowski, Trump, and Allegory

Abstract This essay considers the ways in which Silvia Kolbowski's 2018 video That Monster: An Allegory addresses the psychical and political basis of Donald J. Trump's appeal in the 2016 US election. The video is crafted out of a collection of fragments from James Whale's 1935 The Bride of Frankenstein, which Kolbowski plays first with a score by Philip Glass and then in silence. This article asks how such a format might illuminate resonances between certain psychoanalytic concepts and the postmodernist discourse of allegory as exemplified in the work of Paul de Man and Craig Owens. I argue that these theoretical frameworks help us to retain an open reading of Kolbowski's allegory which shifts an interpretive focus from questions of identity to problems of repetition, refusal, and erasure.

Russian Thinkers of the XI–XIII Centuries on Justice

The article examines the ideas of medieval thinkers of the XI–XIII centuries about justice as the main function of the head of state – the Grand Duke. For an adequate understanding of their views, it is necessary to find out the origin and historical meaning of the main terms used by thinkers: “law”, “truth” and “justice”. Initially, the terms “law” and “truth” denoted concepts similar in content, but with the adoption of Christianity under the influence of doctrinal dogmas, the term “law” as a result of its sacralization expanded the scope of its content. They began to denote high values of religious status: the Laws of God, the Laws of Jesus Christ, the Laws of Ecumenical Councils, etc. At the same time, the legal nature of the law did not disappear, but was combined with the moral and ethical commandments of Christianity, which fully corresponded to the concept of sin as a violation primarily of the Divine Commandments, so the moral norms of Christianity, but also the laws of secular the authorities. However, the highest sacred concept of the law led to the fact that in everyday vocabulary princely decrees and orders were called princely “truth” [“Russian Truth” or “Тhe Truth of Yaroslav” (XI century.); “The Truth of Yaroslavich” (XII century)]. Justice as a religious and philosophical category was placed above all concepts and actions of people, since it was defined as “the property of Jesus Christ” embodied in the Gospel commandments. Every Christian should strive to achieve justice by steadily fulfilling all the Commandments of Jesus Christ in all spheres of political and legal activity, as well as personal life. Russian Russian medieval thinkers formulated their idea of justice on this religious and political basis, referring to the Books of the Bible, as well as the Byzantine and original Russian writings spread in Russia, presented in the article.

Creating an Ecumene: Cultural, Economic, and Social Boundaries of the Deccan Sultanates

A notional region was fashioned by the rulers of the sixteenth-century Deccan; they used cultural, economic, social, and urban organisations to define the region. In the choices they made about minting currency, marital alliances, or the distribution and scale of mosques, they defined their region. The sixteenth-century Deccan was known for geographical and social mobility, with people from several places around the Indian Ocean littoral. But they soon became part of this ecumene and found their own position within it. The kingdoms of the Deccan thus created their own world, fashioning a socio-cultural region that was not defined solely on the basis of politics. This paradigm of a region challenges the assumption that regions are defined only as parts of, or on the periphery of, larger imperial formations.

Legal Analysis of The Impact of Industrial Development on The Environment

The environment is something that cannot be separated from human life. Because where someone lives, another environment is created and vice versa. The industry is a sectoral economy or activity that involves the processing of raw materials or the production of products, i.e., the use of skills and labor in the factory and the use of field tools to process the results on the ground and distribute them as the main work. Therefore, as an eye chain, the industry is also responsible for meeting land-related (economic) needs, i.e., agriculture, cultivation, and mining. To place the sector far from the country, the basis of economy, culture, and politics. Study law is carried out in a manner juridical normative is Conceptual research as what is written in regulation legislation or law conceptualized as a rule or the norm, which is benchmark behavior considered human deserves. Study law normative This is based on material primary and secondary laws, i.e., referring research to existing norms in regulation legislation. Development is a planned change process as one effort man in increasing the quality of his life. However, the development industry in Indonesia has a significant impact on the environment, resulting in pollution, damage to the climate forests, and depletion of source Power nature. The impact development industry on the environment in Indonesia has been attention for many years. This leads to an increased need for measures and legislation to reduce the negative impact of industrial development on the environment.

Russian Civilization: Civilizational Approach in Political Theory

Discussions about the applicability of the civilizational approach in political science correlate with methodological and discursive rethinking of linear philosophical and political interpretive projects. The search for new epistemological and ontological optics of modern political constructions is largely focused on the value-symbolic parameters underlying the civilizational approach. The civilizational paradigm is one of the conceptual schemes of political theory, which makes it possible to interpret political institutions, processes, and world politics through the lens of more stable and deeper factors - value systems and culture. Becoming the identifying basis of politics and the legitimizing ideological and semantic content of instrumental strategies, the civilizational approach appeals to the multiplicity and equality of the paths of historical and political formation. In political discourse, the relevant intentions are the plots of ensuring the completeness of sovereignty, historical memory and falsification of history, a common value-semantic space, national unity, and many others. The point of concentration of scientific and ideological-political search is the definition of the civilizational status of Russia. According to the authors, giving Russia a civilizational status allows us to offer adequate explanations of its socio-political ontology and phenomenology, stable and transient parameters, invariant and innovative characteristics. The emphasis is on the metaphysics of Russian statehood as determined by the specifics of civilization.

Critical Review of Private Limited Liability Hospitals in the Perspective of Article 34 Paragraph (3) of the 1945 Constitution

Fulfillment of health one of which is the provision of hospitals which is the responsibility of the government, which cannot be transferred to the private sector like a Limited Liability Company. This has been clearly regulated in Article 34 paragraph (3) of the 1945 Constitution. This then became the background and also became the main focus of the study entitled "Critical Review of Limited Liability Company Private Hospitals in Perspective of Article 34 Paragraph (3) of the 1945 Constitution". This study focuses on the main problem, namely whether private limited liability companies comply with Article 34 paragraph (3) of the 1945 Constitution. The research method used is normative law which is qualitative in nature to analyze data and statutory regulations and Pancasila as the political basis of Indonesian health law, this study used focused interviews with informants. In this study it was concluded that the presence of a private limited liability company hospital is contradictory and not in accordance with Article 34 paragraph (3) of the 1945 Constitution and Pancasila

Аксіологічна детермінація конституційної ідентичності

The article determines the axiological features of constitutional identity in the legal context of Ukraine. It was found that the constitutional identity to a large extent forms the political and legal system of the state, as it contains general laws and defining features acquired by the state in the process of its historical, cultural and legal development. That is, constitutional identity is something that, on the one hand, unites society and the institutions of the state, and on the other hand, provides distinctive features from other states. Axiological determination of constitutional identity allows us to conclude about a harmonious combination of elements of statics, which are expressed in the historically formed conditions of the political and legal life of a certain state, and dynamism, which is determined by the further course of development of our state in accordance with modern challenges. It is noted that the source of constitutional identity is not only the constitutive provisions of the Basic Law, acts of the Constitutional Court of Ukraine, but also the historical, mental, value and political basis. Therefore, constitutional identity, which is a reflection of public demand in law, must guarantee and protect the rights of individuals at the highest level, and in accordance with the national constitutional and legal system. This justifies the statement about the need for a deeper study of this legal phenomenon in order to establish an authentic organic connection with the people. Such a trend of the relationship between society and the norms that regulate it will contribute to the growth of constitutional patriotism, the establishment of rights and freedoms based on legal certainty and in compliance with the criterion of legitimate expectations. It is concluded that achieving a balance between globalization and integration processes and the preservation of existing state and national values is extremely relevant for modern Ukraine, which during the full-scale armed aggression confirmed and steadfastly upholds the declared and constitutionally enshrined aspirations to adhere to the European and Euro-Atlantic vector.

The application of graph theory teaching method in ideological and political education of discrete mathematics

Abstract In order to fully implement curriculum ideology and politics in the current education and teaching work, it is extremely necessary to integrate curriculum ideology and politics with “discrete mathematics”. This article discusses the simple possibilities of teaching “mathematical decision” combined ideological and political education and training, so “mathematical decision” can know the same practice as ideological and political education, mutual support and mutual support. Because mathematics is an easy subject for computer education, teachers should deeply explore ideological and political issues when defining mathematics subjects, guide them with ideological and political education content in the teaching process, and play in the main activities of the curriculum. Those. In this article, the author mainly talks about the problems of creating an ideological and political curriculum for teaching inequality and the problems in the teaching process, proposes the established educational standards for determining the content of mathematics education, and aims to develop a theoretical and political basis for determining the content of mathematics education. Provide mathematics education through a combination of online and offline methods to integrate ideological and political education with the teaching of other professional subjects.

Querido Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru: Goa e as fundações do movimento indiano de libertação nacional

ABSTRACT This paper addresses the understudied early liberation movement in Goa, under the leadership of Tristão de Bragança Cunha (Chandor, 1891-Bombay, 1958), evidencing its building in the intersection of local, national, and international histories, since Cunha achieved the recognition of the Goa Committee in the Indian National Congress. The ideas and views elaborated by Cunha in those years set the core ideas and political basis of the influential wing led by him in Goan nationalism. The study is substantially based on a set of documents, unapproached before, accessed in 2018 at the Nehru Memorial Museum and Archive (New Delhi).

Revisiting Donald Moon On The Moral Basis Of The Democratic Welfare State

"Donald Moon argues that neither rights nor equality can serve as adequate moral or political basis for a welfare state in addressing the Hegel’s dilemma. The Hegel’s dilemma is that organisation of economic life through the market in a democratic state produces great wealth as well as great poverty and individuals in such state fall in either category. The wide gulf in wealth among individuals in a market economy is a problem which a democratic welfare state seeks to address but, for Moon, rights or equality is not adequate moral and political basis of the welfare state for solving the problem. He proposes the principles of economic management, provision of services and social insurance as alternative and adequate bases for a welfare state in addressing the problem. This paper queries Moon’s proposal. The paper argues that Moon’s proposed institutional principles are inadequate in addressing the problem without a fundamental moral and/or political basis upon which these principles can be justifiably founded. The paper posits that rights provide a plausible and adequate foundational moral and political basis for the principles in order to adequately address the problem created by the market economy without jeopardising the idea of human self-respect. Keywords: Democracy, Equality, Social Insurance, Market Economy, Rights, Welfare State "

Poner el cuerpo – Making spaces public

In this exposition, I expand the notions and practices of collective body-action intervention (dance, performance, happenings, etc.) as a method to strengthen embodied knowledge, an instigation to engage in restorative encounters, and an invitation to intervene and disrupt political biases of (public) spaces. These methodologies propose alternatives for knowledge exchange/production beyond hegemonic, Eurocentric education. In parallel, I reflect on my own practice and the anti-patriarchal and decolonial feminist political basis of the collectives of which I am part. We work with strategies and methodologies inspired by feminisms from the Global South, such as taking care of others as a practice that puts aside the patriarchal capitalist model of life that mainly separates, individualizes, prioritizes, and promotes competition and exploitation. We promote exchange, cooperation, and interdependence. I reflect on how these encounters summon the festive memory of our territories and the resilience of our* wounds. Emotions of the bodies and the resistances will trigger our rituals in Abya Yala**, the flows and drifts will make this poetic-affective encounter, as will the skin itself. ___ *We: Here I refer to collectivity in a broad sense in each case: We as the collectives I am part of, we as women (cis, trans, nonbinary), we as immigrants, we as bipoc, etc **Abya Yala: Self-determined name for the territories in the global south named "America" as a result of the colonizing process.

Regulating Gambling Use through the Overton Window: From an Addictive Behavior to a Social and Epidemiological Problem

During the last decade, gambling (online and offline) regulation has become a social and epidemiological problem all around Europe. The aftermaths of this addiction have increased since the so-called "responsible gambling law", in the second decade of the 21st century. The Overton window (OW) strategy is a political theory that describes how the perception of public opinion can be modified so that ideas that are inconceivable for society become accepted over time. The objective of this study is to identify whether an OW has been used to bias the adequacy of the gambling debate, as well as its scientific, legal, and political bases and the main consequences for both the general population and the major risk groups, especially the consequences in social and health contexts. The study was conducted by the application of the historical-logical method as the central axis of analysis and reflection, and the technique of qualitative research content analysis as a procedure in the process of execution of the scientific task, related to a historical trend study of the research object. The main consequences found were: the political acceptance of gambling for economical causes and taxes benefits, the use of popular characters to increase the acceptance of the pattern of behavior, the inclusion of the gambling operators as agents in the risks control, and the absence of intervention until the main consequences have been transformed into an epidemiological problem (with social aftermaths higher than the previously identified related to the gambling problems). Furthermore, the results suggest the need to implement prevention and health promotion strategies and the adoption of specific legal measures that regulate the access and the marketing of gambling operators' activities.

A supranational solidaristic space? Comparative appraisal of determinants of individual support for European solidarity in the COVID-19 era

COVID-19 created profound shockwaves across the Union, pushing supranational crisis policymaking to the forefront of European politics and fostering an unprecedented expansion in fiscal solidarity with which to support the economic recovery ahead. This development lends pertinence to a contemporary reappraisal of the main determinants underlying individual support for European solidarity and its implications to the consolidation of a political basis for a supranational solidaristic space. Using an original large-N survey dataset and employing a fixed-effects linear regression analysis, this paper empirically reviews ideal-type theoretical predictions for individual support for European solidarity by conducting a comparative assessment of their correlates' explanatory power in the new pandemic context. First, I contend individuals reason in supranational terms as key political attitudes driving individual support for cross-border solidarity are informed directly at the supranational level, consubstantiating the claim that European redistribution operates as a distinct legitimate space for solidarity in its own right. Second, I argue that utilitarian motivations linked to expectations of material amelioration are better predictors of support for solidarity than cultural explanations emphasising national identity or attitudes towards immigration. Third, I suggest that preferences concerning European solidarity are better captured by political divides over economic redistribution rather than over cultural concerns, but only among more cosmopolitan-oriented individuals. In any event, cultural factors are still relevant predictors of support for solidarity, particularly among nationalists. The final section interprets these findings by discussing how the correspondence between public expectations and institutional supply of supranational redistributive instruments to respond to the pandemic may contribute to strenghten political support for European solidarity and the EU polity itself.

Агонистический плюрализм и состязательная модель демократии: проблемы нормативного обоснования

The article is devoted to the analysis of the main tenets of the theory of competitive democracy and its underlying principle of agonistic pluralism, which have become quite widespread among the Western political philosophers in the recent years. The author identifies two main approaches to the normative substantiation of the value of democratic competition. The first approach is based on the postulate about the importance of maintaining the diversity of public discourses and, therefore, inadmissibility of giving one of them the status of dominant or preferred. The second approach emphasizes the importance of constantly challenging the established power relations. Having demonstrated serious flaws in these approaches, one of which, in fact, promotes diversity for the sake of diversity, and the other — variability for the sake of variability, the author turns to the strategy of justifying competitive democracy that focuses on providing all stakeholders with an equal opportunity to change the existing power relations. In his estimation, this strategy, which largely overcomes the shortcomings of the above mentioned approaches, also has its weaknesses related to (1) the difficulty of disentangling between unequal opportunities for transforming power mechanisms and other social inequalities, (2) the unattainability of the complete equality of opportunities, and (3) the ambiguous relationship between the value of the opportunity to define and abolish social restrictions (political equality) and other values (in particular, the so-called intrinsic equality). A special attention in the article is paid to the identification of the deep value foundations of agonistic pluralism. The author notices that advocates of agonism want to evade clarification of these foundations and states that agonistic pluralism as the highest moral basis of politics is highly doubtful, while the part of the concept that is acceptable does not represent anything fundamentally new. According to his conclusion, all this speaks of the purely instrumental nature of this principle, and thus of its relative importance in comparison with those ideals that it intends to achieve.

Translating Practices: Situated Bodies between Cognition and Expression

Practices correspond to a multitude of performing acts that articulate themselves in interpretation and entail circumstantial and cultural features. Considering that different sets of practices involve bodies with distinct backgrounds and diverse ways of expression, the assimilation or rejection of practices assumes to some extent translation, insofar as it requires intermediation between and among conflicting cultures. Particularly in situations marked by colonization, one is inclined to reproduce not only the hegemonic language but also its corresponding practices, often leading to a concealment of other possibilities of articulation. The capacity of translating practices involves, consequently, finding an adequate way of expression, one that understands hegemonic practices and their meanings, but which nevertheless also conveys a unique voice corresponding to one’s situation and marginal practices. It also requires attention to meanings that operate at a pre-predicative level—because practices are based in prejudices that cannot be completely manifested—and to their affective or emotional correlation. The chapter suggests that a complementary discussion of 4EA cognitive science and hermeneutics provides a conceptual base to approach translating practices, insofar as embodiment, affectivity, situatedness, language, and historicity play a key role in these theories. It concludes by exploring the potential of feminist, postcolonial, and decolonial studies, in delivering a political basis to understand how these processes of translation assume a situated body.

To Counterfeit Is Death? Money, Print, and Punishment in the Early American Public Sphere

This article contributes to recent scholarship on early American money by exploring the role of print and the public sphere in making local paper currencies meaningful. In the late seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries, elected assemblies and paper money advocates produced currencies, legislation, and discourse to incite belief in paper money and foster confidence in the fiscal promise that underpinned its value. With the spread of the press and the rise of counterfeiting, colonial governments and established printers turned monetary crime into a force of legitimation, distinguishing genuine monetary tokens from their fraudulent counterparts to authenticate "real" paper money. At a time when threats to the monetary system came less from counterfeiters than from political and economic factors, the authorities used the power of the press to legitimate paper as money and to demonstrate stewardship over the market relations paper money shaped. By the mid-eighteenth century, printers were putting variations of the phrase "To Counterfeit Is Death" on colonial currencies and detailing harsh punishments for counterfeiters in their newspapers, rendering colonial state power visible to abstract subjects. The political basis of paper money's value—the power of the purse—was in the process hidden from public view.

Politik Islam di Indonesia: Ideologi Partai Masyumi Masa Orde Lama dan Partai Kebangkitan Bangsa (PKB) Masa Reformasi

This article discusses Islamic politics in Indonesia through the Masyumi Party during the Old Order and the Partai Kebangkitan Bangsa (PKB) during the Reformation Era. Writing this article using descriptive analysis and historical research methods. The historical method is divided into four steps, namely: heuristics, criticism, interpretation, and historiography. The results showed that Masyumi was an Islamic party which became a unifying pillar of the nation during the Old Order. Masyumi's struggle in upholding Islamic law as the state ideology did not run smoothly after the changes that occurred in the seven words and the Jakarta Charter. Unlike the case with the Partai Kebangkitan Bangsa (PKB), which was founded during the Reformation period by the Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) mass organization. PKB aims to convey the aspirations of the people, especially NU members who want freedom in expressing opinions on issues in the government. PKB has a political basis based on Pancasila, not Islam. Despite carrying different goals, these two parties continue to run the parliamentary line because of the struggle for Islamic politics in Indonesia.